USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, the commonwealth period. 1775-1820 v. III > Part 37
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Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, iii. 79. -
361
CHARGE OF AN ATTEMPT TO DISSOLVE THE UNION.
The public excitement was now very great. By the death CHAP. of Mr. Sullivan, the duties of the chief magistracy devolved VIII. upon Mr. Lincoln, a devoted partisan of Jefferson ; and a more stringent system of policy was introduced. Meetings had been held, from time to time, in the principal seaports, to remonstrate against the embargo, and to point out the injuries it had caused ; but his excellency, in his speech to the General 1809. Jan. Court, condemned these meetings as seditious and uncalled for.1 Nor is there reason to doubt that inflammatory speeches were made, and that extravagant articles were published in the papers. Yet if a few individuals were guilty of such ex- cesses, theirs was only the language of exasperated suffering, inconsiderately uttered. Senator Adams, indeed, expressed his belief, in a communication to the president, that, “from information received by him, and which might be relied upon, it was the determination of the ruling party in Massachu- setts, and of the federalists in New England generally, if the embargo was persisted in, no longer to submit to it, but to separate themselves from the Union, at least until the existing obstacles to foreign commerce were removed ; that the plan was already digested ; and that, such was the pressure of the. embargo upon the community, they would be supported by the people." 2 But this was a false alarm; and, though it was
' For the proceedings of these meetings, see the newspapers of the day, and comp. the governor's speech, Jan., 1809; Carey's Olive Branch, 141 et seq. ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, iii. 113-115.
2 Tucker's Life of Jefferson, ii. 286; Statesman's Manual, i. 262; Hil- dreth's U. S., 2d series, iii. 81, 118. "It is not known," says Tucker, " whether the information thus com- municated by Mr. Adams was entirely accurate ; but that the growing dis- contents of the country made some change expedient, would seem to be very reasonable. It is but justice to add, that those who are thus accused
do not remain silent under the impu- tation. Ever since the fever of the time has passed away, they maintain that the state of things was greatly exaggerated by Mr. Adams, and that the existence of any negotiation or intrigue between a British agent and any of the leading politicians of New England had no existence except in Mr. Adams's fancy, or rather in his wilful misrepresentations, which, they allege, were dictated by a wish to recommend himself to the adminis- tration; and that, in the mission to Russia, which was soon afterwards tendered to him by President Madi- son, he received that reward which
1808. Dec. 10.
362
MISSION OF HENRY.
CHAP. made a great handle of by the friends of the administration, VIII. the proof of such a conspiracy was principally conjectural.1 1809. Feb. The mission of Mr. Henry, also, who was sent hither, from Canada, to act as a spy upon the movements of the federalists, was entirely fruitless. Without doubt, it would have been pleasing to England to have effected a separation of the states, under distinct and independent governments ; and this might have been brought about "by a series of acts and long-con- tinued policy tending to irritate the southern, and conciliate the northern, people." But this object could be attained only by " a slow and circumspect progression," and required for its consummation " more attention to the affairs which agitate and excite parties in this country than Great Britain had yet bestowed upon it." 2
Fortunately for the nation, President Jefferson was not uninfluenced by prudential considerations in yielding to the Jan. 9. pressure of public opinion.3 The recent act of Congress to
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had been the main object of his de- sertion from the federalists."
1 " No body of men," says Brad- 2 Bradford, iii. 106, note ; Carey's Olive Branch, 144 et seq .; Am. State Papers, 1811-1815 ; Niles's Weekly Register, ii. 19-28; Boston Centine. for March 18, 21, and 28, 1812, anc Boston Resolutions, in ibid. for March 25, 1812; Boston Chronicle for March 23, 1812; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series iii. 284-287. The documents relating to Henry's mission were printed a Salem, in March, 1812, in a pamphle " The Essex Junto and the British Spy, or Treason Detected." On the English side of this question, see Eu ropean Mag. for 1812; Niles's Weekly Reg. ii. 257, 289. ford, iii. 105, " either of the legislature, or of towns or counties, ever seriously advocated or proposed such a meas- ure in Massachusetts. Nor was there ever just reason to believe that any public character, or individuals who had the confidence of their fellow-citi- zens, meditated the dissolution of the Union for any purpose whatever. The members of the legislature remon- strated against the embargo, and ' of thirty-six pages, under the title of, pointed out its impolicy and destruc- tive effects. The people, in many towns, did the same; and, in some cases, expressed their fears of an un- due foreign influence, and an utter disregard of commerce, as among the 3 For Tucker's estimate of Jeffer son's administration, see his Life o: Jefferson, ii. 287-293. " This ad ministration," he observes, " vilifie as it has been by those whose power i superseded, and whose views it thwart ed, has been appealed to by th unbiased portion of the succeedin, causes of that oppressive measure. It was not until some years later that the story was made and circulated, for party purposes, no doubt, that a portion of the patriotic citizens of Massachusetts was plotting, with the agents of a foreign nation, against the
unity, the peace, and honor of their own country."
Ta
363
OVERTURES OF ERSKINE.
enforce the embargo, under the plea that evasions had taken CHAP. place, and that vessels, cleared only as coasters, had carried VIII. cargoes to Europe, was so vehemently opposed, and the reso- 1809. lutions of Massachusetts were so decided, that, joined to the Feb. 2. prospective election of Mr. Gore, the candidate of the feder- alists,1 the concurrent remonstrances of the other New Eng- land States, and the defection in the ranks of the democrats themselves, there was no longer room to doubt the necessity of attempting to pacify the people, and to allay the tumult, which threatened to become serious. A repeal was therefore urged upon Congress - a repeal of the obnoxious embargo law ; and an act was passed effecting its repeal after the Feb. 27 fifteenth of March, so far as related to all countries except France and Great Britain, and as to them also after the end of the next session of Congress.2
The overtures of Erskine, on the part of the English gov- Apr. 17. ernment, for an adjustment of the controversy between Great Britain and the United States, led to an arrangement, which was approved by Madison ; and a thousand vessels were cleared Apr. 19. for foreign ports.3 An act was also passed dropping the em- June. bargo provisions, and the exclusion of foreign armed vessels, ' but continuing the non-importation system, with a proviso legalizing the trade with Great Britain under the president's proclamation.4 But the hopes which were thus raised were speedily dashed. Erskine's arrangement was disowned by the English government, and his proceedings were criticised with
generation as the one in which the country, through the greater part of its course, experienced more public prosperity, and, through the whole of it, was administered more according to the republican principles of the constitution, than any other."
1 Mr. Gore was elected governor this year, by a majority of nearly 3000 in 93,000 votes.
2 Tucker's Life of Jefferson, ii. 286, 287; Carey's Olive Branch, 158; Hil-
dreth's U. S., 2d series, iii. 136, 137. On the 1st and 2d of March, 1809, an Address to the People of Massachu- setts was approved by the Senate and House, which was afterwards pub- lished in a pamphlet of twenty-four pages.
Am. State Papers for 1809; Hil- dreth's U. S., 2d series, iii. 168 et seq. ; Carey's Olive Branch, 162, 180.
4 Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, iii. 180.
364
MR. GERRY CHOSEN GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS.
CHAP. no little severity.1 This brought upon the administration a VIII. storm of abuse ; and it was found difficult to retrieve the step
1809. which had been taken. Party spirit increased in rancor ; even democrats were restive, and the clamors of the federalists were louder than ever.
1810. May.
Shortly after these occurrences, a new election took place in Massachusetts ; and Mr. Gore, who had "the most elevated ideas of public and private duty," and whose "conduct was always in perfect conformity with his principles," 2 was succeed- June 2. ed by Elbridge Gerry, who entered upon the duties of his office in the following month.3 Thus the democratic party was once more triumphant in the state ; and the result of the election was considered as an indorsement of the policy of Madison.
4
1 An Appeal to the People, &c., N. York, 1810; the Diplomatic Pol- icy of Mr. Madison Unveiled, 8-23; Robert Smith's Address to the Peo- ple of the U. S.
2 Mem. of Gore, in 3 M. H. Coll. iii. 191-204; Austin's Life of Gerry, ii. 314, 315. Mr. Gore was a lawyer by profession, and politics had long
been his study. He was attorney for the district of Massachusetts, by the appointment of Washington, in 1790; was a commissioner to England, under the treaty of 1795 ; and for several years was a senator in the state legis- lature from the county of Suffolk.
3 Austin's Life of Gerry, ii. 315.
Et
CHAPTER IX.
THE WAR OF 1812. HARTFORD CONVENTION. PEACE DECLARED. REVISION OF THE CONSTITUTION. CONCLUSION.
THE accession of Mr. Gerry to the chief magistracy of CHAP. Massachusetts occurred at a critical period in our local and IX. national affairs. The general government had been compelled 1810. to submit to a relaxation in the measure of non-intercourse, and in its restrictions on commercial pursuits ; but intelligent statesmen still demurred at its policy, and a war with England was confidently predicted. That such an event was deprecated by a majority of the citizens of Massachusetts may well be supposed ; and it was believed by many that, under the guid- ance of a prudent and magnanimous spirit, the difficulties between the two governments might have been amicably ad- justed. In both branches of the General Court, the majorities ' were democratic, and there was a harmony of purpose between the governor and the legislature. His excellency, in all his public communications, approved the course of the national administration, and confined his favors, by the advice of his friends, to such as were its supporters. The system of pro- scription adopted by Jefferson was followed ; and many were removed from office who had long and faithfully served their country, and whose principal fault was that they were not of the dominant party.1 But however "patriotic " were the motives which prompted to this step, it was ill calculated to conciliate the opposite party - though, possibly, under like
1811. Jun. 20.
1 Message of Governor Gerry of June 20, 1811, in Mass. Resolves, 217, 218; Bradford, iii. 114.
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366
REMOVALS FROM OFFICE.
CHAP. circumstances, they might have done the same; and when IX. " veterans of the revolution," equally with others, were sub- 1811. jected to privations and treated with neglect, it was suspected that "meritorious services " were not so highly esteemed even by republicans as might have been inferred from the letter of his excellency written twenty years before, the contents of which he had possibly forgotten.1
The lines, however, were closely drawn ; and, in the hour of triumph, those who in former days had condemned others for exclusiveness " sinned after the similitude of the same trans- gression." The inferior or County Courts were organized Jun. 21. anew, to give an opportunity for changes in that quarter ; the Jun. 18. appointment of clerks of the judicial courts was vested in the governor, instead of in the judges ; and registers of pro- Jun. 25. bate and sheriffs were superseded by his excellency's political friends.2 Whether such proceedings were in all respects just, it must be left to the good sense of the reader to decide. " It has been asserted in England," says Matthew Carey,3 " that a tory in place becomes a whig when out of place, and that a whig when provided with a place becomes a tory." And it was, perhaps, by a similar process of reasoning that the policy of political proscription was justified. It was certainly a convenient way of adjusting responsibilities and balancing benefits. The scale turns not ever to the side of the ins ; and when it happens to sway to the side of the outs, it is too much, perhaps, to expect of them that they should fail to practise that " disinterested benevolence " for which they once pleaded - meaning, of course, benevolence to themselves and gratuities to their friends.4
1 See p. 313.
Mass. Laws for June, 1811, chaps. viii., xxxiii., lxxi., lxxxi. ; Bradford, iii. 116 ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, iii. 250. After the election of Mr. Strong, a number of the officers thus removed were, by the advice of the council,
restored to the offices which they had held at the beginning of the former political year. Bradford, iii. 129.
3 Olive Branch, 84, ed. 1817.
4 It was for this proscription that Jefferson applauded Governor Gerry, especially " for the rasping with which
367
GOVERNOR GERRY'S POLITICAL SYMPATHIES.
The sympathy of his excellency with the views of Mr. Mad- CHAP. ison became more apparent the longer he continued in office.
IX. Hence, in his speech to the legislature at the opening of the new year, he did not scruple to accuse the federal party of being anti-republican in its principles, and opposed to the measures of the general government. "Are we not called upon," said he, "to decide whether we will commit the liberty and independence of ourselves and posterity to the fidelity and protection of a national administration, - at the head of which is a Madison, supported by an executive department, a Senate, and a House of Representatives abounding with revo- lutionary and other meritorious patriots, - or to a British administration, the disciples of Bute, who was the author of a plan to enslave these states, and to American royalists, who cooperated with that government to bind us in chains while colonists ? Is it not morally and politically impossible that a doubt can exist in regard to the choice ?" 1
A month later, a still more extraordinary message was sent Feb. 27. to the legislature. The federal press, during the past year, had reflected severely upon the conduct of Governor Gerry and the policy of the national government. The articles. inserted in those papers were from different hands ; and some
he rubbed down his herd of traitors." " Powers and preëminences conferred on them," he wrote to General Dear- born, " are daggers put into the hands of assassins, to be plunged in our bosoms the moment the thrust can go home to the heart." Comp. Hil- dreth's U. S., 2d series, iii. 251. The State Bank was incorporated by the legislature in this year, (1811,) with a capital which was finally fixed at $1,800,000; and the yearly tax of one half per cent. on this capital was the origin of the bank tax since as- sessed upon all such institutions, and from which a large revenue is derived to the state. Mass. Laws for June, 1811, chap. lxxxiv.
1 Gov. Gerry's Message of Jan. 8, 1812, in Resolves of Mass. 279; Bradford, iii. 119, note. Towards the close ' of this message, his excellency asserts that, during the recess of the General Court, he had "received sev- eral anonymous threats of assassina- tion, for having supported the national government ; " and that " our late venerable President Adams, that great and good man, who, in our conflict for liberty, was the pride of Massa- chusetts, and an oracle of Congress, has been also threatened with assassi- nation in his bed." . For the replies of the Senate and House, sec Re- solves, 284-293.
1812. Jan. 8.
368
LIBELS CHARGED UPON THE FEDERAL PRESS.
CHAP. of them, it must be conceded, were marked by a coarseness IX. and excess of vituperation which might well have excited the 1812. passions of the opposite party.1 These articles were deemed libellous ; and the attention of the attorney and solicitor gen- eral was called to them, whose report was sent in with the message of his excellency, in which such action was called for as the exigency required.2
Upon the reading of this message, a debate ensued ; and a member of the Senate, of the federal party, offered a resolution " that the governor, in denouncing various publications in the Boston newspapers as libels, especially after a grand jury, upon an examination of some of those publications, had re- fused to find bills of indictment, manifests an alarming dispo- sition to usurp the power belonging to the judicial department, tending to criminate and injure the reputation of individuals, without affording them an opportunity of defence ; and that the employing of the law officers of the commonwealth in examining files of newspapers, for the purpose of collecting and divesting such publications, with a view of presenting them to the legislature instead of a grand jury, is a departure from his constitutional province, and an infringement upon private rights." 3
1 See the articles in the Scourge, Scourge, fifty-one in the Centinel the Centinel, the Repertory, the thirty-three in the Gazette, thirty- four in the Repertory, eighteen ir the Palladium, and one in the Mes- senger. Besides these, seventeen were reported in the republican papers viz. : eight in the Chronicle, and nine in the Patriot. Message, p. 1, and the Table, pp. 9-12. Gazette, the Palladiuni, and the Mes- senger, for 1811, and comp. Mass. Resolves for 1812, 361-364. In these papers, the governor, the council, and even the whole legislature, were vio- lently abused ; and the supreme ex- ecutive was styled a " slanderer," a " blasphemer," an " incendiary," &c.
2 Mass. Resolves for 1812, 355- 361; Independent Chroniele for March 16, 1812. This message was pub- lished in a pamphlet of twelve pages, with a list of the papers containing the libels. The libels in the federal papers numbered two hundred and thirty-six, viz .: ninety-nine in the
3 Boston Centinel for 1812; Brad ford, iii. 122. In support of this reso lution, it was said that " the message was most extraordinary and alarming striking at the fundamental principle: of the constitution and of civil liberty tending, if suffered to pass into : precedent, to break down the barrier erected by the constitution for th
369
RE-ELECTION OF CALEB STRONG.
In the midst of this excitement, a new election took place, CHAP. which resulted in favor of Caleb Strong. The contest was IX. " uncommonly animated," and both parties were active ; but 1812. the friends of Mr. Gerry, with all their exertions, could not April 6. overcome the prejudices against him. Yet the vote was close, and the majority for Mr. Strong was but thirteen hundred and seventy.1 It is possible that the conduct of Mr. Gerry, in districting the state for the election of senators, had some influence on the popular vote ; and it was alleged that the division thus made, which the federalists christened with the name of " Gerrymandering," was " new and arbitrary," and was " designed to secure the triumph of the republican party." And, so far as the Senate was concerned, it had that effect ; but a majority of the House was of the federal party. It happened then, as it has often since, that the movements of politicians, however sagacious in their own estimation, failed of effecting all they desired. There were elements, not taken into the account, which operated against them ; and the fluctuations of public opinion were wholly overlooked.2
safety of the whole people, and to de- stroy all personal liberty and security ; that if the governor could thus put at defiance the privileges of trial by jury, and, with his law officers, dependent on himself, sit in judgment on the printers, condemn them unheard, and proclaim their condemnation to the world, after the grand jury had re- fused to find bills against them, no class of citizens was safe ; all must be liable to the same arbitrary exer- cise of power."
1 Celeb Strong had 52,696 votes, and Elbridge Gerry had 51,326. In- dependent Chronicle for June 1, 1812; Boston Centinel for April 18, 1812; Niles's Weekly Register, ii. 134, 239 ; Carey's Olive Branch, 281. The vote of the previous year was as follows : Elbridge Gerry, 43,328 ; Christopher Gore, 40,142. The republicans were quite facetious over the " lank, lean, and slippered majority " of Governor VOL III. 24
Strong, and attributed it to the orders, of the " Junto of Federal Dictators in Boston," who sent "runners " into every town, " commanding their de- pendants and adherents to swell the federal returns, legally if they could, illegally if they must."
2 Comp. Resolves of the Worcester Convention of March 11, Bristol Con- vention of March 12, and Middlesex Convention of March 19, 1812, in Boston Centinel for March 21 and 25, 1812; Returns of Senatorial Votes, in Centinel for May 20, 1812; Brad- ford, iii. 125. Mr. Otis, a member of the Senate from Suffolk county, pro- tested against the act for districting the state, as unconstitutional ; but the subject was not discussed, as the ma- jority of that body was of the opposite party, and would have voted him down, had he presented a formal mo- tion. For a defence of the policy of Gov. Gerry, see the Independent
370
LLOYD'S SPEECH IN CONGRESS.
CHAP. IX. The war spirit, in the mean time, was rapidly rising, and appearances from all quarters seemed to portend a rupture 1812. with Great Britain. Even Lloyd, who had taken the place of John Quincy Adams in the Senate of the United States, in the debate on the navy bill declared in favor of rigorous meas- Feb. 27. ures. " Most unquestionably," said he, " peace is the polar star of the policy and the interests of this country. It should be maintained at every cost short of essential sacrifice. It is no disgrace for an infant not to contend with a giant. If all the energy and force of the nation cannot be concentrated to carry on the war, let us record our wrongs, make the best of the existing state of things, and, when we have the ability, punish the aggressors to the last letter of the alphabet. But if we are to go to war, let it be a real and effectual war. Give us a naval force. If, with our commerce abandoned and our navigation swept from the face of the ocean, our houses are to be battered about our ears, and we, at the same time, denied those means of defence which the God of nature has given us, and which we know how to use, then, indeed, the northern section of this Union will be little better off than the colony of Jamaica, and there will be room to suspect that, forms apart, we have as little influence in the councils of this government as we have in those of Great Britain.
" If, however, the nation is determined to fight, to make any impression on England we must have a navy. Give us thirty swift-sailing, well-appointed frigates; they are better than
Chronicle for March 9, 1812. " The constitution," says the writer, " does not restrict to county lines in forming districts. The last districting is full as conformable to the rule of taxes, (and perhaps more so,) as any pre- viously adopted. If the county lines are really wished by the federalists to be the districting lines, why have they not heretofore acted upon that prin- ciple themselves ? The federal legis- latures of 1794 and 1802 districted
the state regardless of counties, as the republicans have done; and, in 1794, they wielded the 'carving knife' in such a manner as to cut off the county of Dukes and Nantucket from Barn- stable, and annex it to Plymouth, although Barnstable intervened be- tween Dukes county and Plymouth." For the proceedings of the conven- tions approving the governor's course, see Independent Chronicle for March 19, 1812.
371
LLOYD'S SPEECH IN CONGRESS.
seventy-fours, because managed easier. Indeed, we do not CHAP. want seventy-fours ; for, courage being equal, in line-of-battle- IX. ship and fleet engagements, skill and experience will always 1812. insure success. We are not ripe for them. But bolt together, side to side, a British and an American frigate, and though we should lose sometimes, we should win as often. Give us, then, this little fleet. Place your navy department under an able and spirited administration ; give tone to the service ; cashier every officer who strikes his flag; and you will soon have a good account of your navy. This may be said to be a hard tenure of service ; but, hard or easy, embark in an actual, vigorous war, and in a few weeks, perhaps days, I will engage completely to officer your whole fleet from New Eng- land alone.
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