USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, the commonwealth period. 1775-1820 v. III > Part 2
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1 Jour. Prov. Cong. 167, 173, 519, 521; Force's Am. Archives, ii. 374- 377; Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 316; Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 189, 190; Frothingham's Siege, 93, 94, and note. 2 Jour. Prov. Cong. 526; Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 189; Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 336 .; Frothingham's Siege, 95. Lord Mahon, Hist. Eng. vi. 39, says, " Neither party appears to have ful- filled their part in this agreement. General Gage complained that the arms had not been faithfully deliv-
ered; and he further contended that the word ' effects' was never meant to include merchandise."
3 Frothingham's Siege, 95. On the difficulties encountered by the people in effecting a removal, see Letter of T. Brown, April 28, 1775, in Trumbull MSS. iv. 75.
4 Jour. Prov. Cong. 173, 529; Gor- don's Am. Rev. i. 316, 317.
5 Jour. Prov. Cong. 184; Thach er's Jour. 22.
6
OBSTRUCTIONS TO THE REMOVAL OF THE PATRIOTS.
CHAP. tories of Boston - merchants, traders, and others - sent in I. their names to General Gage, to arm in his service as volun- 1775. teers; and they were enrolled under General Ruggles, and placed on duty.1
In pursuance of the arrangements for that purpose, hun- dreds of the inhabitants of Boston applied for passes, and left the town. But the departure of so many alarmed the tories, who exclaimed against the " pernicious tendency of such an indulgence," and threatened to withdraw in case it was con- tinued.2 The governor, for a time, paid no attention to these threats ; but becoming apprehensive that difficulties might arise, on various pretexts the agreement was violated, and obstacles were thrown in the way of a removal. At first, no merchandise was allowed to be carried away ; next, provis- ions, and even medicines, were prohibited ; and, finally, guards were appointed to examine "all trunks, boxes, beds, and every thing else to be carried out."3 Still many persisted in leaving, notwithstanding these restrictions ; upon which passes were refused, and numbers who had received them were obliged to leave their property behind. Nor was this the worst fea- ture of the governor's policy ; for the passports, in some cases, were purposely so framed that families were divided - wives from their husbands, children from their parents, and the aged and infirm from their relations and friends. The gen- eral was especially reluctant to allow women and children to leave ; for, while they remained, it was thought they contrib- uted to the safety of his troops. The poor and the helpless, whose presence would have been a burden, and those who were afflicted with infectious diseases, were suffered to depart, and were even turned out upon the charity of their neighbors.4
1 Letter from Boston of April 23, 1775, in Frothingham's Siege, 97, note.
2 Extracts from an English paper of September 14, 1775, in Frothingham's Siege, 95, 97, note.
3 Jour. Prov. Cong. 192, 195. 212, 245; Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 342; Frothingham's Siege, 96.
4 Jour. Cont. Cong. i. 137; Jour. Prov. Cong. 551; Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 191; Franklin's Works, viii. 156;
7
ENLISTMENTS FOR THE ARMY.
The inhabitants of Charlestown had already left that town ; CHAP. and so deserted had it become, that, early in June, a petition I. was presented to the Provincial Congress for aid in removing 1775. June. those who remained, who were too poor to provide for them- selves.1 A few of the citizens occasionally returned, to " look after their effects, or to plant their gardens, or to mow their grass ; " but at the date of the battle of Bunker Hill, out of a population of between two and three thousand, but one or two hundred remained.2
The enlistment and organization of an army was a matter of primary importance ; and, as it was esteemed "the best and only measure left to bring the present disputes to a happy issue," it was pushed forward with all possible despatch.3 The regiments of Massachusetts, at least twenty-four in number,4 were to consist of ten companies each, of fifty-nine men, in- cluding officers ; and by the middle of July more than eleven thousand men were raised.5 Rhode Island, as her quota, voted to raise fifteen hundred men for the service ; 6 Con- Apr. 25. necticut, equally spirited, voted to raise six thousand men, Apr. 26. to be organized into six regiments under General Joseph Spencer ; 7 and New Hampshire, as her quota, voted to raise May 20.
Impartial Hist. of the War, 201; iii. 488; Frothingham's Siege, 101. Thacher's Jour. 35; Bradford, i. 376; Frothingham's Siege, 95, 96.
1 Jour. Prov. Cong. 362, 430, 431, 441, 443, 474, et al.
2 Frothingham's Siege, 97. 3 On the 24th of April, a committee of one from each county was appoint- ed to attend the committee of safety, and furnish the names of the most suitable persons for officers in the army now raising. Jour. Prov. Cong. 150.
4 Heath's Memoir, 17. Sparks, Writings of Washington, iii. 488, says 26. Hildreth, Hist. U. S. iii. 69, says 27. Bradford, i. 382, says there were 22 regiments complete, and 3 incom- plete, and in a note gives a list of the same and of the officers.
5 Jour. Prov. Cong. 152, 253, 522; Sparks's Writings of Washington,
6 Jour. Prov. Cong. 156, 169 ; Force's Am. Archives, ii. 390; Swett, in Life of Putnam, 183; Frothing- ham's Siege, 100. The forces from Rhode Island were organized into three regiments, of eight companies each, and placed under the command of Nathaniel Greene.
7 Force's Am. Archives, ii. 411 ; Hinman's War of the Rev. 547; Swett, in Life of Putnam, 185, 186; Frothingham's Siege, 100. On the previous difficulties with Connecticut, and their communication with General Gage, see Jour. Prov. Cong. 179-183, 194, 196. General Spencer, with one of the regiments under his command, arrived at the camp early in May, and was posted at Roxbury; and a second regiment, under Putnam, was sta- tioned at Cambridge.
8
MILITARY STORES.
CHAP. two thousand men.1 The military stores which had been col- I. lected were exceedingly limited, and the supply of cannon was
1775. especially meagre. At an early date, the Congress expressed Apr. 29. their "deep concern on account of the state and situation of the cannon ; " and when an inventory of the same was taken, it was found that there were " in Cambridge six three pound- ers complete, with ammunition, and one six pounder ; and in Watertown sixteen pieces of artillery, of different sizes," which, however, were not in a fit state for immediate use.2 May 22. To provide for this deficiency, General Ward recommended that there should be procured " thirty twenty-four pounders, and if that number of cannon cannot be obtained, that the weight of metal should be made up with eighteen pounders, double fortified ; ten twelve pounders, and eighteen nine pound- ers, with twenty-one thousand six hundred pounds of powder, and eighty balls for each gun."3
Nearly every thing, it will be perceived, was at this date in an unsettled state. Not only had no efficient preparations been made for the equipment and supply of the troops, but the organization of the army was likewise defective. Each colony had its own establishment, and chose its own officers under whom the men were to act. General Ward, who led the
1 Jour. N. H. Prov. Cong. ; Foree's Am. Archives, ii. 431, 652; Froth- ingham's Siege, 99. The New Hamp- shire troops were organized into three regiments, and placed under General Folsom, who, however, did not arrive at Cambridge until the 20th of June. Two of these regiments, under Stark and Reed, were organized before the battle of Bunker Hill. General Sul- livan had also arrived before that pe- riod.
2 Jour. Prov. Cong. 168, 171; Frothingham's Siege, 102, note. There were a few cannon in other places, but the supply was small. Jour. Prov. Cong. 520-522, 525, 547. For an account of the number of can- non in New Haven May 29, see Trum- bull MSS. iv. 99.
3 Jour. Prov. Cong. 249, 250. For an account of the arms of the province previous to the 19th of April, see 1 M. H. Coll. i. 232, and Jour. Prov. Cong. 756. For the efforts made to pro- eure additional supplies, see Jour. Prov. Cong. 197, 198, 200; Force's Am. Archives, ii. 666. Elbridge Ger- ry was placed at the head of the eom- mittee of supplies, and the following eurious postscript was added to a let- ter of instructions : " Sir, you are also desired, if powder is to be found in any part of America, to procure it in such way and manner as you shall think best; and we will confirm what- ever you shall do relative to this matter." Austin's Life of Gerry, i. 75.
9
RANK AND SERVICES OF THE OFFICERS.
Massachusetts forces, was authorized to command only the CHAP. troops from that colony and from New Hampshire ; 1 but as I. his orders were copied by the rest, and as his position entitled 1775. him to the precedence, a voluntary obedience was yielded to him, and he was virtually the commander-in-chief, though he had received no official appointment.2 Nor could a more defi- nite arrangement have been expected, under the circumstances, Massachusetts had no authority to assume supreme power. The Continental Congress was the only body, if any, which could properly settle the rank of the officers ; and before that body could act, matters were left to regulate themselves. Hence the uncertainty which hangs over this period, and the difficulties which have arisen in assigning to the officers their relative positions.3 The experience of such a battle as that of Bunker Hill was needed to expose the evils of a " want of due subordination ;" and after such experience, the war com- mittee of Connecticut instructed their generals to obey General Ward, and advised the other colonies to follow their exam- ple.4 But even this was a temporary expedient ; nor was the army fully organized until the arrival of Washington.
Imperfect, however, as was the discipline which prevailed, there was no lack of courage on the part of the soldiers ; nor were they or their officers entirely destitute of military skill. General Ward, of Shrewsbury, in Worcester county, . had served under Abercrombie in the expedition to Canada, and returned with the rank of lieutenant colonel.5 General Thomas, of Kingston, in Plymouth county, had also served in the French war,6 as had General Putnam, of Pomfret, Con-
1 Bradford, i. 380 ; Sparks's Wash- ington, iii. 487, 488; Frothingham's Siege, 101.
2 He was appointed to the com- mand on the 19th of May. Jour. Prov. Cong. 239, 243, 247; Swett, in Life of Putnam, 187, 188; Ward's Ward Family, 48.
333, 338, on these difficulties, and Frothingham's Siege, 102.
4 Force's Am. Archives, ii. 1039; Frothingham's Siege, 101.
5 Ward's Ward Family, 46; Allen and Eliot's Biog. Dicts. ; Swett, in Life of Putnam, 187.
6 Allen and Eliot; also Swett, in 'Comp. Jour. Prov. Cong. 257, Life of Putnam, 188; Bradford, ii.
10
MOVEMENTS OF THE TORIES.
CHAP. necticut. General Folsom, of New Hampshire, was at the I. capture of Dieskau, in 1755.1 Colonel Prescott, of Pepperell, 1775. had served under Winslow at the conquest of Nova Scotia ; 2 and Pomeroy and Nixon had served under Pepperrell in the reduction of Louisburg.3 Gridley, the engineer, won laurels in the same service ; 4 and General Spencer, of Connecticut, had also served in the French war.5 The gallant Stark had served under Braddock ; 6 and other officers, and a large num- ber of privates, had seen active service. Indeed, there was scarcely a soldier in the ranks who was not a practised marks- man, and who did not pride himself on his skill with the musket.7
As the movements of the tories were somewhat suspicious, it became necessary to watch them; and the committees of correspondence and the selectmen of the several towns and May 8. districts were authorized to " take effectual care to disarm all who would not give an assurance of their good intentions and regard to the interests of the country," and to "put it out of their power to obstruct by any means whatever the neces- sary measures for the common defence." 8 A manifesto was May 5. likewise issued against General Gage, declaring that, by rea- son of his having " conducted as an instrument in the hands of an arbitrary ministry to enslave this people," he had, "by
104 ; Thacher's Hist. Plymouth, 90. General Thomas died of the small pox in the expedition to Canada, in 1776, and was lamented as a brave and up- right officer. .
1 Allen and Eliot ; also Belknap's Hist. N. H., and Barstow's Hist. N. H. 2 Allen and Eliot; also Swett, in Life of Putnam, 209, 210.
3 Allen and Eliot; also Swett, in Life of Putnam, 189; W. Barry's Hist. Framingham.
4 Swett, in Life of Putnam, 194; Sparks's Washington, iii .; Frothing- ham's Siege, 184.
" Allen and Eliot ; also Hinman's War of the Rev.
6 Allen and Eliot; also, Life of Stark.
7 J. Adams's Diary, in Works, ii. 406. " A few days after this event, [the battle of Lexington,] I rode to Cambridge, and saw General Ward, General Heath, General Joseph War- ren, and the New England army. There was great confusion and much distress. Artillery, arms, clothing were wanting, and a sufficient supply of provisions not easily obtained. Neither the officers nor men, however, wanted spirits or resolution."
9 Jour. Prov. Cong. 202, 205.
11
RESUMPTION OF GOVERNMENT.
these means and many others, utterly disqualified himself to CHAP. serve this colony as governor and in every other capacity, and I. that no obedience ought in future to be paid by the several 1775. towns and districts in the colony to his writs for calling a General Assembly, or to his proclamations, or to any other of his acts and doings ; but that, on the other hand, he ought to be considered and guarded against as an unnatural and invet- erate enemy to the country." 1
Whether the province should assume into its own hands the powers of government was a question upon which a difference of opinion existed ; nor was it until after a week's delay, and the maturest deliberation, that a resolve was passed author- izing an "application to the Continental Congress for obtain- May 12. ing their recommendation for this colony to take up and exer- cise civil government as soon as may be." 2 Provision was made, however, for establishing post offices and post riders,3 May 13. and for the erection of a court of inquiry, consisting of seven May 27. persons, " to hear all complaints against any person or per- sons for treason against the constitution of their country, or other breaches of the public peace and security, and to deter- mine and make judgment thereon according to the laws of this province and those of reason and equity." 4 Yet it is worthy of notice that no radical changes were made in the govern- ment, either at this date, or, indeed, at a later period, but only such alterations as circumstances required. No revolution, in fact, of which history furnishes the record, was ever attended with fewer innovations upon established usages. The seces- sion from the mother country simply severed the political ties which had previously bound the colonies to the crown. Nei- ther the halls of legislation nor the courts of justice were
1 Jour. Prov. Cong. 190, 192, 193, 525; Stedman's Am. War, i. 121; Bissett's Hist. Eng. i. 426.
2 Jour. Prov. Cong. 197, 207, 208, 219, 229, 319; Jour. Cont. Cong. i. 105, 108; Force's Am. Archives, ii.
620, 621; Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 210 ; Bradford, i. 378, ii. 40-42.
3 Jour. Prov. Cong. 208, 212, 219 -223, 525 ; Jour. H. of R. for 1776 ; Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 211.
4 Jour. Prov. Cong. 262, 540.
12
POSITION OF THE CLERGY.
CHAP. invaded. True, a monarchical government was exchanged for I. a republican ; the choice of the chief magistrate was revested 1775. in the people ; the encroachments of usurped authority were removed ; and various abuses which had crept in were re- formed. But these changes, important as they were, did not affect, at least not permanently, the constitution of the Gen- eral Court, nor did they abolish the customs which had been followed in the other courts. Justice was administered, and the business of legislation was conducted, after the old and familiar forms. The people took into their own hands the management of their affairs; but they prided themselves in the wisdom of their measures rather than in weakening the pillars of society - the prostration of which would have en- dangered their own safety, as well as have imperilled the liberties of their posterity. Great credit should be accorded them for this prudence. They were practical conservators of the public weal, rejecting the evil, yet retaining the good.1
The clergy, for the most part, were ardent patriots, and warmly espoused the cause of liberty. Hence their services were freely offered as chaplains in the army ; at their annual June 1. convention in Watertown they expressed their " sympathy for the distresses of their much injured and oppressed country ; " and in their address to the Congress they devoutly commended the interests of that body, and of their " brethren in arms," to " the guidance and protection of that Providence which, from the first settlement of this country, has so remarkably ap- peared for the preservation of its civil and religious rights." ? Indeed, throughout the war, whenever by their counsels they could revive the flagging zeal of the faltering, or inspire afresh the confidence of the wavering, they engaged in the work with cheerfulness and alacrity ; and it may reasonably be doubted whether the liberties of America would have been so speedily
1 Comp. W. Barry's Hist. Framing- ham, 91, note.
2 Jour. Prov. Cong. 283, 284; Bradford, i. 381.
13
PROSPECTS OF THE ARMY.
secured, had it not been for their diligence. They prayed for CHAP success in the hour of battle. The spirit of self-sacrifice was I. strong in their breasts. And, amidst the most appalling and 1775. difficult scenes, they shrank not from danger, but bravely en- countered the deadliest perils, endured without murmuring the severest privations, and set an example of heroic devotion which spread an infectious enthusiasm among all.1
Yet earnest as were those who had entered the lists as the champions of freedom, the prospect before them could hardly be called flattering. The population of Massachusetts probably fell short of three hundred and fifty thousand souls ; 2 and the population of the thirteen colonies did not exceed three millions.3 Destitute in a great measure of available funds, poorly supplied with arms and ammunition, and called from the workshop and the plough to the field, they were required to encounter a dis- ciplined force, amply provided with the munitions of war, flushed with victory from the battles of Europe, and capable of being constantly recruited from abroad. To those who weigh the probabilities of success in the fluctuating balance of physical strength, the odds against the colonies were cer- tainly great. But the cohorts of England, made up as they were. of veteran troops, were doomed to be vanquished by a resolute people trusting in God. A good cause in itself is
1 Comp. Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 199, Thacher's Jour. 22, and Bradford, i. 381. The statements in the text could be easily substantiated by a multitude of quotations from MS. journals, ser- mons, &c., of the clergy, the contem- porary testimony of officers and pri- vates, and the voluminous and valua- ble documents preserved in our state and national archives. "It is recom- mended," says Thacher, "by our Pro- vincial Congress, that on other occa- sions than the Sabbath, ministers of parishes adapt their discourses to the times, and explain the nature of civil and religious liberty, and the duties
of magistrates and rulers. Accord- ingly we have from our pulpits the most fervent and pious effusions to the throne of divine grace in behalf of our bleeding, afflicted country." It was not, in those days, "political priestcraft" to preach and pray for freedom.
The estimate, in 1776, was 349,- 2
094. Jour. Prov. Cong. 755.
3 Translation of Mem. to Sover- eigns of Europe, London, 1781, p. 19; Colls. Am. Statist. Association. In 1791, eight years after the war, the population of the United States was but 3,680,253. Hist. of Cong. 193.
14
FORTIFICATIONS COMMENCED.
CHAP. invincible. Its triumph may be delayed for a season ; but it I. can never be finally and fully defeated.1
1775. With whatever misgivings, however, a few may have been moved, as they reflected upon the difficulties which surrounded their path, the more ardent felt that they had engaged in a work in the prosecution of which it would be fatal to relax Apr. 24. their efforts. Hence Hancock queried with his friends, “ Are our men in good spirits ? For God's sake, do not suffer the spirit to subside until they have perfected the reduction of our ' enemies. Boston must be entered ; the troops must be sent away. Our friends are valuable, but our country must be saved. I have an interest in that town; what can be its enjoyment to me, if I am obliged to hold it at the will of General Gage or any one else ? We must also have the Cas- tle. The ships must be removed. Stop up the harbor against large vessels coming in."2 Indeed, the necessity for vigilance was every where felt. The crisis had come ; and it depended upon the firmness with which it was met whether the Ameri- cans should be freemen or slaves.
May 3. Early in May, the erection of fortifications was commenced ; and the first works were probably thrown up at Cambridge.3 The guard on the Neck between Boston and Roxbury was May 4. still somewhat weak ; and the committee of safety wrote to the governments of Connecticut and Rhode Island for a force to be sent to secure this pass ; for "if the enemy once gain possession of it," they urged, "it will cost us much blood and treasure to dislodge them. But it may now be secured by us, if we had a force sufficient, without any danger." 4 The ap- May 9. prchensions of a sally from Boston likewise led to a request of the council of war for two thousand men, to reenforce the troops at Roxbury ; and the committee of safety ordered the
1 Comp. J. Adams's Diary, in Works, il. 406.
2 Jour. Prov. Cong. 170, note ; Force's Am. Archives, ii. 384, 385.
3 Jour. Prov. Cong. 542, 543; Frothingham's Siege, 106.
4 Jour. Prov. Cong. 536, 537; Frothingham's Siege, 106 107.
15
SKIRMISHES WITH THE ENEMY.
officers of the different regiments to forward the enlisted CHAP. soldiers forthwith to Cambridge, and the ten nearest towns I. to muster one half of their militia and minute men, and march 1775. to Roxbury. General Thomas, who was stationed at this place, and whose post included a high hill visible from Bos- ton, had but seven hundred men under his command ; and, conscious of his weakness, he resorted to an artifice to deceive the enemy, by " marching his men round and round the hill," to multiply their numbers to "any who were reconnoitring." 1 A similar artifice was subsequently resorted to by General May 13. Putnam, who formed the troops in Cambridge, some twenty- two hundred in number, in a line of a mile and a half in length, and marched from thence to Charlestown.2
Occasional skirmishes which occurred with the outposts of the enemy, and with foraging parties, tested the valor of the American troops, and accustomed them to face the British regulars. The islands in the harbor, which were stocked with cattle, were the principal scenes of these engagements ; and alarms were raised in the neighboring towns of preda- tory incursions, which exercised the vigilance of the local militia.3 The skirmishes on Noddle's Island were perhaps May 27 the most important ; and the Americans captured a number to 30. of horses belonging to the English, and drove away several - hundred sheep and cows.4 The depredations of the English, which were vigorously pushed, were as vigorously repulsed ; and, as an additional measure of safety and precaution, prep- arations were made for the establishment of a naval force at the most exposed places,5 and companies were raised in Cohas- set and in other towns for the defence of the sea coast.6 On
1 Jour. Prov. Cong. 537, 540, 541; Swett, in Life of Putnam, 188; Gor- don's Am. Rev. i. 339; Frothing- ham's Siege, 107.
2 Baldwin's Diary, in Frothing- ham's Siege, 108.
3 Frothingham's Siege, 108, 109.
4 Jour. Prov. Cong. 292, 545, 554,
557; Impartial Hist. of the War, 205; Frothingham's Siege, 109, 110.
' Jour. Prov. Cong. 308, 540.
Jour. Prov. Cong. 433, 531, 533, 540 ; Rev. Rolls, vol. xxxvi., in Mass. Archives ; Winsor's Hist. Duxbury, 129; Barry's Hist. Hanover, 115, 116 Frothingham's Siege, 111.
1
16
MEETING OF THE SECOND CONGRESS.
CHAP. the petition of Major Baldwin, afterwards distinguished for I. his abilities as an artificer, surveys were likewise made of the
June 6.
1775. ground between the camp of the Massachusetts army and the posts of the British.1
May 10.
The second Continental Congress, in the mean time, assem- bled at Philadelphia ; and the delegates from Massachusetts urged upon their attention the adoption of measures for the relief of Boston. John Adams, in particular, advised that the first step should be "to recommend to the people of every state in the Union to seize on all the crown officers, and hold them, with civility, humanity, and generosity, as hostages for the security of the people of Boston, to be exchanged for them as soon as the British army would release them." He was likewise in favor of recommending "to the people of all the states to institute governments for themselves, under their own authority, and that without loss of time ; " of declaring " the colonies free, sovereign, and independent states ; " and then informing Great Britain of their willingness "to enter into negotiations with them for the redress of all grievances, and a restoration of harmony between the two countries upon permanent principles." All this, he thought, might be done before entering "into any connections, alliances, or negotia- tions with foreign powers ;" and then, if Great Britain re- fused to accede, it would be time to inform her that, if the war was continued, the colonies were "determined to seek alliances with France, Spain, and any other power of Europe " that would contract with them. Finally, he urged the adop- tion of the army in Cambridge as a continental army, the officers of which should be appointed, and the provisions for its support made, by the General Congress.2
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