USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, the commonwealth period. 1775-1820 v. III > Part 41
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The House, in their reply to this speech, which was adopted. Feb. 16. by a vote of two hundred and ninety to one hundred and twenty-five, ascribed the origin of the war, not to the British orders in council, and the casual abuses arising from the prac- tice of impressment, which had " ceased to be considered by impartial men " as its causes, but to the "systematical aban- donment of the policy of Washington and of the friends and framers of the constitution ; to implacable animosity against
1 Ingersoll's Hist. of the War, i. 504; Niles's Reg. v. 273, 287, 295, 317; Bradford, iii. 178, and Hist. Fed. Gov't. 215, and note ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, iii. 455. This act was repealed in the following March, and the governor of Massachusetts, in his message to the General Court, VOL. III. 26
and the Senate and House, in their replies, mutually expressed their ap- proval of the step. Bradford, ili. 190-195; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, iii. 476.
2 Message of Gov. Strong of Jan. 12, 1814; Niles's Reg. v. 342-344; Bradford, iii. 178.
402
REPLY OF THE HOUSE TO THE GOVERNOR'S SPEECH.
CHAP. those men, and their exclusion from all concern in the gov- IX. ernment of the country ; to the influence of unprincipled for-
1814. eigners over the press and the deliberations of the national government in all its branches ; to a jealousy of commercial states, envy of their prosperity, fear of their power, contempt for their pursuits, and ignorance of their true character and importance ; to the cupidity of certain states for the wilderness reserved for the miserable aborigines ; to a violent passion for conquest, and an infatuated belief that neighboring provinces were enamoured of our institutions, and would become an easy prey to the arts and arms of raw and boastful adventu- rers ; and, above all, to delusive estimates of the relative power and resources of Great Britain and France, and a de- termined hostility towards the former, as the firmest basis of party power." 1 " These," they added, "will be viewed by the present generation, and by posterity, as the sources of our present national evils ; and the pretence of aiming to secure the freedom of commerce and of seamen, by regulations which compel both merchants and sailors to renounce the ocean of their professions, will be regarded as the boldest delusion ever attempted by a ruling party upon the credulity of an intelli- gent people." 2
1 The republicans, on their part, were equally vehement in their de- nunciations of the opponents of the war, as being under British influence ; and even Mr. Ingersoll, Hist. of the War, i. 485, asserts, that, " without secret correspondence or understand- ing, the influence of England was as strong in Boston and some other parts of New England as it was in Scot- land, stronger than it was in Ireland, so far as hostile feeling to France, and every thing but hostile opposition to Madison's administration, as connected with France. There was, at least, sympathetic alliance, offensive and defensive, between England and parts of New England."
Bradford, iii. 300-302; Hil- dreth's U. S., 2d series, iii. 469-476. A memorial from the fishermen of Boston, and petitions from more than fifty towns in the state, were sent to the legislature, early in the year 1814, calling their attention to the impover- ished and suffering condition of the country, and declaring their belief that the war was unnecessary, and was to be attributed to the undue in- fluence of a foreign power over the councils of the nation ; and before the adjournment of the General Court, or in February, resolves were reported by a committee appointed for the purpose, condemning the embargo as unwarranted by the constitution, and
403
THE PARTIES WHO WERE BENEFITED BY THE WAR.
Disastrous, however, as was the policy of the national gov- CHAP. ernment to the citizens of Massachusetts, there were not IX. wanting some to whom it afforded a temporary and delusive 1814 .. pecuniary benefit. Especially that class who were engaged in privateering, and who were willing to run great risks in the hope of great gains, found their profit in eluding the vigilance of the enemy, and in carrying on a commerce which was re- munerative, if it was not honest. A host of agents, contract- ors, and officers of all sorts, had likewise been called into being by the war ; and these, as dependants upon the bounty of the president, were bound to return him the cheap meed of adulation, and to denounce the opponents of the war as mon- archists and traitors. Sustained, therefore, by executive pat- ronage, and buoyed by their own hopes, the war party in Massachusetts was formidable in its aspect ; and probably not less than a third of the citizens of the state, whose honesty it would be unwise to impeach, watched with jealous eyes the movements of the federalists, and were ready to believe and repeat the charges of connivance with Great Britain, and of enmity to the Union.1
The alarms, during the spring and the summer of this year,' April of apprehended attacks upon the seaport towns, were not only June. to frequent, but in some cases were followed by demonstrations on the part of the enemy which left no doubt of their intention to blockade the coast. Not only in the vicinity of Boston, but all along the shore, and as far to the eastward as the Prov- ince of Maine, were such apprehensions awakened ; and the calls upon the governor for bodies of the militia, and for the munitions of war, were responded to as promptly as circum- stances permitted.2 An arrangement was also made by Gen-
as violating the rights of the people of this commonwealth. Bradford, iii. 180-183 ; Dwight's Hist. of the Hartford Convention ; Statesman's Manual, i. 370.
Comp. Tucker's Life of Jefferson,
ii. 267, 268 ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d se- ries, iii. 456, 457.
2 Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, iii. 485-500, 514; Bradford, iii. 184- 187, 199. In April, on the request of Captain Bainbridge, two companies
1
404
ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE DEFENCE OF THE COAST.
CHAP. eral John Brooks, the adjutant general of the commonwealth, IX. with Brigadier General Cushing, then the commanding officer 1814. of the United States on the Boston station in the place of General Dearborn, to call out the militia of the vicinity when- ever it should become necessary to repel an invading enemy ; and the militia so called out were to be under the direction of General Cushing, though the officers were to retain their rel- ative stations, according to their election. On the removal of this officer, General Dearborn resumed the command ; and, July 12. at his request, the militia to the number of eleven or twelve hundred were directed to be called out, if a similar arrange- ment could be made with him as with General Cushing.1 Before the prorogation of the court, a million of dollars was likewise voted for the defence of the state, to be expended in such manner as the executive should judge proper.2
June.
Contemporaneously with these events, the news of the abdi- cation of Bonaparte, of the restoration of the Bourbons, and
of artillery, and one company of light infantry, were ordered to Marblehead, for the defence of that town; and, soon after, the same officer applied for aid in repelling a meditated attaek on the navy yard at Charlestown. Captain Hull also applied for aid in defending the navy yard at Ports- mouth, N. H., and a number of the militia of Massachusetts were ordered thither. Alarms were likewise raised, about the same time, in the counties of Barnstable, Plymouth, Cumber- land, Lineoln, and Haneoek ; attacks were made at Wareham and Scituate, and the inhabitants were furnished with the means of' defenee. Detach- ments of the militia were also ordered out, and kept in service so long as there was danger. In June, therc was an aların at Salem; and eannon and other military artieles were pro- vidcd for the defence of the town. Even the citizens of Boston werc apprehensive of an attack ; and a regi- ment of militia was encamped on the
Common for a time, and then ordered to Dorehester Heights, where it re- mained for several weeks. The fort on Governor's Island was likewise repaired and manned. In these prep- arations for defence, all elasses joined ; and Governor Strong, who had been reelected by nearly as large a majority as in 1813, was as active as any one in providing for the security and pro- teetion of the state. The attack upon Castine took place in September, 1814, and the town was taken by a British fleet, consisting of thirty vessels, - among which were two 74's and sev- eral frigates, - and upwards of three thousand troops.
1 Bradford, iii. 196-198, 200. In consequence of this agreement, in the fall of this year, a detachment of thic militia, amounting to nearly a brigade, was placed under the com- mand of General Dearborn, and or- dered to Fort Warren, in the harbor of Boston. Bradford, iii. 203.
2 Bradford, iii. 195.
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405
PROPOSAL FOR A NEGOTIATION AT LONDON.
of peace in Europe, was received in America, and was wel- CHAP. comed by the federalists "with joy and exultation, as the IX.
harbinger of peace and of the renewal of commerce." Prep- 1814. arations were accordingly made to celebrate the event by an imposing religious ceremony ; and Dr. Channing, the pastor of the Federal Street Church, distinguished as a clergyman of unusual eloquence, delivered a sermon adapted to the occa- sion.1 Already had a proposition been made by the English government, and communicated to Congress, to treat of peace Jan. 6. at London, or at Gottenburg, should the objections to the former place prove insuperable ; and this offer, with the ac- ceptance of Gottenburg as the place, had been accepted by Madison, who nominated as commissioners on the part of the Jan. 14. United States John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, and James A. Bayard, of Delaware, with Henry Clay and Jonathan Rus- sell, to whom Albert Gallatin was afterwards added, as repre- sentatives of the war party.2 The negotiation thus instituted
1 Sermon of Dr. Channing, deliv- ered in 1814 ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, iii. 490, 491. On the 18th of September, 1814, when an invasion by the British forces was apprehended at Boston, Dr. Channing likewise de- livered a sermon, a portion of which is given in his Discourses and Re- views, App. 591-598. The same volume, 583-591, also contains ex- tracts from Sermons preached on days of humiliation and prayer, ap- pointed in consequence of the declara- tion of war against Great Britain in 1812.
2 Niles's Reg. iv. 112, 337 ; v. 310, 319, 347, 407; Ingersoll's Hist. of the War, i. 127, 466-474 ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, iii. 456. On the 8th of March, 1813, Mr. Daschkoff, the Russian minister at Washington, is said to have communicated to the American government an offer from the Emperor Alexander, of his medi- ation between the United States and Great Britain, with a view to peace ; and on the 11th of March, the presi- al, i. 362, 366.
dent accepted this offer, and appointed, a few days after, commissioners or envoys to negotiate a treaty. This Russian mediation was at first declined by the British government; but on the 4th of November Lord Castle- reagh informed the American govern- ment that Great Britain was willing to enter upon a direct negotiation for peace; this proposition was accepted by President Madison; and Lord Castlereagh was informed that meas- ures would be taken for carrying it into effect at Gottenburg, in Sweden. The commission which followed is the one referred to in the text, con- sisting of John Quincy Adams, James A. Bayard, Henry Clay, Jonathan Russell, and Albert Gallatin. The four first named were confirmed in January, and Mr. Gallatin in Febru- ary, 1814, Messrs. Adams, Gallatin, and Bayard being already in Peters- burg, where they arrived in October and November, 1813. Ingersoll's Hist. of the War; Statesman's Manu-
-
406
GHENT SELECTED AS THE PLACE OF MEETING.
CHAP. proceeded quite slowly at first; and, at the date of the recep- IX. tion of the tidings of the changes in Europe, as nothing defi-
Jun. 25
1814. nite had been heard from the commissioners, letters were and 27. addressed to them authorizing them to refer the question of impressment, should it be found an obstacle to a treaty, to a separate negotiation, to be commenced as soon as peace was reestablished. Shortly after, however, discouraging despatches arrived from Gallatin and Bayard ; and a postscript was added authorizing them, should they think it best, to treat at London, and, if peace could not be otherwise made, to omit the subject of impressment altogether - though not without a protest that this silence was not to be taken as admitting the British claim.1
Pending the arrival of these instructions, Ghent, in Holland, had been agreed upon by both parties as the place of nego- tiation ; but the British government, which was otherwise occupied, seemed in no hurry to appoint its commissioners. Indeed, the war party in England, not less passionate than the war party in America, was little inclined to forego the opportunity, which seemed to be offered, of signally punishing " a pusillanimous and unnatural nation of democrats, who had seized, for an attack upon Great Britain, the moment of her greatest pressure, and whose insolence, encouraged by naval successes, ought to be checked." " Madison," it was said, - and to the federalists the idea is supposed not to have been very repugnant, -" must be made to resign, and to follow Bonaparte to some transatlantic Elba ; " and, "as if to accom- plish this object, large shipments of veteran troops were made to America." 2
1 Am. State Papers, 1811-1815 ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, iii. 491;
Statesman's Manual, i. 372. The commissioners on the part of the Eng- lish government were Lord Gambier, Mr. Goulbourn, and William Adams,
who assembled at Ghent in August, 1814.
2
N. Am. Review for July, 1816,
238 ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, iii. 492. " Chastisement was the most lenient threat uttered; conquest and
of
407
ACTION OF MASSACHUSETTS.
At this trying juncture, the citizens of Massachusetts, im- CHAP. pressed with a sense of the dangers which threatened them, IX. and heavily burdened with the expenses of the war, were urgent 1814. that some further means should be adopted by the executive towards persuading the general government to negotiate a peace, or to assist the state in defending its borders, without compelling it to rely entirely upon its own resources. His excellency concurred in these views ; but not choosing, it would seem, to assume the responsibility, he concluded, by the unanimous advice of the Council, to summon a special meeting Oct. 5. of the General Court.1 To this body, when assembled, a message was sent, informing them of his proceedings since their adjournment, and of the reasons which had induced him to call them together. "The situation of the state," he ob- served, in concluding his address, "is dangerous and perplex- ing. We have been led, by the terms of the constitution, to rely on the general government to provide the means of de- fence ; and to that government we have resigned the resources of the state. It has declared war against a powerful maritime nation, whose fleet can approach every part of our extended coast ; and we are disappointed in the expectation of a na- tional defence. But, though we may believe the war was unnecessary, and has been prosecuted without any useful or practicable object against a province of the enemy, while the sea coast of this state has been left almost wholly defence-
destruction were contemplated. The 'invincibles' from the Peninsula, all the disposable forces, both sea and land, were directed to these devoted shores, which they were to overrun ; and particular parts were to be re- tained as permanent acquisitions." To such an extent, indeed, was this idea carried, that " an eminent map- seller in London" is said to have " advised an American gentleman, not knowing him to be such, who applied to him for a map of the United States, to defer the purchase for a few
weeks; that he was then keeping all his maps unfinished, as the boundaries would all be changed, and a considera- ble part of the Union incorporated with the British possessions."
1 Comp. " An Appeal to the Good Sense of the Democrats, and the Pub- lic Spirit of the Federalists, by a Citizen of Mass.," Boston, 1814; Project for the Restoration of Peace to N. England, in the Boston Daily Advertiser for 1814, and Niles's Reg. v. 198-200.
1
408
REPORT OF THE LEGISLATIVE COMMITTEE.
CHAP. less, - and though, in such a war, we may not afford voluntary IX. aid to any of the offensive operations, there can be no doubt
1814. of our right to defend our possessions and dwellings against any hostile attacks." 1
The joint committee to whom this message was referred, Oct. and of which Otis was chairman, reported in favor of the governor's recommendations, and observed, "The state of the national treasury requires a great augmentation of existing taxes ; and if, in addition to these, the people of Massachusetts, deprived of their commerce, and harassed by a formidable enemy, are compelled to provide for self-defence, it will soon be impossible for them to sustain the burden. There remains to them no alternative but submission to the enemy, or the control of her own resources to repel his aggressions. It is impossible to hesitate in making the election. This people are not ready for conquest or submission. But being ready and determined to defend themselves, and having no other pros- pect of adequate means of defence, they have the greatest need of all those resources derivable from themselves, which the national government has thought proper to employ else- where.
" But, while your committee think that the people of this commonwealth ought to unite, and that they will unite, under any circumstances, at the hazard of all which is dear, in repelling an invading foe, it is not believed that this solemn obligation imposes silence upon their just complaints against the authors of the national calamities. It is, on the contrary, a sacred duty to hold up to view, on all occasions, the destruc- tive policy by which a state of unparalleled national felicity has been converted into one of humiliation, of danger, and distress - believing that, unless an almost ruined people will discard the men and change the measures which have induced
1 Speech of Gov. Strong to the 209; Dwight's Hist. of the Hartford General Court ; Bradford, iii. 208, Convention.
10
it
150
409
RESOLUTIONS OF THE GENERAL COURT.
this state of peril and suffering, the day of their political sal- CHAP. vation is passed. IX.
"It is not to be forgotten that this disastrous state of affairs 1814. has been brought upon Massachusetts, not only against her consent, but in opposition to her most earnest protestations. Of the many great evils of war, especially in the present state of Europe, the national rulers were often warned by the peo- ple of Massachusetts, whose vital interests were thus put in jeopardy. But the general government, deaf to their voice, and listening to men distinguished in their native state only by their disloyalty to its interests, and the enjoyment of a patronage bestowed upon them as its price, have affected to consider the patriotic citizens of this great state as tainted with disaffection to the Union, and with predilections for Great Britain, and have lavished the public treasure in vain attempts to fasten the odious imputation." 1
The resolutions which followed this report, and which were adopted by the legislature, were quite significant. These were, Oct. 7. " That, the calamities of war being now brought home to the territory of this commonwealth, - a portion of it being in the occupation of the enemy, - our sea coast and rivers invaded' in several places, and in all exposed to immediate danger, the people of Massachusetts are impelled by the duty of self- defence, and by all the feelings and attachments which bind good citizens to their country, to unite in the most vigorous means for defending the state and repelling the invader ; and that no party feelings or political dissensions can ever interfere with the discharge of this exalted duty." "That a number of Oct. 13. men be raised, not exceeding ten thousand, for twelve months, to be organized and officered by the governor for the defence of the state." "That the governor be authorized to borrow, from time to time, a sum not exceeding one million of dollars,
1 Otis's Letters, 61, 62; Bradford, iii. 209-211; Hildreth's U. S, 2d se- ries, iii. 530-532.
410
A CONVENTION PROPOSED.
CHAP. and that the faith of the legislature be pledged to provide IX. funds for the payment of the same." And, finally, "That
Oct. 16.
1814. twelve persons be appointed, as delegates from this common- wealth, to meet and confer with delegates from the other states of New England upon the subject of their public griev- ances and concerns ; upon the best means of preserving our resources, and of defence against the enemy ; and to devise and suggest for adoption, by those respective states, such measures as they may deem expedient ; and also to take meas- ures, if they shall think it proper, for procuring a convention of delegates from all the United States, in order to revise the constitution thereof, and more effectually to secure the support and attachment of all the people by placing all upon the basis of fair representation." 1
The adoption of the last of these resolutions by a vote of twenty-two to twelve in the Senate, and of two hundred and sixty to ninety in the House, shows how largely the popular sentiment was enlisted against the war. Only about a half of the House, it is true, appear to have actively participated in the passage of this resolve; and, perhaps, had the other half voted, the majority in its favor might have been lessened. But of this there is no certain proof; and it might, perhaps, be affirmed, on the other side, that, had all voted, the majority would have been increased. As the case stands, however, nearly two to one in the Senate, and three to one in the House, voted in favor of the resolution ; and it can hardly be doubted, when all the circumstances are considered, that the vote of the legislature reflected quite faithfully the wishes of the people.2 '
1 Resolves of the Gen. Court for Oct., 1814 ; Otis's Letters, 35, 61, 62; Short Account of the Hartford Con- vention, 6, ed. 1823; Bradford, iii. 211, 212.
2 Short Account of the Hartford . Convention, 7, ed. 1823 ; Otis's Let-
ters on the Hartford Convention, 11, 43. Mr. Otis estimates the number of federalists in both Houses, in the session of 1814, at an average of three hundred, varying, but not materially, from time to time.
411
HARTFORD CONVENTION CALLED.
Nor did the General Court attempt to conceal their trans- CHAP. actions from the scrutiny of the whole nation, or to withhold IX.
from the other states a cooperation in their measures ; for, 1814. the day after the passage of this resolution, the presiding Oct. 17. officers of the Senate and House were directed to make their proceedings known as speedily as possible ; and letters were draughted to be sent to the different governments, inviting them to join in such measures as might be "adapted to their local situation, and mutual relations and habits, and not repug- nant to their obligations as members of the Union." 1
The adoption of the report of the committee of the legis- lature, and the calling of the convention, which assembled shortly after in Hartford, Connecticut, was censured severely Dec. 15. by the democratic party, at the head of which stood Levi Lincoln, Jun. ; and, for many years, accusations were "thrown broadcast upon the members of that body, and renewed at every election," charging them with a studied design to sub- vert the government and destroy the Union.2 The delegates
1 Short Account, &c., 8, 9; Otis's Letters, 35, 63 ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, iii. 533, 534. "The fact is," says Otis, Letters, 50, " the people of New England never wavered for a moment in their fidelity to the Union. In no official document or state paper of any of its constituted authorities, that has met my eye, was the sepa- ration of the states alluded to but as a visitation to be deprecated. A warning voice was sometimes heard from these authorities, announcing fears that a prostrate commerce, a needless war, and entangling alliances might put the Union in jeopardy. It was a voice often expressive of deep emotion, sometimes of anger, fre- quently of amazement, never of de- spair, in which, however, the yearning of fraternal hearts, and the predomi- nating attachment to the Union, were ever discernible. It spoke the lan- guage which Franklin held to Burke, at the time to which the latter refers
when he avers his conviction of the sincere desire cherished by the former for the reconciliation of America with the parent country - a language of expostulation and regret, but to the full as kind, as tender, and affection- ate as that which proceeded from other warning and threatening voices, in all the states south of Delaware, pending the Missouri question. Common it has certainly been - much too com- mon in all quarters of our nation, in different periods of excitement -to hint at ' shuffling off' the ' coil' of the Union. But this is the language of the passions - vox, et præterea nihil. All allusions to it should be dropped on all sides, by common consent, as serving only to perpetuate the recol- lections of family broils, in which all have something to answer for."
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