USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, the commonwealth period. 1775-1820 v. III > Part 7
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3 Belknap, in Frothingham's Siege, 263.
60
PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.
CHAP. or be slaves." 1 The interest abroad in the struggle of the II. colonies was visibly increasing ; and France was deliberating 1775. what course to take. All Europe, indeed, looked on with astonishment, and loudly applauded the valor of the Ameri- cans ; while, even in England, the friends of freedom did not hesitate to pray for their success.2
Yet the members of the Continental Congress continued to profess their loyalty to the crown ; and a petition to the king's July 8. " most excellent majesty " was draughted, in which they de- clared themselves "dutiful subjects," and prayed that his royal magnanimity and benevolence might direct some mode by which the united applications of his faithful colonists might be improved into a happy and perfect reconciliation. " Attached to your majesty's person, family, and government," say they, " with all the devotion that principle and affection can inspire, connected with Great Britain by the strongest ties that can unite societies, and deploring every event that tends in any degree to weaken them, we solemnly assure your majesty that we not only most ardently desire the former harmony between her and these colonies may be restored, but that a concord may be established between them upon so firm a basis as to perpetuate its blessings, uninterrupted by any future dissen- sions, to succeeding generations in both countries, and to transmit your majesty's name to posterity adorned with that signal and lasting glory that has attended the memory of those illustrious personages whose virtues and abilities have extricated states from dangerous convulsions, and, by securing
1 Letter in Frothingham's Siege, 263. See also the declaration of Pat- rick Henry to the Virginia Conven- tion, March 23, 1775, in Wirt's Life, 122.
2 J. Adams's Autobiog. in Works, ii. 503, 504; Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 43; Frothingham's Siege, 264. " In all the European countries," says Gordon, " where public affairs are a subject of writing or conversation, the general
voice is rather favorable to the Amer- icans. In this, [England,] particu- larly, the lower class of people are adverse to the war. Neither Protestants nor Catholics in any num- ber have been prevailed upon, either in England or Ireland, to enlist for the American service, though the bounties have been raised, and the usual standard lowered to facilitate the levies."
61
ADDRESS TO THE KING.
happiness to others, have erected the most noble and durable CHAP. monuments to their own fame." 1 II.
This solemn appeal, which they resolved should be their 1775. last, and which is said to have been drawn up by Mr. Dickin- son, of Pennsylvania, and adopted mainly through his influ- ence,2 was intrusted to Richard Penn, one of the proprietaries of Pennsylvania ; and it was fondly hoped that it would "prove the olive branch of reconciliation." 3 At the same time, a declaration was drawn up, and read to the assembled troops and public bodies, setting forth in strong language the causes of their taking up arms ; 4 addresses to the inhabitants of Great Britain and to the people of Ireland were prepared ; 5 and shortly after, by the accession of Georgia to the Union, Sep. 13. which had been much desired, but long delayed, the " thirteen original colonies " were joined into one body for the " preser- vation of the liberties of America ; " and from " Nova Scotia to Florida " there was a "general determination to resist to the last the claims of Great Britain." 6
1 Jour. Cont. Cong. i. 139-142 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 370 ; Bradford, ii. 53 ; Impartial Hist. of the War, App. 21-23 ; Franklin's Works, viii. 156; Observations on the Am. Rev. 36-40 ; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 62. "The colonies," says Gordon, " as yet desire no more than a redress of grievances, and security against a repetition of them. They most ar- dently long for a firm and indissolu-' ble union with the parent state upon these grounds. Thus is it with the army. It is the wish of General Washington particularly, and such is its reasonableness that he hopes and expects, that the contest will be short- ly terminated, so as to admit of his eating his next Christmas dinner at his own delightful residence at Mount Vernon." John Adams was strongly opposed to this address, which he calls " a measure of imbecility." " It occasioned," says he, " motions and debates without end for appointing committees to draw up a declaration
of the causes, motives, and objects of taking arms, with a view to obtain de- cisive declarations against independ- ence," &c. Diary, in Works, ii. 415. General Charles Lee was also opposed to it, as appears from his Letter of Sept. 2, 1775, in Lee's Lee, i. 157.
2 J. Dickinson to Arthur Lee, in Life of Lee, ii. 212; J. Adams's Dia- ry, in Works, ii. 409; Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 212, 213; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 63.
3 Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 62.
4 Jour. Cont. Cong. i. 134-139 ; 1 M. H. Coll. ii. 50-55 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 369. The conclusion of this declaration was exceedingly eloquent.
5 Jour. Cont. Cong. i. 142-148, 168 -172; Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 370, 374; Impartial Hist. of the War, 219; Obs. on the Am. Rev. 40-49.
6 Jour. Cont. Cong. i. 181, 182; Impartial Hist. of the War, 220 ; Gor- don's Am. Rev. i. 387 ; Bissett's Hist. Eng. i. 427, 428.
62
STATE OF PUBLIC FEELING IN ENGLAND.
CHAP. II. In England, however, notwithstanding there were many warm friends to the colonies, the current of public feeling, 1775. owing to studied misrepresentations of their sentiments and purposes, was turning against them ; and it was openly an- nounced that " the violent measures towards America are fairly adopted, and countenanced by a majority of individuals of all ranks, professions, or occupations in the country."1 The magistrates of London, indeed, constituted a signal exception Aug. to this remark ; for, when the proclamation of the king was issued for " suppressing rebellion and sedition in America, and preventing traitorous correspondence with that country," and when this proclamation was read at the Royal Exchange, Wilkes, the lord mayor, showed his dissent in the most de- cided manner, and at the close of the ceremony his partisans hissed.2 Yet the loyal addresses which poured in from all parts of the kingdom, - from the trading towns as well as from the rural districts, - declaring in strong terms their attachment to the throne and constitution, approving the acts of government, condemning the "insurgents," and recommend- ing perseverance until they should be " reduced to a thorough obedience," prove how wide-spread was the feeling in favor of coercion, and how little sympathy was felt for the "rebels." 3
1 Burke's Corresp. ii. 68; Ram- say's Am. Rev. i. 280 ; Bissett's Hist. Eng. i. 441 ; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 69 ; Bradford, ii. 70. Comp. Jour. Cont. Cong. i. 103. " As far as my experience reaches," says Curwen, Jour. 38, under date Aug. 31, 1775, " I have observed that the upper ranks, most of the capital stockholders, and, I am told, the principal nobility, are for forcing the supremacy of Parlia- ment over the colonies ; and from the middle ranks down are opposed to it." Comp. also ibid. 35, under date Aug. 8, 1775. "There appears to be a tenderness here in the minds of many for America, even of those who disapprove of the principles of an
entire independence of the British legislature, and ardently wish an effort may be taken to accommodate." See also Franklin's Works, viii. 177.
2 ' Am. Reg. for 1775, 149; Gor- don's Am. Rev. ii. 45, 46; Lord Ma- hon's Hist. Eng. vi. 69. From several other places petitions against coercive measures were presented; and great bodies of American, African, and West Indian merchants, with a majority of the inhabitants of London and Bris- tol, still struggled to have matters re- stored to their ancient state; but all was to no purpose. Almon's Remem- brancer, ii. 334 et seq.
3 Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 45; Bis- sett's Hist. Eng. i. 442; Lord Mahon's
63 .
REJECTION OF THE PETITION OF THE COLONIES.
Under these circumstances, as might have been expected, CHAP. when the petition of the colonies was brought over to be pre-
II. sented to the king, and when Richard Penn and Arthur Lee 1775. placed it in the hands of Lord Dartmouth, it was received in Sept. 1. silence ; and, three days later, they were informed that " no Sept. 4. answer would be given."1 The Duke of Grafton, who had long viewed with solicitude the violent measures adopted by the ministry, had previously written to Lord North, urging a Aug. reconciliation with America, and expressing his belief that " the inclinations of the majority of persons of respectability and property in England differed in little else than words from the declaration of the Congress ; that if deputies from the United Colonies could not be acknowledged by the king, other expedients might be devised by which the wishes and expectations of his majesty's American subjects might be stated and properly considered ; and that a want of intercourse had hitherto been, and must still remain, an insuperable bar to accommodation."2 No attention, however, was immediately paid to this letter ; and when it was answered, a draught of Oct. 20. the king's intended speech to Parliament was enclosed, and his grace was politely informed that measures of coercion had been "unalterably decided upon." 3 In this state of affairs, the duke came to town, and requested an interview with the king ; but, though his majesty respectfully listened to his state- ments, and " condescendingly endeavored to demonstrate, by calm and dispassionate reasoning, the justice, the policy, and the necessity of this war, and the absolute certainty of ulti- mate success," no intention of yielding to the colonies was
Hist. Eng. vi. 69. Manchester, in this case, distinguished itself by taking the lead.
1 Stedman's Am. War, i. 154; Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 214; Bissett's Hist. Eng. i. 451; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 69. "The fate of this petition," says Stedman, "and the ac- rimony of argument used by those
who supported and those who opposed it, revived that party distinction of whig and tory, which had been dor- mant since the reign of Queen Anne." 2 Belsham's Geo. IIL ii. 132; Bis- sett's Hist. Eng. i. 450; Lord Ma- hon's Hist. Eng. vi. 71.
3 Belsham's Geo. III. ii. 133; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 71.
64
CONVOCATION OF PARLIAMENT.
CHAP. announced ; and the duke, unwilling to sanction such meas- II. ures, resigned his post as lord privy seal. Dartmouth was 1775. appointed his successor ; and the American secretaryship was bestowed upon Lord George Germaine, formerly Lord Sack- ville, who had hitherto acted uniformly with the court, and whose military knowledge and undoubted talents ill atoned for the violence of his temper and the rashness of his conduct.1
Oct. 26. The convocation of Parliament took place in October ; 2 and the session was opened by an unusually long and elabo- rate oration from the throne, containing charges, against Massachusetts of the wildest description, accusing the people of a " desperate conspiracy," and of " harboring a premeditated and general revolt." "They have raised troops," said the king, " and are collecting a naval force ; they have seized the public revenue, and assumed to themselves legislative, executive, and judicial powers, which they already exercise in the most arbi- trary manner over the persons and properties of their fellow- subjects ; and although many of these unhappy people may still retain their loyalty, and may be too wise not to see the fatal consequences of this usurpation, and wish to resist it, yet the torrent of violence has been strong enough to compel their acquiescence, till a sufficient force shall appear to support them." " It is now," he added, " become the part of wisdom to put a speedy end to these disorders by the most decisive exertions. For this purpose, I have increased my naval estab- lishment, and greatly augmented my land forces ; but in such a manner as may be the least burdensome to my kingdoms." 3
The motion for an address conformable to this speech pro- voked, in both Houses, an animated debate. In the House of
1 Belsham's Geo. III. ii. 136 ; Bis- sett's Hist. Eng. i. 450 ; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 71.
The date is October 25 in some authorities, and October 26 in others ; but the latter is doubtless the true date.
3 Debates in House of Commons for 1775, iii. 1-4; Boston Gazette for Jan. 8, 1776; Stedman's Am. War, i. 155; Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 46 ; Ram- say's Am. Rev. i. 281 ; Bissett's Hist. Eng. i. 444, 445; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 70.
65
DISCUSSIONS IN PARLIAMENT.
Lords, Rockingham, in particular, condemned in the most CHAP. pointed manner the measures recommended by his majesty, as II. fraught with ruinous consequences to the nation ; and the 1775. Duke of Grafton, freed from official ties by the resignation of his post, took part against the ministers with a zeal corre- sponding to the strength of his convictions ; but, after a long and vehement discussion, the original motion was carried by a vote of seventy-six to thirty-three.1 The debate in the Commons was chiefly distinguished by the offence which seemed to be taken by many of the country gentlemen - the Sir Roger de Coverleys of the House - at that clause in the speech in which the king avowed his intention to introduce a body of his electoral forces into the garrisons of Port Mahon and Gibraltar ; yet the opposition to that part in which the affairs of America were touched upon called forth eloquent speeches from Lord John Cavendish, Mr. Wilkes, Governor Johnstone, General Conway, Luttrell, Barré, Burke, Fox, and Dunning.2 On the other side, Lord North was supported by Mr. Ackland, the mover of the address, Governor Lyttleton, who seconded it, and Germaine, Barrington, Wedderburne, Ferguson, and Thurloe; and so strong was the majority in his favor, that, after a whole night's discussion, when the question was taken, at a quarter past four in the morning, on an amendment which had been proposed, expressing con-
1 Boston Gazette for Jan. 15, 1776; Belsham's Geo. III. ii. 135, 136 ; Gor- don's Am. Rev. ii. 48, 49; Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 282; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 72. The opponents of the speech not only declared the American war to be " unjust and impolitic in its principles and fatal in its consequences," but affirmed that they could not con- sent- to an address " which might de- ceive his majesty and the public into a belief of the confidence of their House in the present ministers, who had disgraced Parliament, deceived the nation, lost the colonies, and in- VOL. III. 5
volved them in a civil war against their clearest interests, and upon the most unjustifiable grounds - wanton- ly spilling the blood of thousands of their fellow-subjects."
2 Debates in House of Commons for 1775, iii. 4-44; Boston Gazette for Jan. 29, 1776 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 47. General Conway condemned in the most decisive terms the Amer- ican war, declaring it to be cruel, un- necessary, and unnatural, and calling it in plain terms " a butchery of his fellow-subjects."
66
EXAMINATION OF PENN.
CHAP. cern that the means used to allay and suppress the disorders II. in the colonies had tended to increase, instead of diminishing, 1775. the disturbances, it was rejected by a vote of two hundred Oct. 28. and seventy-eight to one hundred and eight, and the address was carried and sent to the king.1
Nov. This defeat, however, did not discourage the friends of America ; and in the following month the opposition was es- pecially active. No formal notice had as yet been taken of Nov. 7. the petition from America ; but, at the instance of the Duke of Richmond, Mr. Penn, who had been sent with the same, Nov.10. was admitted to be examined at the bar of the House of Lords, and a motion was made that the petition he had brought afforded " ground for a conciliation of the unhappy differences subsisting between Great Britain and America ; " but the motion was negatived by a vote of eighty-six to thirty-three.2 Debates were next raised against employing foreign troops without the consent of Parliament; but on this, as on the other point, they were defeated. Nor did the subsequent motions of Burke .and Fox, Sawbridge and Oliver, Hartley and the Duke of Grafton, tending to peace with America, meet with a better fate. The "morbid majority " in favor of coercion proved, after all, too strong to be defeated ; and the government was left at full liberty to pursue its negotia-
1 Debates, &c., iii. 4-46; Sted- man's Am. War, i. 158; Bissett's Hist. Eng. i. 445 ; Boston Gazette for Jan. 22, 29, 1776. The reception of the speech in America was such as might have been expected ; and Washington wrote, Jan. 4, 1776, “ We are at length favored with a sight of his majesty's most gracious speech, breathing sentiments of tenderness and compassion for his deluded Amer- ican subjects. The echo is not yet come to hand; but we know what it must be ; and, as Lord North said, - and we ought to have believed and acted accordingly, - we now know the ultimatum of British justice. The speech I send you. A volume of them
was sent out by the Boston gentry, and, farcical enough, we gave great joy to them, without knowing or in- tending it ; for on that day, the day which gave being to the new army, but before the proclamation came to hand, we had hoisted the Union flag, in compliment to the United Colo- nies." Sparks's Washington, iii. 224, 225.
2 Belsham's Geo. III. ii. 138-140 ; Stedman's Am. War, i. 160; Boston Gazette for Feb. 12 and March 18, 1776; 1 M. H. Coll. ii. 58; Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 50, 51 ; Niles's Principles and Acts of the Rev. 249-251; Bis- sett's Hist. Eng. i. 451, 452; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 72.
67
LORD NORTH'S PROHIBITORY BILL.
tions with petty German princes for the hire of mercenaries CHAP. to strengthen the army under General Howe.1 Before II. Christmas, likewise, the prohibitory bill of Lord North, intro- 1775. Dec. 11. duced towards the last of November, was passed, which re- Nov.20. pealed the Boston Port Bill and the two restraining acts of the previous session, but absolutely interdicted all trade and commerce with the thirteen insurgent colonies so long as their rebellion should continue.2 During the discussion, the gallery of the House was closed to strangers, " for the pretended rea- son that the floor was too small, and the gallery necessary for the use of members ; " the stringent clauses of the bill were defended in speeches of the most extravagant character ; and, in particular, Lord Mansfield, to signalize his own arbitrari- ness, quoted the laconic speech of Gustavus Adolphus, who, on a certain occasion, pointed to the enemy, and exclaimed to his soldiers, "See you those lads ? Kill them, or they will kill you." 3 Well might Burke remark, in view of such legislation, " It affords no matter for very pleasing reflection to observe that our subjects diminish as our laws increase." 4 Had Chat- ham been able to appear in Parliament, to launch at the admin- istration those thunderbolts of indignation before which his
1 Letter of Jedediah Huntington, Jan. 14, 1776, in Trumbull MSS. v. 5 ; Debates in House of Commons for 1775, iii. 236 et seq. ; Stedman's Am. War, i. 162-164; Boston Gazette for Feb. 26 and March 18, 1776; Gor- don's Am. Rev. ii. 49, 53; Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 282. 28,000 seamen and 55,000 land forces were voted to be employed, including the troops already in America. Holmes's Am. Ann. ii. 237, note. The conciliatory bill of Burke was introduced on the 16th of November, and Fox's motion on the 22d.
2 Debates, &c., iii. ; Belsham's Geo. III. ii. 144; Impartial Hist. of the War, 291 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 53, 54; Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 282; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 72. See fur-
ther under Chap. III. of this volume, The assent of the king to this bill was given on the 21st of December.
3 Curwen's Jour. 40, 41; Parı. Hist. Eng. xviii. 1102; Debates in House of Commons for 1775, iii. ; Belsham's Geo. III. ii. 145; Bissett's Hist. Eng. i. 453, 454; Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 284 ; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 72. "The questions of ori- ginal right and wrong," said he, " are no longer to be considered. We are engaged in a war, and must use our utmost efforts to obtain the ends pro- posed by it. We must either fight or be pursued; and the justice of the cause must give way to our present situation."
4 Lett. to the Sheriffs of Princeton, 1777 ; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 73.
68
MOVEMENTS IN AMERICA.
CHAP. opponents had so often quailed, the passage of this bill might, II. perhaps, have been prevented ; but, prostrated by an illness 1775. similar to that which had once before affected him, he re- mained shut up in his house, and was secluded from the world for a period of two years, when, for the last time, he emerged into public life, and closed his long and brilliant career while warmly defending the cause of liberty.1
While these movements were in progress in England, in America the army under Washington was prosecuting with still greater rigor the siege of Boston. The proclamations of Gage, issued before he left the country, had been severely Nov.12. censured ; and, as an offset to the same, orders were sent to General Sullivan to repair to Portsmouth, N. H., to complete the works already begun there, and seize all the officers of the crown in those parts who had given proofs of unfriendli- ness to the patriot cause. Similar orders were likewise trans- mitted to Governor Cooke, of Rhode Island ; and to Governor Nov.15. Trumbull, of Connecticut, Washington wrote, "Would it not be prudent to seize on those tories who have been, are, and that we know will be active against us ? Why should persons who are preying on the vitals of their country be suffered to stalk at large, while we know they will do every mischief in their power ? " 2
The reorganization of the army still proved a matter of difficulty, and occupied a large share of the attention of the commander-in-chief. Jealousies existed at the south, as well as at the north ; and, in consequence of this distraction in the public councils, and the heartburnings among the officers, who fancied they were neglected, it became necessary to proceed with delicacy and caution.3 The New England colonies, up
1 Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 73, 74.
Trumbull MS. Letter Book B, 228; Sparks's Washington, iii. 145, 159, note ; Sparks's Corresp. of the Rev. i. 70; Frothingham's Siege, 253.
3 " Connecticut," wrote Washing- ton to Reed, Nov. 8, 1775, " wants no Massachusetts man in their corps. Massachusetts thinks there is no ne- cessity to be introduced amongst them ; and New Hampshire says it is
69
EMBARRASSMENTS OF WASHINGTON.
to this date, had borne a large share of the burden of the CHAP. war ; and, with the exception of the rifle companies from the II. Middle States, which had recently arrived, they had fought 1775. single-handed and alone. Yet the cause in which they were engaged was the cause of the country ; for, had England suc- ceeded in conquering Massachusetts, the effects of this triumph would have been every where felt. It was, therefore, with reason that the people of the north appealed to the south for aid, and that the General Congress sanctioned this appeal. Yet the valor of the New England troops had excited the envy of the south ; and Gerry wrote, "The eyes of friends and foes are fixed on this colony ; and if jealousy or envy can sully its reputation, they will not miss the opportunity." 1 Washington felt the embarrassment of his position, and aimed to supplant this local jealousy by a union of spirit. His per- sonal letters and those of his officers are full of this theme ; and the difficulties encountered were "really inconceivable." Recruiting orders were issued ; but, after a month's exertions, Nov.12 only five thousand men had enlisted .? He was nearly dis- couraged. "Such a dearth of public spirit," he wrote, " and
very hard that her valuable and expe- rienced officers (who are willing to serve) should be discarded because her own regiments, under the new es- tablishment, cannot provide for them." Reed's Reed, i. 126. Comp. also ibid. i. 131, 132. Governor Trumbull, of Connecticut, also wrote to President Hancock, Oct. 9, 1775, “ It is unhap- py that jealousies should be excited or disputes of any sort be litigated between any of the colonies, to disu- nite them at a time when our liber- ties, our property, and our all is at stake. If our enemies prevail, which can happen only by our disunion, our jealousies will then appear groundless, and all our disputed claims of no value to either side." Trumbull MS. Letter Book B, 30.
1 Gerry's Letter of Oct. 9, 1775, in Austin's Life of Gerry, i. 115 ;
Frothingham's Siege, 265. " Let it be remembered," says Gerry, " that the first attack was made on this col- ony; that we had to keep a regular force without the advantage of a reg- ular government ; that we had to sup- port in the field from 12,000 to 14,000 men, when the whole forces voted by the other New England govern- ments amounted to 8500 only."
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