USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, the commonwealth period. 1775-1820 v. III > Part 33
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The man of whom such things could be said deserved well of his country ; and though the "ingratitude of republics " has been a theme of frequent and bitter complaint, in this instance, at least, the charge was not justified, for the public was not ungrateful to its servant. Mr. Adams, it is true, was known as a democrat ; and democracy, with many, then as since, was a term of reproach. He was not, at first, an ardent admirer of the federal constitution, being one of the stanchest advo- cates of state rights ; and he had joined with Governor Han- cock, in the Massachusetts convention, in the proposition for
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1 John Adams, Corresp. in Works, x. 263. . " He was born and tempered a wedge of steel, to split the knot of lignum vitæ which tied North Amer- ica to Great Britain. Blunderheaded as were the British ministry, they had sagacity enough to discriminate from
all others, for inexorable vengeance, the two men most to be dreaded by them - Samuel Adams and John Hancock; and had not James Otis been dead, or worse than dead, his name would have been at the head of the TRIUMVIRATE."
326
FRENCH REVOLUTION.
CHAP. amendments to the constitution, to prevent the national gov- VIII. ernment from assuming undelegated powers.1 Yet, on taking 1790. June. the oath of lieutenant governor, he did not hesitate to declare his fealty to the laws of the land. "I shall be called upon," said he, " to make a declaration - and I shall do it most cheerfully - that the Commonwealth of Massachusetts is, and of right ought to be, a free, sovereign, and independent state. I shall be called upon to make another declaration with the same solemnity - to support the constitution of the United States. I see no inconsistency in this ; for it must be intended that these constitutions should mutually aid and support each other." 2
1789-93.
Previous to the commencement of the administration of Mr. Adams, the French revolution, whose progress was watched with the deepest interest, and which was " constant in nothing, but its vicissitudes and its promises," 3 burst forth in Europe, and soon reached a crisis which threatened the peace of the civilized world. In the earliest period of this revolution, the citizens of Massachusetts, and of the United States generally, notwithstanding there were sturdy doubters and sceptics, were in favor of the social and political reform which it was ex- pected would take place in that country ; and even in England there was a large and respectable class which entertained similar views. Hence, in Massachusetts, as well as in other states, public festivities were held, in which all classes united " to manifest their joy for a regenerated nation which had long. been governed with despotic sway." At some of these meet- Jan. 24. ings, ludicrous scenes occurred ; and the behavior of the clergy 1793. and even of "" potent and honorable senators," in more thar one instance, was difficult to be reconciled to that dignity of
N. Am. Review for Oct. 1827, 274; Bradford, iii. 28; Debates in the Mass. Convention, 162. " I have had my doubts of the constitution. I could not digest every part of it as readily as some gentlemen. But this,
sir, is my misfortune, not my fault.' Bradford, iii. 29, 46.
3 Ames's Eulogy on Washington Comp. also his speech on the British treaty of 1794, in Works, 71.
327
FRENCH REVOLUTION.
deportment which was becoming their station.1 " Citizen CHAP. Cuff " and " Citizen Cato " were familiar appellatives given to VIII. servants ; and they, in their turn, retorted the compliment by 1793. addressing executive officers as " Citizen A," or " Citizen B." But the height to which this extravagance was carried wrought its cure ; and those who
" Threw their caps
As they would hang them on the horns o' the moon, Shouting their emulation,"
were among the first to repent their folly.2
The evils, however, which sprang from this source, were far less serious than others which followed. The conduct of the French minister, "Citizen Genet," in his demands upon the government, and his attempts to exercise within the national jurisdiction powers which were at once both improper and mischievous, was opposed by the prudence and wisdom of Washington, who had recently entered upon his second presi- dential term,3 and who foresaw the consequences which must inevitably ensue should the nation be swerved from the neu-
1 The celebration referred to in the text was in honor of the repulse of the Duke of Brunswick, and of Du- mourier's temporary conquest of the Austrian Netherlands. An ox, roasted whole, and covered with decorations, with the flags of France and of the United States displayed from its horns, was elevated on a car, drawn by sixteen horses, and paraded through the streets, followed by four carts, drawn by twenty-four horses, and containing sixteen hundred loaves of bread and two hogsheads of punch. While these viands were distributed among an immense crowd collected in State Street, a select party, of three hundred persons, sat down in Faneuil Hall, to a civic feast, over which Lieu- tenant Governor Adams presided, assisted by the French consul. The children from all the schools were
also marshalled in State Street, on the occasion; and to each child was given a cake, stamped with the words " Liberty and Equality." A subscrip- tion was likewise raised to liberate prisoners confined for debt. And, in the evening, balloons ascended, bon- fires blazed, and the State House and other buildings were splendidly illu- minated. Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, i. 412.
2 Comp. Marshall's Washington, v. 423, and Bradford, iii. 44, note.
His second term commenced March 4, 1793; and, at this, as at the former election, he received the unan- imous vote of the electors. Mr. Ad- ams received 77 out of 132 votes cast for vice president - the rest being divided between Clinton, Jefferson, and Aaron Burr.
May to July.
1
328
CONDUCT OF GENET.
CHAP. tral position which it was its policy to maintain.1 Genet, VIII. whose secret instructions were in danger of being thwarted,2
1793. resented this conduct of Washington, and appealed to the people in behalf of "republican France," in whose freedom America had an interest; and, influenced by their attachment to the principles of liberty, many were inclined to sustain him in this appeal. But the zeal for "equality," thus professed, was carried to an excess closely bordering upon licentious- ness ; and the publications, in particular, in Freneau's and Bache's papers, reflecting upon the conduct of Washington, were "outrages upon common decency."3 Dissensions in the cabinet likewise arose, and were the occasion of political dis- putes and resentments which disturbed the peace of the nation for years. Then was it that "democratic societies" were organized ; 4 and then was it that Jefferson, in the warmth of his zeal, if not from less reputable motives, brought against Washington the unjust accusation of being a monarchist.5 It
1 Washington's proclamation of neutrality was issued April 22, 1793. Sparks's Washington, x. 535; Aus- tin's Life of Gerry, ii. 167; Pitkin's U. S., ii. 358, 359; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, i. 415. " This aet of firm- ness," says Fisher Ames, " at the haz- ard of his reputation and peace, en- titles him to the name of the first of patriots. Time was gained for the citizens to recover their virtue and good sense; and they soon recovered them. The erisis was passed, and America was saved." Tucker, Life of Jefferson, i. 422, 442, says this proc- lamation was not cordially received by the people, and their discontents were soon openly manifested.
2 For these instructions, see Am. State Papers, i .; Pitkin's U. S., ii. 360, 361.
3 Washington to Henry Lee, July 21, 1793, in Sparks's Washington, x. 359; Marshall's Washington, v. 410 et seq. See, also, Washington to Edmund Randolph, Aug. 26, 1792, in Sparks's Washington, x. 287. " If
government, and the officers of it, are to be the constant theme for news- paper abuse, - and this, too, without condescending to investigate the mo- tives or the facts, - it will be impos- sible, I conceive, for any man living to manage the helm, or keep the machine together."
4 On these societies, see Sparks's Washington, x. 454, 562; Tucker's Life of Jefferson, i. 488 et seq .; Pit- kin's U. S., ii. 387 ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, i. 524 et seq. " Although a democrat myself," wrote Patrick Henry to Henry Lee, June 27, 1795, " I like not the late Democratic So- cieties. As little do I like their sup- pression by law. Silly things may amuse for a while, but in a little time men will perceive their delusions."
Comp. Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, i. 341-344. " I do believe," he after- · wards wrote, " that General Washing- ton had not a firm confidence in the durability of our government. He was naturally distrustful of men, and inclined to gloomy apprehensions ; and
329
CHARGES AGAINST WASHINGTON.
was on this occasion that the illustrious patriot was so far CHAP. moved by the taunts of his persecutors as to become excited, VIII. and lose his self-command. " He had never but once," he 1793. said, "repented having slipped the moment of resigning his office ; and that was every moment since." But he speedily recovered his accustomed equanimity, and no one more deeply than himself regretted this misstep.1 The difficulties between Hamilton and Jefferson, which had been brewing for some time, seemed to threaten serious consequences, and the latter contemplated resigning his seat in the cabinet ; but he was solicited to remain, and readily agreed to postpone his resig- nation to the close of the year, in spite of the " immense diffi- culty " of his equivocal position.2
I was ever persuaded that a belief that we must at length end in something like a British constitution, had some weight in his adoption of the cere- monies of levees, birthdays, pompous meetings with Congress, and other forms of the same character, calcu- lated to prepare us gradually for a change, which he believed possible, and so let it come on with as little shock as might be to the public mind. These are my opinions of General Washington, which I would vouch at the judgment seat of God, having been formed on an acquaintance of thirty years." Comp. Tucker's Life of Jefferson, i. 388 et seq., ii. 349; Austin's Life of Gerry, ii. 62, 63. Yet the same gentleman, in his letter to Van Buren, attempted to prove that he had retained Washington's confidence to the last, though it is evident from his own writings, es- pecially his Mazzei letter, that he " hated him with as much energy as he did all the other distinguished fed- eralists " who had stood in the way of his political advancement. See further Sparks's Washington, x. 432, 433, 561, and xi. 137-140; Picker- ing's Review, 24; Tucker's Life of Jefferson, i. 519-528; ii. 25. “It must be admitted," says the latter,
Life of Jefferson, ii. 43, " that if Mr. Jefferson experienced the most viru- lent hatred and the most unfounded calumnies of his adversaries, he was, occasionally, not far behind them in credulity and injustice, and that he did not hesitate to attribute to them pur- poses which no honest mind could form, and no rational mind would at- tempt." For a note on Mazzei, see Tucker's Life of Jefferson, ii. 168, 169. ' He was an Italian gentleman, of good education, who came to America a little before the revolution, for the ostensible purpose of cultivating the vine, bringing with him twelve labor- ers, and beginning his experiment at a little farm called Collé, in Albe- marle, which he obtained from Mr. Jefferson by purchase or loan. At the time this letter was written, he had left the United States, and re- turned to Europe.
1 Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, i. 432. On the Langhorne letter, of 1797, which seems to have again implicated Jefferson in an attempt to defame Washington, see Sparks's Washing- ton, xi. 218, 220, 227, 289, 292, 501 et seq. ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, ii. 122-124.
2 Sparks's Washington, x. 306, 307, 365, 390, 515-526 : Marshall's
330
INSOLENCE OF GENET.
CHAP. VIII.
1793.
The conduct of Genet, in the mean time, became more insolent, and his letters to Washington were conceived in terms of great disrespect. Indeed, so far did his violence extend, and so far was he deluded by the flattery of his fol- lowers with the hope of achieving a victory over the presi- dent, that he had fully persuaded himself he should soon be able to have every thing his own way. But the people were not idle or indifferent spectators of his course. Their national pride was touched ; and their feelings of reverence for one who had served them so long and so faithfully led them, at length, to side with the government in silencing the noisy enthusiasm of the demagogue. His recall was, therefore, insisted upon ; and though the more zealous partisans of France labored, in the newspapers and by other means, to check the tide of public sentiment, and defend the course of the humbled minister, their efforts were unavailing. Yet the determination which was expressed, to allow no foreign inter- ference between the people and the government, was coupled with assurances of friendship for France ; nor did any forget their indebtedness to that nation for its valuable aid in the war of the revolution.1
Washington, v. 359; Jefferson's Works, ii. 290; iv. 492 et seq. ;
Tucker's Life of Jefferson, i. 333 et seq. ; i. 363-369; N. Am. Review for Oct. 1827 ; Bradford's Hist. Fed.
Gov't. 53-55; Statesman's Manual, i. 83; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, i. 291 et seq., 357 et seq., 434, 453 ; Pitkin's U. S. ii. 353. A modification of parties had taken place by this time- the federalists having become the advocates of the financial scheme
recommended by the secretary of the treasury, and of the great and im- portant measures of the administra- tion, and the anti-federalists having
the duties on domestic spirits, were incorporation of a national bank, and the assumption of the state debts, the ures. The funding system generally, subsided into opponents of those meas-
objects of severe attack ; and Hamil- ton, who was considered as the author of these schemes, was opposed by, Jefferson and his adherents. With' John Adams Jefferson was apparently on more friendly terms; though both Adams and Hamilton were, in his estimation, leagued in a conspiracy to overturn the republican institutions of the United States, and to substitute & monarchy and an aristocracy in their place - the monarchy being princi- pally patronized by Hamilton, and the aristocracy by Adams. Tucker's Life of Jefferson, i. 349. Comp. also, or this subject, the pamphlet entitled
" An Enquiry into the Principles and Tendency of Certain Public Measures,' printed at Philad., in 1794, and aimec against Hamilton's measures.
1 True Picture of the U. S. of Am.
331
DIFFICULTIES WITH ENGLAND.
Difficulties with England likewise occurred at this time, in CHAP. consequence of depredations upon the commerce of the United VIII. States, and the passage of the celebrated "orders in council." 1793. Instead, however, of resorting to force for redress, - though Nov. 6. an embargo for thirty days and sequestrating resolutions were 1794. Jan. 8. advocated by some, - a special embassy was instituted by Apr. 16. Washington ; and John Jay, a man of the loftiest and most disinterested patriotism, was despatched to the court of St. May 13. James's, for the purpose of negotiation.1 This prudent meas- ure was censured by the opponents of the administration as betraying a pusillanimity unbecoming the executive of an independent republic ; and when a treaty was concluded, Nov.19. it was deprecated, before its articles were known, as a politi- cal evil which ought not to be suffered. Hostility to the mother country, which had been fostered by the revolution, was far from being eradicated ; and there was quite a large class, "clad in English broadcloth and Irish linen, who import- ed their conveniences from England and their politics from
by a British Subject, London, 1807 ; Sparks's Washington, x. 387, 401, and message of Washington, in ibid. xii. 96; Pitkin's U. S. ii. 362-385 ; A Political Sketch of America, 19, 20 ; Tucker's Life of Jefferson, i. 424-438; Statesman's Manual, i. 85 ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, i. 434-441. "The best thing," wrote Washington to R. H. Lee, October 24, 1793, " that can be said of this agent [Genet] is, that he is totally unfit for the mission on which he is employed, unless, - which I hope is not the case, - contrary to the express and unequivocal declara- tion of his country made through himself, it is meant to involve us in all the horrors of a European war. This, or interested motives of his own, or having become the dupe and the tool of a party, is the only solution that can be given of his conduct." After his recall, Genet settled in America, and married a daughter of Governor Clinton, of New York.
1 Sparks's Washington, x. 404- 410, and App. xxii .; Pitkin's U. S. ii. 396-416; Tucker's Life of Jefferson, i. 481 et seq. ; Austin's Life of Gerry, ii. 174 ; Bradford, iii. 49, 50, and Hist. Fed. Gov't. 60-66; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, i. 440-556; Ames's Works, 140; Carey's Olive Branch, 84, 85. On the previous order, issued by the King in council, June 8, 1793, see Sparks's Washington, x. 408; Pit- kin's U. S. ii. 396, and Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, i. 440. For the meas- ures moved in Congress, in conse- quence of these orders, see Sparks's Washington, x. 409; and for a dis- cussion of the conduct of Great Britain, see the pamphlet of Juriscola, entitled " An Examination of the Conduct of Great Britain respecting Neutrals." Philad., 1807; also, " Political Ob- servations," published in 1795; Ers- kine's View of the Causes and Con- sequences of the Present War with France.
332
MEETING IN BOSTON.
CHAP. France," who considered Great Britain as the principal ag- VIII. gressor, and as designing to monopolize all the advantages 1795. of commercial intercourse between the two countries.1
The citizens of Boston, who in all periods of the history of the commonwealth had been accustomed to lead in political affairs, and whose views and opinions were generally, though not invariably, in unison with those of the people, assumed, on this occasion, to pass judgment upon the conduct of Washing- ton, and censured it more freely than circumstances warranted. July 10. Hence a public meeting was called for the purpose of remon- strating against the treaty, and, by a petition to the Senate, of preventing its ratification. Dr. Charles Jarvis was the principal speaker ; but there were not wanting those who objected to his views, and who considered the step inexpedient and improper. The constitution, it was said, had given to the President and Senate the exclusive power of concluding trea- ties ; and in the exercise of that power every good citizen was bound to acquiesce. Dawes, and Tudor, and Eustis were in favor of postponing the subject, or of referring it to a com- mittee to report at a future meeting, after a more perfect knowledge of the treaty. But the popular prejudice was July 13. strong on the other side ; and, at an adjourned meeting three days after, resolutions were passed to the effect that the treaty was "injurious to the commercial interests of the United States, derogatory to their national honor and independence,
Aug. 11 and might be dangerous to the peace and happiness of their and 15. citizens."2 The Chamber of Commerce, which was soon after
1 Mr. Jay arrived in England June 15, 1794, and concluded the treaty with Lord Grenville, November 19, which was received by the president March 7, 1795, submitted to the Senate June 8, and its ratification advised June 24, with the exception of the 12th article, relating to the West India trade. See Journals Sen. and H. of Reps .; Sparks's Wash-
ington, xi. 32, note, and App. No. 2; Hamilton's Works, vi. 2 et seq .; Pit- kin's U. S. ii. 442 et seq. ; Marshall's Washington, v .; Tucker's Life of Jef- ferson, i. 498; Statesman's Manual, i. 86. The treaty was published in the Am. State Papers, and in pam- phlet form for distribution.
2 Sparks's Washington, xi. 40, 57, 71; The Treaty Discussed, &c., 28 et
333
-
MEETING IN BOSTON.
convened, took a more liberal view, and expressed their acqui- CHAP. escence in the adoption of the treaty ; and Washington, in his VIII. reply to their memorial, while he declared his regret at the 1795. " diversity of opinion which had been manifested on this occa- sion," expressed his " satisfaction to learn that the commercial part of his fellow-citizens, whose interests were thought to be most deeply affected, so generally considered the treaty as calculated, upon the whole, to procure important advantages to the country." "This sentiment," he added, "I trust, will be extended, as the provisions of the treaty become well un- derstood." 1
seq., 73 et seq. ; Boston Centinel for July and Aug. 1795 ; Boston Chron. for July 13 and 16, 1795 ; Bradford, iii. 50, 51 ; Hildreth, 2d series, i. 540, -548. Similar meetings were held in New York, Philadelphia, and Charles- ton, S. C. ; and resolutions were passed denouncing the treaty and protesting against its ratification. The New York Chamber of Commerce, however, con- curred with the Boston Chamber in leaving the decision of the question with the constitutional authorities ; and it was, doubtless, this prudence of the conservative class which pre- vented the country from being plunged into a war. Comp. Sparks's Wash- ington, xi. App. x. ; Bradford's Hist. Fed. Gov't. 81. " It is indeed to be regretted," wrote Washington to Pick- ering, July 27, 1795, "that party disputes are now carried to such a length, and truth is so enveloped in mist and misrepresentation, that it is extremely difficult to know through what channel to seek it. This diffi- culty, to one who is of no party, and whose sole wish is to pursue, with undeviating steps, a path which would lead this country to respectability, wealth, and happiness, is exceedingly to be lamented." But such - for wise purposes it is to be presumed - is the turbulence of human passions in party disputes, when victory more than truth is the palm contended for, that the post of honor is a private station."
1 The Treaty Discussed, &c., 138, 139; Bradford, iii. 52. In the news- papers, speeches, and resolutions of the day, the treaty was opposed with considerable virulence; and it was condemned as " prostituting the dear- est rights of freemen, and laying them prostrate at the feet of royalty ; " - "a wanton sacrifice of the rights of this free nation ; " - "insulting to. the dignity, injurious to the interests, dangerous to the security, and repug- nant to the constitution of the Unit- ed States ; " -- containing "conces-, sions incompatible with the objects of the embassy, derogatory to the honor and injurious to the interests of Amer- ica, and openly and pointedly hostile to the cause of France ; " - pregnant with "many evils that threaten our ruin ; " - "injurious to the agricul- ture, manufactures, and commerce of the United States ; " - " invading the constitution and legislative au- thority of the country; abandoning their important and well-founded claims against the British govern- ment ; imposing unjust and impolitic restraints on their commerce; con- ceding, without an equivalent, im- portant advantages to Great Britain ; hostile and ungrateful to France ; committing our peace with that great republic ; unequal in every respect to America; hazarding her internal peace and prosperity, and derogating from her sovereignty and independence."
334
REPLY OF WASHINGTON.
1795. July 28.
CHAP. VIII. The reply to the citizens of Boston was couched in different terms. "In every act of my administration," said he, " I have sought the happiness of my fellow-citizens. My system for the attainment of this object has uniformly been, to overlook all personal, local, and partial considerations ; to contemplate the United States as one great whole; to confide that sudden impressions, when erroneous, would yield to candid reflection ; and to consult chiefly the substantial and permanent interests of our country. Nor have I departed from this line of con- duct on the occasion which has produced the resolutions con- tained in your letter.
" Without a predilection for my own judgment, I have weighed with attention every argument which has at any time been brought into view. But the constitution is the guide which I can never abandon. It has assigned to the President the power of making treaties, with the advice and consent of the Senate. It was doubtless supposed that these two branches of government would combine, without passion, and with the best means of information, those facts and principles upon which the success of our foreign relations will always depend ; that they ought not to substitute for their own convictions the opinions of others, or to seek the truth through any channel but that of a temperate and well-informed investigation. Under this persuasion, I have resolved on the manner of exe- cuting the duty before me." 1
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