USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, the commonwealth period. 1775-1820 v. III > Part 35
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2 Comp. Hamilton's Works, vi. ; Bradford, iii. 70 ; Pickering's Review, 77-100 ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, ii. 262, 263. That Mr. Gerry was " tenacious of his own peculiar projects, and estimated, with great self-com- placency, the plans which originated with himself," seems to be admitted by Mr. Austin, his biographer, to- gether with the "habitually suspicious tendency of his mind." Austin's Life of Gerry, ii. 307. That Mr. Gerry, however, did not voluntarily enter upon this separate negotiation, but for the reasons assigned in the text, is evident from his Letter to Talleyrand, in Austin, ii. 209. Washington had a less favorable opinion of Mr. Gerry's
course than President Adams, and wrote to Pickering, October 18, 1798, Writings, xi. 325, "With respect to Mr. Gerry, his own character and the public satisfaction require better evi- dence than his letter to the minister of foreign relations to prove the propriety of his conduct during his en- voyship." Comp. Pickering's Review, 110-143, and Hamilton's Works, vi. 322. The treatment of Mr. Gerry's family during his absence, as detailed in Austin's Life of Gerry, ii. 266, 267, reflects little credit upon the parties concerned, and speaks little in favor of the cause they had espoused. To insult a lady, by insinuating doubts of her husband's fidelity, by erecting a guillotine before her window, on which was the effigy of a headless man, smeared with blood, and by savage yells during the night, to disturb her repose, were unmanly and disgraceful acts, for which no apology should be offered, and which every good citizen must concur in condemning.
3 " The influence," says Tucker, Life of Jefferson, ii. 33, " which these despatches had on public sentiment is well recollected. Those who had been previously alienated from the French nation, and were prepared to resist her lawless course on the ocean,
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344
MEASURES OF THE GOVERNMENT.
CHAP. a provisional army of twenty thousand men, the command of VIII. which was intrusted to Washington. Authority was also
1798. given to the navy of the United States to seize vessels under
July 7. May 28. the flag of France which had committed encroachments on Jun. 13. American commerce ; commercial intercourse between the two countries was suspended ; the treaties concluded with France July 7. were declared no longer binding on the United States; letters July 9. of marque and reprisal were empowered to be issued ; and other acts were passed, for increasing the navy, for direct and indirect taxation, and for appropriating the revenue among the officers of government. Alien and sedition laws were likewise passed.1
The adoption of these measures was censured by the oppo- nents of the administration with all the virulence which passions inflamed beyond reasonable bounds have ever pro- duced ; and the foundation was laid of personal piques and bitter resentments, which have not ceased with the passage of years. Whoever, indeed, speaks freely of the transactions of those days - of the intrigues of great men and the plots of partisans - is sure to touch some sensitive point, and to revive animosities which will not soon be forgotten. There is no alternative, however, for the impartial historian, but to move
loudly triumphed at this undisguised manifestation of the baseness and cu- pidity of her rulers, which at once justified their previous course, and was likely to strengthen their cause with the people. All the timid and wavering of the other party, the neu- ter between both parties, and a few elevated minds, who forgot party dis- tinctions in their sensibility to the national honor, swelled the list, and thus gave to the administration and anti-Gallican party a decisive majority of the people."
1 Works of J. Adams, ix. 159, 160; Sparks's Washington, xi. 242 et seq., and App. Nos. 11 and 12; Marshall's Washington, v. 735-746 ;
Hamilton's Works, vi. 309 et seq. ; Tucker's Life of Jefferson, ii. 28-33 ; Bradford, iii. 67, and Hist. Fed. Gov't. 97-102; Austin's Life of Gerry, iii. 271, 272; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, ii. 195 et seq .; Harper's Letter of July 23, 1798, in Works, i. 268-287. The frigate CONSTITUTION was built in Boston at this time, which was con- sidered one of the best ships belong- ing to the United States. The other two frigates voted by Congress, were the United States and the Constella- tion. Besides these, it appears from the official reports, that not less than 365 private armed vessels were com- missioned, mounting 2733 guns, and manned by 6874 seamen.
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345
RE-ELECTION OF MR. SUMNER.
straight forward in the discharge of his duty, dealing as fairly CHAP with the one side as with the other. It would not be difficult, VIII. did the disposition exist, to find fault with both sides ; nor 1799. would it be difficult to substantiate, by copious quotations from newspaper pasquils, anonymous notes, and fatherless pamphlets, charges of misconduct against even the best char- acters. But it is unwise to judge men by their splenetic humors, or by the foibles and passions which often betray them. Moods of misanthropy are common to all ; and impulse prompts to many a hasty censure and reproof, which is after- wards regretted, if it is not retracted.1
The reelection of Mr. Sumner as governor of Massachusetts was warmly opposed in this and the following year, in conse- quence of his sympathy with President Adams ; but he was 1799. chosen in the latter year by a very large majority, receiving April 1. at least three fourths of the whole number of votes cast.2 To the grief of his friends, he died before taking the oath of June 7.
1 The state of feeling in Massachu- setts, and the views of the people relative to Mr. Adams's administra- tion, may be gathered from the ad- dresses approving his course, from the legislature of the state, the grand jury of the county of Plymouth, the students of Harvard College, the citi- zens of Boston, and from a number of other towns. The replies to these addresses are given in the Works of John Adams, ix. 189 et seq. Comp. also Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, ii. 207 et seq. For the opinion of Ham- ilton on the situation of the country, and the views of those who were " de- termined to go every length with France," see his Works, vi. 289, Letter to Washington, May 19, 1798, and reply of Washington, in ibid.
son, ii. 24, judiciously observes, that " this imputation of sacrificing the interests of the United States to those of a foreign nation, was indeed habit- ually made by both parties against
their opponents, but, as to the great body of the people, and even of the politicians, it was utterly unfounded. . Yet, as each one was persuaded that the policy of our government, and perhaps its character, was likely to be affected according as the power of these nations in Europe and their in- fluence here prevailed, each was led to take an interest in French or Eng- lish affairs, on account of the interest they took in their country's welfare ; and it is not wonderful that, with many, objects first pursued on other accounts should be afterwards pur- sued for their own; and that, in a few instances, the secondary consider- ation became the first in regard and importance."
The whole vote was 33,000, of 290. Tucker, however, Life of Jeffer- · which Mr. Sumner received 25,000. One hundred and eighty towns gave him a unanimous vote. Bradford, iii. 65; Mem. of Gov. S., in N. E. Gen. Hist. Reg. for April, 1854, 123.
346
CALEB STRONG CHOSEN GOVERNOR.
CHAP. office ; and Moses Gill, the lieutenant governor, occupied the VIII. chair for the rest of the year.1 The successor of Mr. Gill war
1800. May. Caleb Strong, a gentleman of "uncommon talents, of grea political knowledge and experience, and of unblemished mor als." 2 His competitor, Mr. Gerry, was the candidate of the republican party ; and it is proof of the confidence of the people in his integrity that the vote for him was large, though insufficient to secure his election.3 The two parties, indeed - the federalists and republicans, - were quite nearly bal anced in Massachusetts at this time ; and such was the stat of public feeling, that "ministers and judges entered the arena of political strife," and " the temples of devotion and justic became altars of desecration." 4 It is a sad illustration o the weakness of humanity to find a meeting of free citizens preparatory to the election of national representatives, de
1 Moses Gill, the lieutenant gov- ernor of Massachusetts, had held this office for several years, and was " es- teemed as an ardent patriot, and a sineere friend to the liberties of the people." He was a gentleman of re- spectable talents, and discharged the duties of his office with commendable diligence. His administration was too short, however, to be particularly distinguished, nor is his name usually given in the list of the governors of the state, though it properly belongs there, as he served for a full year. The death of Washington, which oc- eurred December 14, 1799, was a scverc stroke to the nation, and to the federal party especially, with which he had been' connected; and the downfall of this party and the triumph of its opponents may be dated from this period. Public services were held in all the states on the oeeasion of the funeral of Washington, and numerous eulogies were delivered and published.
2 Biog. of Gov. Strong, ed. 1820; Boston Centinel for March 11, 1812; Bradford, iii. 77. Mr. Strong was
born at Northampton, in 1744, an entered early into public life, being member of the Committee of Corre spondenee of Northampton, in 177/ and of the Massachusetts legislatur in 1776, with the intrepid Hawley He was a member of the Constiti tional Convention of 1780, and wa chosen councillor in the same yea and senator in 1781. He was or of the five delegates to the Feder Convention, in 1787, and a member of the Massachusetts Convention ( 1788. From 1789 to 1797, he wi also a senator in the Congress of th United States, after which he retire to private life, until chosen to th chief magistraey of Massachusetts 1800. He was now, therefore, in th 56th year of his age; and his abiliti and experience abundantly qualifie him for the responsible station which he was called, and which l filled with so much credit to himse and the state.
3
Austin's Life of Gerry, ii. 302.
4 Austin's Life of Gerry, ii. 29 note.
347
FOURTH PRESIDENTIAL CANVASS.
scribed as "a convention of Parisian cutthroats, assembled in CHAP. solemn divan for the purpose of selecting some devotee of VIII. republicanized France as a candidate for the democratic 1798. suffrages in this district for federal representation at the ap- Oct. 17, proaching election."1 But such excesses were not uncommon ; and all who participated actively in political affairs were alike subjected to sneers and reproaches.
The fourth presidential canvass, in the mean time, was 1800. approaching ; and, as dissatisfaction with the administration of Mr. Adams had been increased by his attempt to negotiate anew with France, - which was disapproved by a majority of the cabinet, and by the great body of the federalists in both Houses,2-and by his dismissal of Pickering and M'Henry, his secretaries of state and war, which provoked their enmity against him, as well as by the defensive measures which were still pursued, and the enforcement of the obnoxious alien and sedition laws,3 the opposition became violent ; his conduct was condemned as " a heterogeneous compound of right and wrong,
1 Boston Centinel for Oct. 17, 1798; Austin's Life of Gerry, ii. 296, note. 2 Desultory Reflections on the New Political Aspects, &c., N. Y., 1800; Works of J. Adams, ix. 11, 18, 19, 24 et seq., 131, note, 162, 241 et seq. ; Hamilton's Works, vi. 471, and Let- ter on J. Adams, 21; Gibbs's Fed. Admin. ii. 243 et seq. ; Jay's Jay, ii. 296; Tucker's Life of Jefferson, ii. 58; Statesman's Manual, i. 134 ; Hil- dreth's U. S., 2d series, ii. 180 et seq. ; Harper's Speech of March 2, 1798, in Works, i. 209-267. In this instance, several of the cabinet were opposed to sending new commissioners to France, as " an act of humiliation not to be submitted to except under the pres- sure of an extreme necessity, which did not exist."
Works of J. Adams, ix. 14, note, 291; the Cunningham Correspond. ; Hamilton's Letter, 2d ed. 37 et seq. ; Pendleton's Address, Boston, 1799 ; Hamilton's Works, vi. 307, 398; Pick-
ering's Review, 44-77; Proceedings of the Va. Assembly, Philad. 1800 ; Barlow's Letters; Bradford, iii. 80. For Washington's opinion of the alien and sedition laws, see Sparks's Washington, xi. 345, 387; and for Hamilton's, see his Works, vi. 388, 389. "The alien law," says Carey, Olive Branch, 83, "I believe, was never carried into operation. It was held in terrorem over several active and influential foreigners, who, in the lan- guage of the day, were rank Jacobins, and, of course, enemies of God and man. But the case was far different with the sedition law. Several individ- uals could bear testimony, from ex- perience, to the severity with which its sanctions were enforced." Pick- ering, Review, 11, asserts that one of the objects of the sedition law was "to protect him [Mr. Adams] from the torrents of calumny pouring upon him from all the streams of democ- racy."
1799. Feb. 25.
348
CHOICE OF JEFFERSON.
CHAP. of wisdom and error ; " and the result of the canvass, after a VIII. great deal of manœuvring and not a little tergiversation, was
1801. the election of Mr. Jefferson by a vote of the House.1 The vote of Massachusetts was given for Mr. Adams ; 2 but, as the 1800. Nov. electors were chosen by the legislature, at a special session, it is probable that, had the former mode of voting in districts been adopted, several votes would have been given for Mr. 1801. Jefferson.3 Yet the governor, in his annual address, expressed June. himself in a conciliatory manner towards the new adminis- tration, although the result had not " corresponded with the wishes of many citizens of this commonwealth." "They will reflect," he observed, "that, in republics, the opinion of the majority must prevail, and that obedience to the laws and respect for the constitutional authorities are essential to the character of a good citizen." 4
Nor were these prudent counsels without their effect ; for
1 For these proceedings, see Ham- ilton's Works, vi. 416 et seq. ; the Voter's Text Book, 7; Tucker's Life of Jefferson, ii. 74-82; Bradford's Hist. Fed. Gov't. 117; Statesman's Manual, i. 219; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, ii. 402 et seq. That Jefferson took a deep interest in the result of this election, and did all in his power to insure the defeat of Mr. Adams, is evident from his own writings, and from the admission of his biographer ; and the points upon which he princi- pally relied were, "that when these counteractions of the alien and sedition laws and the new taxes should be removed, the inherent unpopularity of these acts would bring the adminis- tration into discredit with the people, and give their rivals the ascendency ; for the angry passions of party zealots, deprived of all other objects, would concentre on the two obnoxious laws and other measures of the federalists, against which they already had evi- dence of a strong popular leaning." Tucker's Life of Jefferson, ii. 59.
" The activity of the opponents of
Mr. Adams in Massachusetts is graph- ically portrayed by Fisher Ames, in his Laocoon, No. 1, Works, 101. "The Jacobins have at last made their own discipline perfect. They are trained, officered, regimented, and formed to subordination in a manner that our militia has never yet equalled. Emissaries are sent to every class of men, and even to every individual man that can be gained. Every threshing floor, every husking, every party at work on a house-frame, or raising a building, the very funerals are in- fested with brawlers or whisperers against government. In one of our towns, it is a fact, that the vote would have been unanimous for our worthy chief magistrate; but a turbulent man, who kept two great dogs, but could not keep his estate, had influ- ence enough to gain five or six votes for the anti-candidate. The only com- plaint he had to urge against the gov- ernor was, that he had signed the act for the dog tax."
3 Bradford, iii. 81.
4 Bradford, iii. 82.
349
FIFTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.
the people of Massachusetts, notwithstanding the reflections CHAP. which have been cast upon them, were as loyal to the consti- VIII. tution as the citizens of the other states. They might differ 1801. in opinion upon the character of political measures, and ex- press their dissent with considerable warmth ; but when it is affirmed that there was ever a serious intention on their part to resist the legitimate action of the government, the charge can be easily and successfully disproved. In no part of the country have the people, as a whole, behaved with more pru- dence ; and if individual exceptions can be found, the same may be said of every other state. There is always a class of ambitious men, anxious for their own aggrandizement ; and if these do not succeed in securing the notoriety they covet, they are loud in their denunciations of all who oppose them.
At the succeeding presidential election, Mr. Jefferson was 1804. rechosen ; and this time, to the surprise of almost every one, the vote of Massachusetts was given in his favor.1 Mr. Strong was still governor of the state, and held his office until 1807, . when he was succeeded by James Sullivan, the attorney gen- 1807. eral, and a brother of the late General Sullivan, of New Hampshire.2 Party spirit, in the mean time, was increasing .
May 29.
1 Bradford, iii. 87, 88; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, ii. 531.
2 Bradford, iii. 95. Mr. Sullivan, who was born at Berwick, Me., April 22, 1744, and who studied law under his brother, General Sullivan, soon rose to celebrity, and was appointed king's attorney for the county in which he resided. He was a member of the Provincial Congress in 1775; early in 1776 he was appointed a judge of the Superior Court, and was a member of the convention for framing the consti- tution of Massachusetts, in 1779 and 1780. In 1782, he resigned his judgeship, and resumed his practice at „he bar, and, in 1783, was appointed 4 delegate to Congress. In 1784, he was one of the commissioners for set- ling the land controversy between Massachusetts and New York; in
1787, he was a member of the Exec- utive Council and judge of probate for the county of Suffolk; and, in 1790, he was appointed attorney gen- eral, in which office he continued un- til June, 1807, when he entered upon his duties as governor of Massachu- setts. He was often a representative from Boston to the General Court ; was appointed agent by Washington for settling the boundaries between the United States and the British provinces ; was long a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sci- ences, and of the Humane Society, and president of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and of the Massa- chusetts Congregational Charitable Society. Less of a party politician than many of his supporters wished or expected, he was disposed to act,
350
CHARACTER OF JEFFERSON.
CHAP. in violence ; and Mr. Jefferson, in particular, while he had VIII. many friends, who almost idolized him, had also his opponents,
1807. who concurred in as heartily condemning his conduct as his adherents had formerly in condemning Mr. Adams. His tal- ents at intrigue, it was said, might have "excited the envy of a Machiavel." He " had a language confidential, as well as a language official," which were directly at variance. His politics were " tinctured with fanaticism," and his views were " theoretical." And though he " possessed in a remarkable degree the power of influencing others, and using them as tools for the accomplishment of his designs," he did so by " stooping to their prejudices," and " ministering to their van- ity."1 Yet it would be unjust to him to denounce him as a demagogue, or to assert, as did many, that he was "governed by the basest motives." True, between him and John Adams the difference in character was strikingly marked. Jefferson was cautious, plausible, and penetrating. Adams was impul- sive, and followed his own instincts. As a politician, the former was unquestionably the superior. As a man, the latter was entitled to the precedence. In intellectual ability, they were more nearly equal ; but Jefferson, from his tact, was
under all circumstances, as governor of the state, with candor and impar- tiality ; and, possessing a vigorous in- tellect and an indefatigable industry, amid the multiplicity of his profes- sional avocations he found time to prepare for publication many histori- cal, political, and technical works, sev- eral of which are of permanent value. He was also a frequent contributor to the public journals ; and his various articles upon interesting points of political controversy throw important light upon the contemporary annals. His death was lamented as a public calamity ; and citizens of all parties attended his funeral, to testify their respect for one whose services, ex- tending over a period of forty years, had been so varied, and who possessed
so many estimable traits of character. An original portrait of Governor Sul- livan, by Stuart, is in the possession. of his son, Hon. Richard Sullivan, off Boston ; and an admirable copy of the same, by Otis, is in the possession of his grandson, T. C. Amory, Jun. Esq., also of Boston, who has likewise in his possession a large collection of private documents illustrative of the career of Governor Sullivan as a ju. rist and statesman.
1 See the pamphilet entitled " The Anti-Gallican, or the Lover of hi: own Country, by a Citizen of New England : Philadelphia, published by William Cobbett, opposite Chris Church, Dec., 1797." Comp. also Pickering's Review, 18.
351
CHARACTER OF JEFFERSON.
better adapted to govern a nation. For John Adams was CHAP. inclined to rely upon his own judgment, while Jefferson de- VIII. ferred, seemingly, to the judgment of his friends.1 1807.
Yet let it be said, to the credit of Jefferson, that, though as a politician he may have been unscrupulous, and as a man not perfect, he was a sincere friend to his country and to its inter- ests as he understood them ; nor is there reason to doubt the soundness of his patriotism, even if it was tinctured with a large share of ambition.2 He was the first, indeed, to adopt the maxim that "to the victors belong the spoils ; " 3 and, in his removals from office, the competency of the incumbent was often overlooked. Under all the circumstances, however, he could hardly be expected to have taken a different course. A new party had come into power, and its friends must be pro- vided for. Federalists had hitherto governed the nation ; and should the reins be left in their hands, when there was a large number of republicans ready to hold them ? If his doctrine was false, has it since been repudiated ? Has any more recent .
1 On the character of Jefferson, see Tucker's Life of Jefferson, passim ; Webster's and Wirt's Eulogies on Adams and Jefferson; Letters of Tacitus, Philadelphia, 1802; Letter to a Federalist, &c., Feb., 1805; Hil- dreth's U. S., 2d series, i. 291-293, 297-300, 455-457. " He was a re- publican and a philanthropist," says Mr. Wirt, " from the earliest dawn of his character. He loved his own country with a passion no less intense, deep, and holy than that of his great compatriot, [Adams ;] and with this love he combined an expanded phi- lanthropy which encircled the globe."
2 " I will not take leave of Mr. Jefferson in this place," says John Ad- ams, " without declaring my opinion, that the accusations against him of blind devotion to France, of hostility to England, of hatred to commerce, and duplicity in his late negotiations with the belligerent powers, are with- out foundation." Comp. Pickering's
Review, 17, and Tucker's Life of Jef- ferson, ii. 209.
3 " I have given," wrote Jefferson, "and will give, under existing circum- stances, only to republicans. But I believe, with others, that deprivations of office, if made on grounds of po- litical principles alone, would revolt our new converts, and give a body to leaders who now stand alone. Some, I know, must be made. They must be as few as possible, done gradually, and bottomed on some malversation or inherent disqualification. Where we shall draw the line between re- taining all and none is not yet settled, and will not be till we get our admin- istration together ; and, perhaps, even then, we shall proceed à tatons, bal- ancing our measures according to the impression we perceive them to make." Comp. on this subject Tuck- er's Life of Jefferson, ii. 91-94, 102 ; Statesman's Manual, i. 220, 221, 226.
352
THE EMBARGO LAID.
CHAP. president taken a different stand ? And was ever a party, in VIII. the hour of triumph, known to prefer its opponents to its 1807. friends ?
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