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The judges were uncertain what the law was; the Republicans, who had an overwhelming majority in the Legislature, differed as to what it ought to be. Some wished to repeal the law prohibiting State officers help- ing slave catchers, others merely to amend it so as to clearly state that the prohibition related only to official acts. The action finally taken was thus described in the Whig: "An exciting debate occurred in the House on Friday afternoon ... between Messrs. McCrillis of this city and Blaine of Augusta. The House went into committee of the whole, and Speaker Blaine took the floor and made an able speech favoring the repeal. He was answered by Mr. McCrillis, who made an able speech of an hour, in which he argued against the repeal, and urged the passage of the amendment act. Although made entirely without preparation, Mr. McCrillis' speech is said to have been the speech of the session. The vote stood 47 for the repeal, 67 against it," and the act was simply amended.
An attempt to increase the efficiency of the militia failed because con- servative Republicans joined the Democrats in opposing it.
Attention was now centred on the question, what will Mr. Lincoln do? He had carefully refrained from any public expression of opinion, but on his way to Washington he made several brief speeches. That on leaving Springfield was full of noble and tender feeling, and appreciation of the
"An elaborate and reasonably impartial compromise proposed by Senator Critten- den of Kentucky.
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magnitude of the task that awaited him; at Philadelphia, before raising a flag over Independence Hall, he proclaimed in earnest, unpremeditated words his loyalty to the principles of the declaration of independence. Other speeches were less admirable. They were very informal, to East- erners they seemed undignified; and they gave the impression that the President-elect had no realization of the gravity of the crisis. The Argus, looking on but one side of the shield, said that it took back all its com- plaints of Lincoln's not speaking, and that it sincerely wished "for the credit of the country that the 'mum' policy had been continued until offi- cial advisers could have prepared an address for him." Of the beauty of the inaugural on March 4 it showed some appreciation, but could not forgive the President for failing to promulgate a policy. It said: "The address does nothing. Aside from this deficiency, all important it is true, there is much to commend in the address. Its language is calm, without a grain of acrimony or bitterness, and some points are well reasoned.
On the whole, as before remarked, the address falls far short of what was hoped and expected; but as it is obviously the work of Mr. Lincoln, and as its shortcomings are evidently the result of the lack of capacity rather than of purpose, its deficiencies excite a feeling of pity instead of a dis- position to censure."
Stephen A. Douglas had manifested an intention of supporting the President and the Argus made the comment that his magnanimity was right, should it fail in keeping Mr. Lincoln to a peace policy " he will upon the first movement for war, turn upon his administration with a power that will, we trust, compel it to refrain from so suicidal a course." The crisis was fast approaching, but the Argus did not change. On March 20 it quoted with approval a letter from a Southerner in which the writer stated that he believed that the seceded States would return if among other con- cessions "the agitations of all questions connected with slavery, except for the protection of the constitutional right of the master, shall forever cease."
On April II, the day before Sumter was bombarded, the Argus de- clared that if war came, the Democrats would not fight.
The Advertiser, now owned by F. O. J. Smith, took a very different tone. On March 8 it approved the President's announcement "that he intends to enforce the laws and to ignore the secession of any State from the Confederacy (that is, the Union). This declaration will soon bring our present controversy to an issue; we shall know whether the Federal gov- ernment has sufficient vital and inherent power to sustain itself against domestic foes; if it has not, the sooner a new Confederation is formed the better; if it has, the sooner the fact is proved the nearer will be the restora- tion of peace and harmony between the sections."
The test came quickly. In the early morning of April 12, General Beauregard opened fire on Sumter; on the evening of the 13th the fort surrendered; on the 15th, President Lincoln called for volunteers and the North rose to save the Union.
Chapter XVI THE CIVIL WAR-POLITICAL HISTORY
CITY HALL, PORTLAND
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POST OFFICE, PORTLAND
UNION STATION, PORTLAND
CHAPTER XVI THE CIVIL WAR-POLITICAL HISTORY
President Lincoln's call for volunteers met with a quick response in Maine. Throughout the State there were great public meetings to pledge support to the Government. Many Democrats joined in thus upholding the hands of a "Black Republican" President. James W. North says in his history of Augusta :
"Civil war was now inaugurated. The general feeling of the citizens of Augusta was promptly and without reserve to sustain the Government in enforcing the laws. Some, however, ridiculed and loudly denounced the use of force against the South; but as intelligence was received from vari- ous parts of the country of the general uprising, and particularly as the noble stand taken by Stephen A. Douglas on the side of the Government was flashed over the wires to the great joy of all patriots, the latter class were diminished or became more cautious in the expression of their senti- ments.
"Thursday, April 18th, the Pacific Fire Engine Company, led by the Augusta Band playing patriotic airs, marched around in the city to elicit sentiments and feelings in relation to the war. They first visited the Augusta House, and by cheers for Governor Washburn brought him to the piazza. He addressed them in earnest and patriotic words. All parties, he said, were uniting to support the Government, and it should be remem- bered to the credit of members of the Democratic party that they were put- ting aside party names, and party issues, and party purposes, and support- ing an administration chosen against their votes. His remarks were applauded, particularly the allusion to the Democrats. The company next marched, the band playing 'Yankee Doodle,' to the house of James W. Bradbury, and by cheers called him out. He declared it was no time to enquire how and by whom the difficulties were brought upon the country ; that it was the duty of every patriot to sustain the Government and defend the flag of the country. Judge Rice, who happened to be at Mr. Brad- bury's, was called out, and expressed equally sound and patriotic senti- ments. The company, swelling in numbers, went to the residence of Governor Morrill, and by rousing cheers brought him to the door. He declared his unwavering confidence in the result of the issue raised by the red hand of traitors against the best government on earth. It was time, he said, to try the faith of men in a good government, to test their patriot- ism and to bring true men into political concord. 'This patriotic stir of our young men' is said to have given 'great satisfaction to many.' It doubtless showed a gratifying feeling in prominent men of opposing polit- ical parties, to unite in a cordial support of the Government against traitors who threatened its destruction.
"To ascertain more fully the temper and disposition of the citizens. and to give expression to their sentiments and feeling, a public meeting was called at Winthrop Hall, on the evening of Monday, April 22d. Men of all parties and in great numbers assembled. Reuel Williams was chosen to preside, and was assisted by ten vice-presidents.1 On taking the chair,
1Vice-Presidents : Lot M. Morrill, Samuel Cony, Daniel Williams, B. A. G. Fuller, Sylvanus Caldwell, Jr., Ai Staples, G. W. Stanley, George W. Morton, R. A. Cony, J. L. Child. Secretaries : William R. Smith and Joseph A. Homan.
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Mr. Williams, in reviewing the condition of public affairs, declared his belief in the severity of the struggle which had come suddenly on the country, cautioned his hearers against underrating the power in rebellion, and patriotically exhorted them to stand by the Government in its efforts for self-preservation. Daniel T. Pike offered resolutions declaring it to be the duty of every American citizen to yield 'an earnest, unwavering and patriotic support to the general government,' and that it was 'the duty as it would be the pleasure of Maine to respond with promptness and alacrity,' 'both in men and money, to the call of the Federal Government,' and 'that property as well as population should respond to the exigencies of the Government in this hour of common peril.' 'That the cities and towns should be empowered by the Legislature to make provision for the families of those who leave their homes as volunteer soldiers to uphold the flag of the country,' and urging upon the city government to make liberal provision for the families of volunteers. The meeting was then addressed by the venerable Nathan Weston, Robert A. Cony, James W. Bradbury, Lot M. Morrill, James G. Blaine, William R. Smith, Joseph A. Homan and John L. Stevens in a spirit of concord and unity. The resolutions were then unanimously adopted, and the meeting adjourned with three hearty cheers for the Constitution and the Union.'
On the same day a great meeting was held at Bangor, presided over by Hon. S. H. Blake, a Douglas Democrat, and with a long list of vice- presidents, among whom was Hastings Strickland, an old Democratic war- horse and a supporter of Breckenridge. In Portland an enthusiastic meet- ing was held at the City Hall on April 16. The Transcript says that "Demo- crats and Republicans vied with each other in expressions of determination to stand by the stars and stripes," and mentions C. F. Kimball, "who, as a Democrat, was sad about the South, but when the war was over wanted it known that Maine was there."
Some of the Republicans even favored political concessions. It was proposed that at the coming election Governor Washburn be dropped and a less ultra man nominated in his place. The suggestion, however, met with great opposition. The Whig, Jeffersonian, Rockland Gazette, Calais Advertiser and Kennebec Journal all condemned it, the last paper in very sharp language. The convention met on August 7 and nominated Wash- burn unanimously. Its platform, however, was extremely conciliatory. It endorsed the Crittenden resolutions recently passed by Congress, which de- clared that there was no intention of interfering with slavery, but that the war was waged solely for the preservation of the Union. The convention invited a union of all who were in favor of suppressing the rebellion, and resolved "That we most cordially recognize and appreciate the unselfish devotion to country manifested by the great mass of the Democratic party throughout the loyal States under the patriotic inspiration of their late dis- tinguished and greatly lamented leader, Stephen A. Douglas." The mem-
"Mr. Douglas had died early in June, and the Republicans honored his memory. Governor Washburn ordered the flag of a regiment then at Augusta to be lowered in his honor, saying: "The country mourns the loss of a statesman and a patriot. Let party differences be hushed at the portals of his tomb, and let us remember only his undoubted patriotism and his steadfast devotion to the Union."
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THE CIVIL WAR-POLITICAL HISTORY
bers of that party, both native and adopted citizens, have come forward to the defense of the common flag, with a zeal which challenges our warmest admiration and receives our heartiest acknowledgments."
Although the State convention had refused to make concessions in the matter of nominations, some of the local conventions were more liberal. The Bangor Republican caucus nominated as one of its candidates for Representative, S. H. Blake, whose name stood first on the ticket of the Douglas Democrats. The Penobscot county convention nominated two Democrats, John A. Peters and Charles P. Stetson, for Senator and County Attorney. The Cumberland convention left to the Democrats the nomina- tion of a County Treasurer and a Senator from Portland, subject to the approval of the Republican county convention, and the Republican delega- tion from Portland, respectively. In Knox a Union ticket was agreed on, and Ephraim K. Smart was nominated for one of the two senatorships.
Neither party, however, was ready to amalgamate with the other, and in most counties and districts each placed full tickets in the field; indeed, the Democrats offered two, the party dividing on the lines of the presi- dential election of the fall before.
The Breckenridge State committee issued a call for a convention at Bangor, inviting to participate in the choice of delegates "all men by what- ever party name heretofore known who are opposed to this unholy civil war, and in favor of the immediate restoration of peace by negotiation and compromise." Marcellus Emery, the editor of the Bangor Democrat, announced that every one was "welcome to participate in the selection of delegates who desires to make opposition to the war the paramount issue of the campaign."
The people of Bangor were much stirred by these declarations, and it was resolved to prevent the holding of such a convention in the city. The corporators of Norombega Hall voted, only two dissenting, not to open the hall to traitors.' On August 10 a great meeting was held and passed reso- lutions denouncing rebel sympathizers and "protesting without distinction of party against any convention assembling in this city to brand as an unholy war the sacred cause for which the volunteers are now perilling their lives." It declared that "that pestilent sheet, the Bangor Democrat, was guilty of treason and all connected with it unworthy of respect or confidence."
Words were soon followed by deeds. From the opening of the war, Mr. Emery had opposed it in the most violent manner. His two papers, the Daily Union, formerly a "Straight Whig" organ, and the weekly Demo- crat, indulged in the most abusive language, and were in turn denounced and scorned by those who believed the Union worth fighting for. Less than a fortnight after the fall of Sumter the Bangor Merchants' Associa- tion resolved that its reading room should be purged of all disloyal journals
'Jeffersonian, Aug. 6, 1861.
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published in the loyal States, and that "the Union and Democrat by its bold and unblushing advocacy of the cause of secession and rebellion, and its violent denunciation of the Government, has justly brought upon itself and its supporters the contempt and detestation of all honorable men; and this Association direct that it shall no longer be placed in our Room, and earnestly call upon the community to refrain from countenancing or sup- porting it in any manner whatever." The exhortation appears to have borne fruit, for in June the Union ceased publication. The Whig said :
"Death of the Bangor Union .- The daily organ of Secession in this city, the Bangor Union, expired on Saturday, as it should have expired, for want of breath. The editor calls it a 'suspension,' until the war is over and business revives-but we think its business will not soon revive. The simple truth is the people of this city would not sustain a paper which opposes the Government in its hour of vital peril, and sympathizes with traitors-and we trust the people of the country will take the same course to suppress the weekly publication from the same office (The Democrat). The valedictory of the Union is a spiteful affair, but will scarcely move any one except to laughter. The statement that certain respectable men have made every effort to suppress the paper by mob violence, excites a smile, when it is known that for months it has required the earnest efforts of our leading citizens, to prevent that concern from being thrown into the river, and that the slightest encouragement from those whom the Union calls 'respectable citizens,' would have sealed its fate in five minutes. So of the curse which it calls down upon 'the men of property and standing, who have done all in their power to injure us.' Its curses will only come to roost upon the shoulders of their author. The business men of this city have simply done their duty in refusing to aid in sustaining a traitorous organ in our city, and have taken precisely the right course to suppress it. If the Union had acted a loyal and manly part, and stood by the country instead of taking part with traitors, it would have received its share of support.""4
As the Democrat maintained itself, some of the Republicans, stirred by Emery's disloyal call for a convention, determined to resort to violence. One of the leading men of the city signed a pledge to indemnify all per- sons taking part in the affair for loss of time or recovery of damages. It was generally understood that an attack would be made on the office of the Democrat, and Mr. J. G. Clark, one of the owners of the Wheelwright & Clark block, in which the office and printing room were located, urged Emery to remove his property, and, on his definitely refusing, warned him out. Emery applied to the mayor for protection, but could obtain no satis- factory answer. A public meeting at which the Democrat was denounced was held on Saturday, August 10, and on the noon of Monday, the 12th, some of the leaders of the plot rang an alarm of fire from the First Con- gregational and Episcopal churches, and then hurried to the office of the Democrat. Their friends had already gathered there with a stalwart black- smith at their head, and they quickly forced their way in, the blacksmith
'Quoted in "Eastern Maine in the Rebellion," 64.
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THE CIVIL WAR-POLITICAL HISTORY
broke up the great press, and the contents of the office were thrown into the square, where the crowd, which had been drawn out by the false alarm of fire, promptly burned them. Mr. Emery's private office was also entered, but one of the citizens induced the rioters to spare purely personal papers and these, or many of them, were saved. During the affair, Emery him- self appeared on the scene and was threatened and hustled, but his friends drew him into a store and took him out by a back way to his boarding- place. A barber who provoked a quarrel ending in a fight with one of the critics of Emery, had his shop sacked. No other damage was done. Emery issued an account of the riot in a publication headed "The Democrat- Extra." "This was a four-page paper, about twelve inches long by nine inches wide, and was printed by Mr. Samuel Smith, who, fearing the anger of the opposition party, had a written agreement with Mr. Emery that it should be reported that it was printed in Portland." Emery, though extreme and bitterly prejudiced in his politics, was a man of courage and energy. and he closed his narrative with the words: "By this act of mob violence my all, the result of years of unremitting toil, has been swept away; but I have still health, strength and youth, and a heart also to struggle on in defence of the people's rights." In January, 1863, the Democrat resumed publication and continued undisturbed, an able and unreconstructed sheet.
None of the rioters were prosecuted criminally, but Emery instituted civil suits against Rufus Dwinel, Charles E. Dole, Oliver H. Ingalls, Llewel- lyn J. Morse, Noah S. Harlow, Isaac E. Fifield, Archibald L. Boyd, Mar- shal J. Egery, Orren Oliver, George H. Stiles, Frank M. Rowe, Jessie M. Arnold, James A. Robinson, Samuel S. Mann and - - Tabor, of Bangor, and Amasa Howe, of Presque Isle. The jury acquitted all but Tabor and Howe, and assessed damages against them of only $916.60. The reason for so small a sum being given was, that the jury found that the Democrat was a nuisance which ought to have been suppressed, and that it was justi- fiable to destroy it, but that more property was destroyed than was neces- sary, and for this damages were allowed.
Although men who were or who became leading citizens, took part in the affair, and a deacon assisted at the bonfire, both the Whig and the Jeffersonian, papers which utterly condemned Emery's political course, ex- pressed disapproval of what had been done, and in their accounts of the riot made as little of it as possible. It is probable that only the prudence and moderation of the radical Democratic leaders prevented another and more serious riot. The great Union meeting of Saturday had adjourned until Thursday, the day fixed for the Breckenridge convention, doubtless intending to prevent its assembling by fear or if necessary by force. The Breckenridge leaders, however, assured the mayor that the convention would not meet. But certain of the "unterrified" quietly got together, passed vigorous resolutions, and made some nominations.
The Union meeting assembled at Norombega at 10 a. m. Resolutions
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reported by a committee of which William H. McCrillis was chairman, were unanimously and enthusiastically adopted. The meeting declared :
"That we will stand by the Union, fight for the Union, and maintain the Union, and not a grain of sand belonging to the Union shall ever be surrendered to foes abroad or rebels at home, and the Union of all Union men for the sake of the Union is the unchanged will of the Democrats and Republicans of Penobscot.
"That the Republicans and Democrats of Penobscot are a band of brothers in this terrible crisis of the country's history, and politicians of every hue and dye are requested to dry up until the Stars and Stripes float again in security over every portion of the Union.
"That this war is in the defence of the Union and the Flag-a war against rebels, and to sustain all the constitutional rights of every part of the Union, and peace can and will bless the land whenever the rebels will lay down their arms; and we will welcome back into our glorious galaxy of States every erring sister State and kill the fatted calf and rejoice over a constitution maintained, a Union preserved, and a nation saved.
"That the cry of peace is but a thin disguise of disunion, and is argued ( ?) only by disunionists, and the terms of their peace is [are] the dissolution of the Union, the disgrace of the Flag, and the destruction of civil liberty ; and we are for no such peace."
Another session was held in the afternoon, and at the close a great procession was formed and marched through the streets under the escort of several military companies, one of which was accompanied by artillery. It was fortunate for the peace of the city that the Breckenridge men had abandoned their plan for a public convention.
The Douglas men had called a convention to meet at Augusta on the previous day. Expecting that the Breckenridge men would merely attend their own convention, no special effort was made by the Douglasites to obtain a full representation. The Breckenridge delegates, however, quietly obtained credentials to both conventions and the Douglas men allowed them to take their seats. Ex-Senator James W. Bradbury in a paper written nearly fifty years afterward says:
"On entering the hall I saw at once that we should not have unanimity, and secured my appointment on the committee that should give voice to our action. I prepared the resolutions. When I read to the committee the resolutions declaring that the Democratic party of Maine would give its support to the administration in all proper measures in the war for the preservation of the Union, this was instantly met and violently opposed by a Breckenridge member, who moved to strike out the resolution and insert 'The Democratic party is opposed to the war' (or, We are opposed to the war,' I am not positive which phraseology was used). After a warm contest the committee adopted my resolution to be reported to the con- vention.
"As soon as I had read the report to the convention, the same motion was made to strike out and insert. At my suggestion an amendment to this amendment was offered by adding to the phrase 'opposed to the war,' the words, except so far as it may be found necessary to secure obedience to the
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laws of the United States. 'That is the whole of it,' exclaimed one of their men. 'No, no, we won't have that.'
"I saw the danger and appealed to the convention to consider the effect our action might have on the Union cause if one of the two great parties at the first convention since the commencement of hostilities should declare its opposition to the war. It might lead to the immediate recognition of the Confederacy by England, now evidently anxious for a pretext to do so. It would be certain to give encouragement to the South to persevere in the mad effort to secede, and prolong a struggle that would fail in the end. There was such love for the Union that the people of the North would never consent to its destruction, which would be the inevitable result if States are allowed to secede on the claim of a right to do it. I said we had too good a government under the Constitution to throw it away. Our failure would end the hopes of republican government throughout the world.
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