USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, the commonwealth period. 1775-1820 v. III > Part 34
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Happy for all parties had these wise counsels been properly heeded. But the prejudices and passions excited by the rati-
Comp. Charleston Gazette for July 14, 1795 ; Rutledge's Speech, in ibid. for July 17, 1795 ; Savannah Reso- lutions ; Richmond Resolutions; Pe- tersburg Resolutions ; N. York Reso- lutions ; Philad. Memorial; Trenton Resolutions, &c.
1 Boston Chron. for Aug. 17, 1795; Sparks's Washington, xi. 42; 'The Treaty Discussed, 137; Pitkin's U. S. ii. 416, 447 ; Bradford, iii. 52. Fisher
Ames, of Massachusetts, delivered a powerful speech in Congress, in favor of the ratification of the treaty, which is given in his Works, 58 et seq., and which was warmly commended by President Washington. Sparks's Washington, xi. 127. Comp. Hil- dreth's U. S., 2d series, i. 605-615. For an able defence of the treaty, see Harper's Address to his Constituents, in Works, i. 1-46.
335
INCREASE SUMNER CHOSEN GOVERNOR.
fication of the treaty were too deep-seated to be immediately CHAP. removed, and riots among the lower classes were the natural VIII. result. These were continued in Boston for several nights ; 1795. Sep. 11. houses were attacked ; the attorney general and sheriff were grossly insulted, and, in one instance, personally assaulted ; and Mr. Jay, the negotiator of the treaty, was burned in effigy. The governor, who was himself opposed to the treaty, unwisely, as it would seem, declined to interfere for the sup- pression of the tumult, alleging that it was " a mere watermelon frolic - the harmless amusement of young persons ; " but a number of citizens voluntarily associated to prevent the con- tinuance of excesses, and their efforts were successful.1
In the spring of 1797, another change took place in the 1797. April. government of Massachusetts - Increase Sumner, for several years a judge of the Supreme Judicial Court, being elected to the chief magistracy in the room of Mr. Adams, who, pleading the infirmities of age, had declined the suffrages of his fellow- citizens previous to the election.2 Earlier in the same year, Mar. 4. a similar change had taken place in a higher quarter - John Adams, of Massachusetts, having succeeded Washington as president of the United States.3 The sympathies of Mr ..
1 Bost. Chron. for Oct. 1, 1795, and He was a member of the General Mar. 14, 1796; Hildreth, 2d ser., i. 576, Court in 1776, and the three follow- ing years, when he was chosen a sen- ator for the county of Suffolk. He was a member of the convention which formed the state constitution, in 1780, and, in 1782, was made an associate justice of the Supreme Judicial Court. In 1789 he was a member of the con- vention for ratifying the federal con- stitution, and in 1797 was chosen governor. Knapp's Biog. Sketches of eminent Lawyers, &c .; Mem. of Gov. Sumner, in N. E. Gen. Hist. Reg. for April, 1854. The other candidates at this time. were Moses Gill and James Sullivan. 598; Bradford, iii. 53; N. E. Gen. Hist. Reg. for April, 1854, 119. After the ratification of the treaty, Aug. 18, petitions against it were circulated throughout the United States, and a number of these were presented, in the winter of 1796, from different parts of the Union. Pitkin's U. S. ii. 454, 455. James Sullivan, Esq., afterwards Governor Sullivan, was at- torney general of Massachusetts at this time; and the riots alluded to in the text took place in Liberty Square. 2 Mr. Sumner was born in Rox- bury, November 27, 1746, and gradu- ated at Harvard College, in 1767. In 3 Elbridge Gerry, the political friend of Jefferson, seems to have foreseen the consequences of this election ; and 1770 he was admitted to the bar, and opened an office in his native town.
336
JOHN ADAMS CHOSEN PRESIDENT.
CHAP. Sumner, as they had ever been enlisted in favor of Washing- VIII. ton and his administration, were cordially tendered to the new 1797. June. incumbent of the national chair ; and, in his first address to the General Court, he publicly expressed his confidence in the talents and patriotism of Mr. Adams. In this declaration, he did but echo the sentiments of a majority of the people of Massachusetts ; for, as the new president was known to be friendly to commerce, and to the interests of the Southern as well as of the Eastern States, it was believed he would pursue the wise and prudent policy of his predecessor, the benefits of which were beginning to be felt and to be generally acknowl- edged.1
Unfortunately, however, for the peace of his own mind and for the tranquillity of the nation, notwithstanding the ac- knowledged abilities of the president, and his life-long devotion to American liberty, his opponents were soon busied in tra- ducing his character and impugning his measures, under the plea that he was an aristocrat at heart, and was too much attached, for a chief magistrate of the American republic, to the government of Great Britain and its hereditary honors.2 And it must be admitted that, on some points, the conduct of Mr. Adams was calculated to countenance and encourage such
in a letter to Jefferson, dated March 27, 1797, he says, "The consequences of this election will be repeated strat- agems to weaken or destroy the confidence of the president and vice president in each other, from an assur- ance that, if it continues to the end of the present administration, the vice president will be his successor; and, perhaps, from a dread of your politi- cal influence." Austin's Life of Gerry, ii. 136. See also the Reply of Jef- ferson, in ibid. ii. 136 et seq. . How prophetic these words were, time soon proved. On the conduct of Jefferson, his interest in public affairs, and his ultimate views, from the date of his resignation of the office of secretary
of state, sec Tucker's Life of Jeffer- son, i. 467-472.
1 Bradford, iii. 62.
2 Writings of Hamilton, i. 489, 490 ; Bradford's Hist. Fed. Gov't. 87. 88. That Mr. Adams repudiated the charge of being in favor of an heredi- tary aristocracy, appears from his let- ter to Jefferson, July 13, 1813, in Works, x. 54. " I will forfeit my life, if you can find one sentiment in my Defence of the Constitutions, or the Discourses on Davila, which, by a fail construction, can favor the idea of the introduction of hereditary monarchy or aristocracy in America. They were all written to strengthen and support the Constitution of the United States.'
337
VIEWS OF MR. ADAMS.
suspicions. He had never been averse to outward display - CHAP. to the use of titles and ceremonial distinctions ; and his notions VIII.
on " birth " and " blood " were not very agreeable to those who 1797. derived their lineage from a humble source.1 Not that he can be said to have advocated in any of his writings the doc- trine of indelible hereditary excellence, -
" Propped by ancestry, whose grace Chalks successors their way."
Yet he seems to have favored the idea of a derivative excel- lence, which was transmissible, also, to a certain extent, though it would doubtless be unjust to impute to him the intention to detract from real worth, from whatever source it sprang.
"From lowest place when virtuous things proceed, The place is dignified by the doer's deed. Where great additions swell, and virtue none, It is a dropsied honor. Good alone Is good, without a name. Vileness is so.
1 Comp. Sparks's Washington, x. state in the Union, and from the his- 20; Adams to Jefferson, July 9 and 13, Aug. - , and Sept. 2 and 15, 1813, in Works x. 49, 52, 58, 64, 69. " Birth and wealth together have pre- vailed over virtue and talents in all ages." "Has science, or morals, or philosophy, or criticism, or Christian- ity, advanced, or improved, or en- lightened mankind upon this subject, and shown them that the idea of the ' well born' is a prejudice, a phantom, a Point-no-Point, a Cape Flyaway, a dream. I say it is the ordinance of God Almighty, in the constitution of human nature, and wrought into the fabric of the universe. Philosophers and politicians may nibble and quib- ble, but they will never get rid of it. Their only resource is to control it. If you deny any one of these positions, I will prove them to demon- stration, by examples drawn from your own Virginia, and from every other VOL. III. 22
tory of every nation, civilized and savage, from all we know of the time of the creation of the world. We may call this sentiment a preju- dice, because we can give what names we please to such things as we please ; but, in my opinion, it is a part of the natural history of man, and politicians and philosophers may as well project to make the animal live without bones or blood, as society can pretend to free government without attention to it." A curious "Essay on Hered- itary Titles and University Degrees, particularly Doctorates in Divinity, by a New England Farmer," was printed in Boston, in 1798, " by Man- ning & Loring, for Caleb Bingham, No. 44 Cornhill." The author of this pamphlet wrote against such dis- tinctions, unless " conferred for actual merit."
338
VIEWS OF MR. ADAMS.
CHAP. VIII.
The property by what it is should go, Not by the title." 1
1797.
To those, however, who did not perceive this distinction, or who wished to overlook it, Mr. Adams was the counterpart of a genuine republican - tainted with conceits and affected with a vanity which entirely disqualified him for the station he filled.2 Hence the rancor of his opponents was increased by his success ; and though it might, perhaps, be unjust to them to question their sincerity, it can hardly be doubted that too much stress was laid upon trifles, and that, for party pur- poses, they were by no means reluctant to disparage his patri- otism and impeach his intentions.3 It is not affirmed that Mr. Adams was perfect ; and it would be too much to assert that he was never mistaken.4 If he was "often liable to
1 All's Well That Ends Well, Act ii. Sc. 3.
2 Hamilton, in his letter on John Adams, ed. 1800, 7, while he did not deny his integrity or patriotism, spoke of him as possessing " an imagination sublimated and eccentric -- propi- tious neither to the regular display of sound judgment, nor to a steady per- severance in a systematic plan of con- duct ; "-" a vanity without bounds;" - " a jealousy capable of discoloring every object ; " -- " disgusting ego- tism and ungovernable indiscretion." " There are great and intrinsic defects in his character, which unfit him for the office of chief magistrate." See also Hamilton to Carroll, July 1, 1800, in Works, vi. 446, and Bayard to Hamilton, Aug. 18, 1800, in ibid. 457. A review of Hamilton's pam- phlet, by Caius, was published at Baltimore, entitled " A few Remarks on Mr. Hamilton's late Letter concerning the Publie Conduet and Character of the President," which is worthy of perusal by those who wish to see both sides of a question, though the pamphlet itself is somewhat tart. 3 " No man, perhaps," says Pick- ering, Review, 6, " has ever suffered
more from disappointed ambition and mortified vanity than Mr. Adams for in no man were these passion ever more highly sublimated."
4 As a general thing, Mr. Adams though free in the expression of hi opinions, and indulging occasionall: in a petulant humor, spoke of hi bitterest opponents, in his calm an dispassionate moods, with commend able moderation, and did ample justic to their talents and virtues. The onl instance in which he seems to hav departed from this rule -and that not without strong provocation - wa in his treatment of Hamilton, whom to the last, he could never forgive and whom he held up to the world & a loathsome libertine. See the Cur ningham Corresp., and comp. Hi dreth's U. S., 2d series, ii. 384 et ser When great men thus spar with eac other, and forget the rules of Christia charity, we may lament their erro and wish it had been otherwise wit them. But the sun shines notwith standing the spots which may be ol served on its surface. These eclip: but a portion of its brightness. It still the great reservoir of light ar of heat. And so is it with great me:
339
DIFFICULTIES WITH FRANCE.
paroxysms of anger,"1 were there not others who were guilty CHAP. of similar excesses ? And why should he be singled out as VIII. exclusively an object of censure ? Few, it is believed, can 1797. read his writings, and few can review the history of his life, without awarding him the praise of acting conscientiously, and of being as free from gross and palpable faults as is often allotted to the weakness of humanity. It would be invidious to compare him with his distinguished associates ; but, with- out disparaging them, it may be safely affirmed that, if he was not their superior, he was at least their equal.2
The difficulties with France, commenced under the adminis- tration of Washington, had not ceased when Adams took the presidential chair ; and, as the rulers of that nation were jealous of the "increasing activity of the commercial relations 1796. betwixt the United States and England," 3 and seemed desirous, July 2. and 1797. by their decrees against American commerce and their capture Mar. 2.
They have their faults ; but their virtues overbalance, and commend them to our respect.
1 Hamilton's Letter, ed. 1800, 38. " Most, if not all his ministers, and several distinguished members of the two Houses of Congress, have been humiliated by the effects of these gusts of passion.'
On the character of John Adams, see his Life, by his grandson, Charles Francis Adams ; Webster's Eulogy; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, i. 293- 296, &c.
That France, as a nation, from the outset of the revolution, sided with America, in the contest with England, more from a desire to cripple the commerce of Great Britain, than from any real regard to the liberties of the United States, and that, so soon as the independence of the United States was declared, she sought to divert the commerce of this country into a new channel, and secure its benefits to her- self, is evident from the writings of her eminent statesmen, and is, indeed,
distinctly avowed in the " Mem. con- cerning the Commercial Relations of the U. States with England, by Citi- zen Talleyrand," republished at Bos- ton, in 1809. " If, after the peace," says he, p. 5, " which secured the in- dependence of America, France had been sensible of the full advantages of her position, she would have con- tinued, and would have sought to multiply, the relations which, during the war, had been so happily estab- lished betwixt her and her allies, and which had been broken off with Great Britain ; and thus, the ancient habits being almost forgotten, we might at least have contended with some ad- vantage against every thing which had a tendency to recall them." Speak- ing, also, of the causes which had tended to reconcile America to Eng- land, arising from sympathy of lan- guage, religion, customs, &c., he adds, p. 13, "They have taken such deep root, that it would, perhaps, require a French establishment in America to counteract their ascendency with any
3
340
DIFFICULTIES WITH FRANCE.
CHAP. of American vessels,1 to force this country into a war with VIII. England; it became necessary, in the opinion of the executive, 1797. to remonstrate decisively, and prepare for the support of the rights of America. Hence measures were adopted for the protection of the shipping interest, by building vessels of war, fortifying the sea coasts, and augmenting the forces of the nation.2 These measures were naturally attended with ex- pense ; and the opponents of the administration condemned them as extravagant. But the governor of Massachusetts
1798.
June. seems to have concurred in them ; and, in an address3 to the
hopes of success. UNDOUBTEDLY
SUCH A POLITICAL PROJECT SHOULD NOT BE OVERLOOKED."
1 Instructions to the Envoys, &c., Philad., 1798; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, ii. 50, 55. The latter decree, reviving that of May 9, 1793, was in- tended - so wrote Barlow -" to be little short of a declaration of war ; " and, in its practical application, it proved more fatal to the interests of the United States than might have been supposed from its terms. An- other decree, still more sweeping, was issued January 18,.1798, which for- bade the entrance into any French port of any vessel which, at any pre- vious part of her voyage, had touched at any English possession, and de- claring good prize all vessels having merchandise on board the produce of England or her colonies, whoever the owners of the merchandise might be.
2 Speech of May 16, 1797, in Ad- ams's Works, ix. 116; Bradford's Hist. Fed. Gov't., 94, 95; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, ii. 66, 88; Harper's Obs., in Works, i. 47-154. Tucker, Life of Jefferson, ii. 10, 11, judiciously observes on this point, "The blame of this state of things was thrown by many on the unwise councils of the government, which were attributed to its predilections for Great Britain over France. But they seem rather due to the conflict between those nations ; for, when we consider the bitter ani- mosity which was felt by both nations,
it was scarcely practicable how the government could have steered clear of a war with either England or France, and the question only to be considered was, which would have most affected the honor, and most im- peded the prosperity, of the country. Had the government not firmly re- sisted and diligently counteracted the popular sentiment towards France, or had not many of the causes of col- lision been removed by the British treaty, a war with England would have been inevitable ; but after that treaty, no course of mere neutrality would probably have restored the con- fidence and friendly feelings of France. In short, encouraged by the known partiality of the American people, nothing would have satisfied France, apparently, but war against Great Britain ; and her unfriendly senti- ments were yet further excited by the recall of Mr. Monroe, whose only of- fence was supposed to be his too kind feelings towards France."
3 The last session of the legisla- ture in the Old State House was held this year; and January 11, 1798, the General Court took possession of the New State House, still standing near the Common, the erection of which was commenced in 1795. On this occasion, the governor and legislature, with the different officers of the gov- ernment, moved in procession to the representatives' room, where the Rev. Dr. Thacher, as chaplain of the Gen-
341
COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED.
General Court, in the following year, he recommended the CHAP. adoption of similar measures for the defence of the sea coasts VIII. of the state, which are quite extensive. Castle Island, with 1797. his sanction, was likewise ceded to the United States, to be repaired and extended, with a view to prevent the entrance of foreign vessels which might blockade the town.1
The appointment of commissioners to the court of France May 31. was another of the measures of President Adams, in which he was opposed by a portion of his cabinet, between whom and his excellency there was not an entire harmony of views ; and the difficulties which sprang from this source were lasting and violent.2 Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts, was one of these commissioners 3- a gentleman distinguished for his intellec- tual ability, and for his attachment to the republican party. His associates were Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, of South Jun. 21 Carolina, the head of the federal party, who was still at Amsterdam, and John Marshall, of Virginia, afterwards the biographer of Washington, beloved for his private and public virtues, and admired for his unrivalled powers of argument. The reception of these agents,4 however, was not such as
eral Court, dedicated the building " to the honor of God and the people's good." For a description of the building, and the ceremonies of dedi- cation, &c., see Fleet's Register for 1799, 39, 40 ; Bradford, iii. 56; Mem. of Gov. Sumner, in N. E. Gen. Hist. Register for April, 1854, 120.
1 Bradford, iii. 63-65. That Wash- ington approved the measures of Mr. Adams, is evident from his Writings, xi. 205, 262. " Believe me, sir, no one can more cordially approve the wise and prudent measures of your administration. They ought to in- spire universal confidence; and will, no doubt, combined with the state of things, call from Congress such laws and means as will enable you to meet the full force and extent of this crisis." 2 Works of J. Adams, ix. 288. Comp. Tucker's Life of Jefferson, ii.
14, 19, 23; Hamilton's Works, vi. 195, 209, 214, 216, 218, 221, 242, 247 ; Bradford's Hist. Fed. Gov't. 96; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, ii. 94 et seq. "The preference of Mr. Gerry to Mr. Cabot," wrote John Adams, " was my first mortal offence against my sovereign heads of depart- ments, and their disciples in all the states. It never was, or has been, forgiven me by those who call them- selves, or are called by others, the 'leading men' among the federal- ists."
3 Works of J. Adams, ix. 150; Statesman's Manual, i. 130. Francis Dana, of Massachusetts, was nomi- nated before Mr. Gerry; but as he declined, Mr. Gerry was appointed in his place.
4 Mr. Gerry, who embarked for Europe August 9, and arrived at
342
RECEPTION OF THE COMMISSIONERS.
Sept. 4.
CHAP. evinced a willingness on the part of the Directory, confirmed VIII. by the revolution of the eighteenth Fructidor, to treat with the 1797. United States on liberal terms. Indeed, the conduct of the French rulers, with Talleyrand as secretary of foreign affairs, justified the remark of an eminent patriot, that "resistance or unconditional submission was the only alternative left to a nation within reach of their arms." For the commissioners were received with coldness and disrespect ; they were not publicly accredited ; and persons were sent, in a private and informal manner, to ascertain their views, and learn upon what terms the United States were willing to purchase the friendship of France.1
1798. April.
In consequence of this treatment, which was condemned alike by federalists and republicans, two of the commissioners, Pinckney and Marshall, left the court. But Mr. Gerry re- mained, in the hope, it is said, of averting a rupture, and opening the way for a reconciliation. If in this he was un-
Paris October 4, in a letter dated Oc- tober 9, in Austin's Life of Gerry, ii. 159, note, gives a rather ludicrous account of his reception at the court. " The morning after my arrival," says he, "I was waited upon by the mu- sicians of the executive, and, the suc- ceeding morning, by a deputation of poissardes, or fisherwomen, for pres- ents.' Major Rutledge was kind enough to negotiate for me, by which means I avoided the kind caresses of the ladies, and an interview with the gentlemen. They expected fifteen or twenty guin- eas, which each of us, according to cus- tom, was obliged to give them. When the ladies get sight of a minister, as they did of my colleagues, they smoth- er him with their delicate kisses! So much for the dignity of the corps di- plomatique."
1 What is our Situation, and What our Prospects, by an American ; Ham- ilton's Works, vi. 274-277; Tucker's Life of Jefferson, ii. 20, 28; Bradford, iii. 68; Harper's Speech of May 29,
1797, in Works, i. 165-208. The French Directory had previously de- clared " qu'il ne reconnaîtra, et ne re- cevra plus de ministre plénipotentiaire des Etats Unis, jusqu'après le redresse- ment des griefs demandé au gouverne- ment Américaine, et que la Republique Française est en droit d'en entendre." Hamilton's Works, vi. 216. For a full account of this embassy, see the pamphlet published at Philadelphia, by an order of Congress of the 22d June, 1798, entitled “ Instructions to the Envoys Extraordinary and Min- isters Plenipotentiary from the U. S. of America to the French Republic, their Letters of Credence and Full Powers, and the Despatches received from them relative to their Mission." For curious pamphlets on the French side of the question, see the Second Warning, published at Paris, in 1798, and Fauchet's Sketch of our Political Relations, printed at Paris, and re- printed at Philadelphia, in 1797.
343 +
RETURN OF PINCKNEY AND MARSHALL.
successful, the president, it would seem, did not entirely disap- CHAP. prove of his course,1 though many of the citizens of Massachu- VIII. setts, and the federalists generally, condemned his vanity in 1798. "thinking he could negotiate favorably for the country, when his colleagues were convinced that no just or reasonable condi- tions would be admitted." 2
Previous to the return of Pinckney and Marshall, the gov- ernment of the United States, satisfied that its course must be prompt and decided, was busied in devising measures to bring things to a head ; and, after the despatches of the envoys had May 4. been presented to Congress, which served to open the eyes of many, and to silence for a time the favorers and apologists of France,3 an act was passed authorizing the president to raise May 22.
1 Comp. J. Adams to T. Pickering, Aug. 3, 1799, in Works, ix. 7. " He was nominated, and approved, and finally saved the peace of the nation. He alone discovered and furnished the evidence that X, Y, Z were employed by Talleyrand. And he alone brought home the direct, formal, official as- surances upon which the subsequent commission proceeded, and peace was made." Yet Pickering was allowed, at the ensuing session of Congress, to send in a report, - pruned, indeed, by Mr. Adams, - in which the conduct of Mr. Gerry was criticised severely.
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