USA > Maine > Maine; a history, Volume II > Part 22
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18A part of the Seventh Maine was at Portland, recruiting under Colonel Mason. The extemporized fleet also had on board the garrison of Fort Preble, thirty men of the Seventeenth United States Infantry under Captain Merriman, who had just arrived to take command of the Caleb Cushing.
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the powder and cartridges were, and the Confederates were unable to find them. Had they done so the affair might have been much more serious, the pursuing vessels being weaker in armament, intended to ram, and the fight might have ended after severe loss of life on their part in the sinking of the Cushing and the drowning of nearly all on board, including Lieu- tenant Davenport and his men."
There was some danger of disturbances within the State, as well as of Confederate attacks on the coast. Congress had passed a draft law, and threats were uttered in Maine as in other States that it would be forcibly resisted. As the time for its execution approached the threats became more numerous and fiercer. There were also rumors that Confederate cruisers were near the Maine coast, and in June the attempt, just described, was made to cut out the Cushing. Precautions were accordingly taken against riots and raids. Light artillery four- and six-pounders were sent to Calais, Belfast, Boothbay, Bath, Lewiston, Norway and Dexter. These towns, together with Biddeford, Portland, Rockland, Wiscasset, Castine, Bangor, Machias and Eastport, which were already supplied with guns, maintained a constant readiness for any hostile demonstrations from what- ever quarter. A Portland company of State Guards were ordered out and guarded the harbor until August 19. Some sixteen privates and three non- commissioned officers of this company were, however, retained in service as a guard at the State Arsenal and for occasional picket duty elsewhere, until the 15th of September, when they were finally discharged from fur-
ther active duty. . . At Bangor, his Honor, Mayor Dale, deemed it prudent to have such public property stored at the State Arsenal as might be made available to an enemy or a mob, removed to localities in the city more easily and securely guarded. Joseph N. Downe, Esq., an experienced artillerist (though not in commission), was placed in charge of the city defences and the drilling of gunners. At Biddeford, Captain Ira Andrews, formerly of the Coast Guard at Kittery in 1861-62, exercised similar author- ity, and at Norway, Captain Sylvanus Cobb, Jr., of C Company of State Guards of the Third Division, was vested with the command. At all of those places, as also at Rockland, Belfast, Dexter, Lewiston, Calais and other places, brass fieldpieces were kept shotted, and other needful vigilance exercised for the maintenance of law in all its dignity."
In only one case, however, was forcible resistance made to the draft. In Kingfield a mob of about fifty men prevented the officer who was to distribute notifications to drafted men from entering the town. In the neighboring towns of Freeman and Salem the houses of the enrolling offi- cers were entered and the notifications carried off. The Lewiston Light Infantry, made up chiefly of returned soldiers of the Tenth Regiment and a detail of enlisted men from Augusta, were placed under an officer of the provost marshal's department, furnished with four days' rations and ten
"Hale, "Capture of the Caleb Cushing," Coll. Maine Hist. Soc., III, 5, 191-211.
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rounds of ball cartridges for each man, and sent to the disturbed district. Certain members of the expedition had been selected to deliver the notifica- tion; they duly carried out their instructions, and the troops returned to Lewiston."
Far the largest part of the Union army was raised by volunteering, stimulated by the payment of bounties and the hiring of substitutes. Con- scription was extremely repugnant to American feeling. On July 18, 1861, the Whig said :
"Our past and present history demonstrate that the volunteer system is amply sufficient, whether we become engaged in a foreign war or have a domestic rebellion to crush. Everybody knows that a new regi- ment could be enlisted in this vicinity in ten days. Yet it has been found impracticable to enlist two or three hundred men to fill up the second regi- ment to the maximum standard, or get a hundred for a New York regi- ment, here, which is being attempted. Our men simply want to go into a regiment where they can elect their own officers. They want to know and have something to say as to what officers, from colonel to corporal, shall command them."
Unfortunately, this feeling of independence sometimes resulted in the choice of inferior officers, men who were better stump speakers than com- manders in camp and field. Moreover, the new soldiers learned their duties much more quickly if absorbed by experienced regiments than if left to themselves, a bunch of raw recruits, and several skeleton regiments were less easily handled in battle than an equal number of men forming a single military unit. But though the government endured these disadvantages for the sake of obtaining volunteers and though both the Nation and the States paid bounties, sufficient enlistments could not be obtained, and resort was had to a draft where men would not enlist otherwise. The Whig, always ready to support the Government, now justified the new method of raising the army. It said: "The conscription falls upon all alike. The principle which underlies it is, that all citizens have an interest in the welfare of the State, and alike owe it service in arms against the enemy. If all are needed, all must go; when only a part are required, the selection of those who first take their turn under arms is made by drawing lots; but all are liable to draft."
Many people, however, refused to take so sensible a view. The towns felt that they would be shamed if they could not fill their quota without a draft. Furthermore, an unfortunate provision of the law allowed a man to obtain exemption by paying $300, and this was regarded as favoring the rich. The advantage was balanced if the State, town or county offered a bounty which could be used by a poor man to escape the draft. As a result there was a wild bidding for recruits by the different towns, thus placing a needless burden on the taxpayers, delaying recruiting by encouraging men
"Report, Adjutant-General, for 1863, p. 12.
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to hold off in the hope that the bounties, already large, would be increased, and lowering the character of the recruits. Some towns attempted to pre- vent a draft within their limits. Machias voted to borrow money to pay $300 for each man drafted. Pownal in a full town meeting voted 4 to I to pay $300 to every drafted man. The Lewiston Journal expressed the opinion "that such places as Pownal would be benefitted by a visit from Stuart's cavalry." No such armed missionaries arrived, but the plans of the draft evaders met with a serious check from a more regular and peace- ful intervention, that of the Supreme Court of Maine. Exercising his con- stitutional right to obtain the opinion of the judges "upon important ques- tions of law, and upon solemn occasions," Governor Coburn asked the court if the towns could raise money, either by loans or taxation, to pay the $300 commutation. The eight judges joined in a negative opinion, written by Chief Justice Appleton. They said that as a general principle the towns could not make a gift to favored individuals, still less could they do so when the obvious and inevitable tendency of the act was to defeat the objects of the draft law, for Congress desired to raise men, not money. If one town could pay the commutation of its citizens, all could, and the government would be left without an army and helpless.
The decision did not, however, apply to the granting of bounties for enlistments, and the towns continued their eager competition for men. The State had encountered great difficulties in deciding what number of men the several towns should furnish. In 1861 there was simply a general rais- ing of volunteers, in 1862 the State called for a definite number of men from each locality, basing its demands on the population according to the census of 1860. In order to prevent the wealthier cities and towns from enticing away inhabitants of the smaller places by offering large bounties, every recruit was required to enlist from his residence unless its quota were already filled, but, said Adjutant-General Hodsdon, in his report for 1863, "at least one-third of those enlisting, where it was for their interest managed through connivance of recruiting officers and other means to have the records and returns made to this office so as to evade this restriction. The consequences were in raising the troops in 1862, most bitter controver- sies between towns, presented for adjudication to the governor and adjutant- general, frequently involving all the acrimony of an aggravated pauper lawsuit."
The apportionment of the United States calls of 1863 was based on the State enrollment, with such slight changes "as limited personal obser- vation, without much labor to ascertain the facts, would suggest." The results, in some cases, were almost grotesque. To quote Adjutant-General Hodsdon once more: "Instances are known of names being drawn for persons who had been dead for years. Men were drafted who had long been non-residents of the locality for which they were drawn. Others had the good fortune to be in the service when they were drafted, and although
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not securing any additional pay and emoluments, doubtless felt honored in being considered worthy to do double duty for their country." These, how- ever, were regarded as exceptional cases. But when in October there came another call based, by strict orders of the War Department, on the former enrollment, there were loud complaints. Unfortunately revision meant a long delay in obtaining men, and the authorities at Washington strictly for- bade any change. They did, however, order a new and careful enrollment as a basis for future calls. There was a strong demand that to meet the immediate difficulty the Legislature be called in extra session, a uniform bounty granted by the State, and the towns forbidden to give any; but, said Adjutant-General Hodsdon :
"It was foreseen, from intimations received at the War Department, that another call would be made as soon as this quota was filled, and if the State assumed at the outset the payment of all bounties, and issued its scrip and bonds to raise the necessary amount, it could be expected to do no less for the next call, and the large sums to be raised for both might, with the previous indebtedness of the State, affect its credit; for though an amount of indebtedness larger than that which the State would incur by assuming the whole, might be incurred by the towns making up the State, yet the capitalist, when contemplating an investment in State secur- ities, looks at the amount of State debt as such, in bonds and certificates issued from the State Treasury. Aside from this fact, it was known that towns in the fear of a draft, with ready credit to raise money and hope of more speedily securing their quotas, would find the ways and means of evading the letter of the law, if it prohibited municipal bounties. This fact has been well illustrated in Massachusetts, where the Legislature was assembled, and uniform bounties voted payable from the State Treasury. Hardly had the Legislature adjourned before towns and cities commenced raising large sums of money as recruiting funds, amounting often to as much for each man as the authorized State bounty, and though every effort was made by the Governor of that State to prevent this proceeding in direct violation of the spirit if not the letter of the law, yet no satisfactory result was obtained, and many towns as well as the State are burdened with debt incurred for the raising of this quota."
It was determined therefore to adopt the halfway measure of a recom- mendation. An order was issued by the adjutant-general in the Governor's name, stating that: "It is probable that bounties uniform in amount and not less than $100 nor exceeding $200 per man, will now be paid volunteers by the respective cities, towns and plantations in the State. Great injustice will be wrought to the smaller and poorer localities, by exceeding this amount in any instance, as such towns and plantations may find it impos- sible to fill their quotas by reason of their citizens seeking larger bounties elsewhere than are offered at home. Attempted restrictions upon the enlist- ment and credit of men for localities other than their residences are imprac- ticable, yet it is hoped that no man will enlist and receive bounty, except from his own town, unless the quota thereof is previously filled."
ME .- 32
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Most of the cities and towns offered $200, and some, disregarding the Governor's wish, offered $300 or $400. Hoping to put a stop to this inequality, the Governor on December 9 issued another order directing that no recruit should hereafter be credited to a locality paying over $200 bounty directly or indirectly, unless he were a resident of that town, or unless his own town had filled its quota. The later calls were more easily answered because of the passage of laws allowing States to be given credit for their citizens who enlisted in the navy.
During the earlier part of the war, the State had itself given the mod- erate bounty of two months' pay, or $22 to $40, to non-commissioned officers and privates. This was received by the members of the first ten infantry regiments. The giving of bounties by the State was then sus- pended until July, 1862, when there was granted a bounty of $45 to volun- teers entering new regiments, and $55 to those enlisting in old organiza- tions. On February 2, 1864, both these bounties were increased to $300, and town bounties were forbidden. Drafted men or their substitutes were given $100. The total amount of State bounty paid between April 12, 1861, and December 31, 1865, was $4,584,636. The State also allowed the towns to grant certain aid to the families of soldiers and to draw on the State Treasury for the amount. There was expended in this manner $1,960,- 801.99. If the estimate of a commission which inquired into the matter is correct, the cities, towns and plantations of the State gave in bounties $8,490,559.28. There was also a record of "private contributions and do- nations" of a value of $843,280. But many gifts were unrecorded and the total amount probably exceeded $1,000,000.
The localities were clamorous for assistance from the State to enable them to meet the debts they had incurred. There was some justice in the demand, for the cities, towns and plantations had been obliged to furnish men in proportion to their population, but the cities and larger towns were wealthier than the smaller places not only absolutely but relatively and could more easily bear the cost of bounties.
In 1867 the Legislature directed the Governor and Council to obtain the opinion of the Supreme Court on the right of the State to assume and equalize the municipal war debts. The Governor and Council were also directed to appoint a commission of five persons to examine the subject and report a plan of equalization. The court delivered an opinion that the State had no legal right to assume the debts. The commission, however, was duly appointed and reported that the most equitable and practicable method of relief, having regard to the ability and credit of the State, was for the State to pay $100 for each man furnished after July 2, 1862, for three years' service, and a proportionate sum for each man furnished since that date for a lesser period. Moreover, every $100 bounty paid before July 2, 1862, for three years' service, should count as one man. The com- mission met the opinion of the court by proposing that a constitutional
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amendment be passed. An amendment such as they recommended, except- ing the counting of every $100 bounty as a man, was passed by the Legis- lature and adopted by the people. The total amount of bonds authorized by the amendment was limited to $3,500,000. The amount actually issued fell below the maximum. A commission appointed to pass on claims adjudged the sum due to be $3,105,183.33.
As the towns complained to the State that their quotas were exces- sive, so the State complained to the National government that her quota was disproportionately large. During the first year of the rebellion, and until July 2, 1862, no definite quotas were asked for from several States. From the organization of regiments under the President's call in May, 1861, to May 21, 1862, regiments were organized under acceptances of the War Department. But in September 1863, Maine was officially informed that her quota for 1861 was 17,560 and that there was a deficiency of 1,595, and that there was a deficiency on the call of July 2, 1862, of 4,548 men, or nearly half the number demanded; that is, there was a deficiency of 6.1.43 three years' men. It was also claimed that there was a deficiency of 2,024 nine months' troops. Adjutant-General Hodsdon promptly replied that no deficiency in the quota of Maine volunteers, apparent or other- wise, should be exacted from Maine :
"Because from the migratory character of the people of Maine, many of her residents have enlisted in the volunteer organizations of other States, and were accounted to the quota of those States, Maine has a much larger proportion of this class of soldiers than any other State. Over twenty-four hundred (2400) residents of Maine are known to have enlisted with volun- teer organizations of other States, and doubtless the number is larger by one-third than has been reported.
"Second, Maine has furnished from her extended seaboard to the United States Navy more than three times the number of seamen than has any other State. In many of our towns the entire able-bodied male popu- lation is engaged in seafaring pursuits, and a large proportion of this popu- lation are sailors in our naval service. It is estimated that at least six thousand (6000) citizens of Maine are in the United States Navy."
At that date the Government had no legal authority to make a deduc- tion on account of naval enlistments, even if definitely proved, or of enlist - ments in other States. But further examination of the records at Augusta and Washington gave Maine an additional credit of 361 men for 1861, and 2,712 three years' men. In the following year no objection was made to the quota demanded from Maine, probably because she was credited with 6,754 men enlisted in the navy and the marine corps.
Maine furnished thirty-one regiments of infantry, three of cavalry (the so-called First District of Columbia Cavalry was almost wholly raised in Maine), one of heavy artillery, seven batteries of field artillery, seven com- panies of sharpshooters, thirty companies of unassigned infantry," seven
"Unassigned, that is, when raised.
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companies of coast artillery, and six companies for coast fortifications. Maine was also credited with 6,754 men in the navy and the marine corps. The adjutant-general's records showed 72,945 credits to Maine. Of these 3,400 were re-enlistments, and 2,000 men paid commutation, which would give 67,545 as the number of men bearing arms.2ª Of these 3,200 were killed or mortally wounded, and 5,592 died from diseases or other causes. It has been estimated from the records that 11,309 men were disabled by wounds or disease. Some of them died after discharge as a result of their disabilities, and others who were disabled were not reported. There were 3,840 cases of desertion, 2 men were cashiered, 22 were dismissed from the service, and 47 were dishonorably discharged.
The raising of the Maine quota was not accomplished without a great scandal, that of the "paper credits." The draft had given rise to a new occupation, that of the substitute broker. He hunted up men who would enlist, often paying a private bounty in addition to that given by the Gov- ernment, and then sold their enrollment to drafted men desiring substi- tutes. The brokers were frequently unscrupulous, and their recruits were often persons of bad character. In filling the calls on Maine, certain brokers and others obtained credits not for individuals but for towns. Frequently no new soldiers were obtained for the Government, but men not previously on the quota of the State were so entered, and it is to be feared that sometimes "this class of naval heroes," as an agent once de- scribed them, existed only on paper, hence the affair was usually referred to as that of the "paper credits."
By virtue of laws passed in 1864, Maine was entitled to count men enlisted in the regular army, the navy and the marine corps, as a part of her quota. Thereafter various persons appeared at Augusta with lists of names of men whom they asserted Maine could legally claim, obtained their acceptance by the United States acting assistant provost marshal general and the Maine adjutant-general, with an agreement to credit them to such places as the holder of the list should name, and sold the assignments to various towns, usually for $400 per man. The contractor himself paid the men the United States bounty.
There was a widespread feeling in Maine that the towns, the State and the Nation had all been cheated. The Whig expressed the feeling of thou- sands when it said: "The vast and shameful system of fraud by which many quotas last year were filled on paper and without producing men, is, we trust, to be completely broken up, and we hope that the men engaged in it whether they be high or low will be exposed. Congress and the Legis- lature owe it the people, to the cause in which we are engaged, and to themselves, to do this."
One of the principal substitute broker firms was that of Delany & Yates of Augusta. Delany was tried by a court martial and found guilty
"The real number was somewhat less.
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of recruiting without authority from the War Department, obtaining money from Maine cities and towns on false pretences, falsely assuming to be an officer, and aiding desertion. He was fined $45,000 and sentenced to ten years' imprisonment. The payment of the fine was remitted, and he was released after thirteen months' imprisonment, which he afterward claimed was merely nominal. In 1870 he appeared before a commission appointed to investigate the paper credits and made some very startling statements. He swore that Major Littler, the acting assistant provost marshal general for Maine, sent men who had come to ask about enlistment to him, that he sold their assignments to towns and gave Littler a share of the profits, amounting, he thought, to from $2,000 to $5,000. He also swore that he had done business with Henry A. Williams when he was commissioner of enrollment, and with Captain Charles A. Holmes when he was mustering officer and paymaster. Delany said that he would sometimes arrive with a hundred men (these at least were not paper credits) after office hours, would prevail on Holmes to muster them, and would pay him for it. He thought that he had paid Holmes from $1,500 to $2,000 in all. He also testified that when Adjutant-General Hodsdon refused to allow certain men to be quotaed without authority from Washington, he sent an agent and $3,000 to Washington, and that the order was issued. He said that he had seen a receipt purporting to be signed by Provost Marshal General Frye, and that the receipt provided that the $3,000 should be returned if the men were not quotaed as he desired.2ª Delany stated that he offered money to General Hodsdon, but that the general refused it, and forbade him ever to repeat such an offer. Many of the agents of the towns, who were often one or more of the selectmen, took care of their own interests as well as that of their towns. Delany's partner testified: "The agents of most all of the towns to whom we sold men had to have their pockets greased; I mean to say we usually gave them a bonus of from $15 to $25. There were many instances in which the agents of towns had a bonus of so much per man. Some few agents refused to accept it. The receipts were given for the whole sum, including the bonus, but the money paid us was less than the receipt by from $15 to $25 per man." Mr. Yates admitted, however, that all the agents might have given the bonus to their towns. If Delany told the truth, one selectman appears to have retained $900 of the money of his town. On the other hand, one of the principal brokers, D. T. Pike of Augusta, swore that various receipts shown to him by the committee were for the exact sums paid. He said: "In no instance did we give a receipt for a greater sum than was actually paid by us, and if any persons have so testified it must have been the result of a mistake or because there was some misunderstanding in regard to the term of service of the man."
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