USA > Maine > Maine; a history, Volume II > Part 16
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"I hoped that these reasons would have some effect. But when the vote was taken the amendment to the amendment was rejected by a ma- jority of one !
"It was evident that the anti-war Breckenridge men had the control of the convention. I was upon the platform, without the opportunity to consult my friends, and must act at once, before the vote was taken on the amended resolution. I immediately stated to the convention that we had unexpectedly met here gentlemen whom we supposed were members of another convention, and who did not support the regular Democratic candi- date for President, Mr. Douglas, at last year's election. By the vote just taken it was evident that they had the control of the convention, and that they were opposed to giving the administration support of legitimate efforts to preserve the Union. This is not in accord with the judgment of the Democracy of the State. They love the Union, and will support all proper measures to preserve it. But we are powerless in this body to give such expression, and I advise all the members who agree with me in the work to do it, to withdraw and go to another hall, where we can give expression to the real sentiments of the Democratic party of the State.""
Before Mr. Bradbury spoke, Albert G. Jewett in a scathing speech had resigned as one of the vice-presidents of the convention. One hundred and eighty-five members of the convention left the hall.
The platform adopted by the Breckenridge Democrats declared that the reconstruction of the Union by force was a palpable absurdity and an utter impossibility, and that they were in favor of a convention of all the States to take into consideration measures for the immediate and amicable settlement of all difficulties. The convention chose as its candidate ex- Governor Dana.
The seceders assembled in another hall and nominated Colonel Jame- son, the commander of the Second Maine Infantry, for Governor. Their platform, while firmly demanding the preservation of the Union and approv- ingly quoting the declaration of Stephen A. Douglas, "There can be no neutrals in this war, there can be none but patriots and traitors," also favored "in this war with our brethren twining around the sword
'Coll. Maine Hist. Soc., III, 2:279-284.
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of governmental power the olive branch of fraternal peace," and resolved that "in vain will it be for our brave soldiers to put down the present rebel- lion, unless the people at home remove the causes that led to it, by putting the iron heel upon the twin sisters of our disasters, Secessionism and Abolitionism." The convention called for a coalition Cabinet at Washing- ton, and resolved "that as Andrew Jackson recommended a repeal of obnoxious legislation in the days of nullification, as an act of justice, and to deprive malcontents of every excuse for an assault upon the Govern- ment, we should emulate his great example by wiping the last vestiges of the offensive 'personal liberty bills' from the statutes of the non-slavehold- ing States."
The local Democratic conventions endorsed in some cases, Dana; in others, Jameson.
The Hancock county convention followed the example of that at Augusta, and violently split in two. The Douglas Democrats being out- voted 3 to I, seceded; then, having obtained reinforcements, they returned to clean out the hall, but, says the Jeffersonian, "through lack of numbers or pluck, or both, they were driven out again." The Waldo convention also divided. In Knox a Union Democratic convention and the Republican convention agreed on a mixed ticket.
The Cumberland, Oxford, and Somerset conventions endorsed Dana. The Somerset convention declared that the volunteers "had been unwit- tingly led into war for the abolition of slavery," and tabled a resolution "that we are opposed to secession in all its forms, and believe it the duty of the Government to put it down by all constitutional means," and voted, five delegates opposing, that "The attempt of the administration to recon- struct the Union by force is practical disunion.""
The Penobscot and Aroostook county conventions endorsed Jameson.
The Democratic papers were evenly divided. The Argus supported Dana, though not the platform. In the Dana ranks were also the Saco Democrat, Machias Union, North Anson Advocate and Franklin Patriot. The Bath Times, Augusta Age, Belfast Journal, Lewiston Advocate and Rockland Democrat hoisted the Jameson flag.
The election was a glorious triumph for the Republicans, and a vic- tory, though by a rather narrow margin, of the War Democrats over the peace men of the party. The vote stood: Washburn, 58,689; Jameson, 21,935 ; Dana, 19,801.
The Whig said of the election that half of the men who voted for Dana were deceived by lack of correct information as to his real position and were led to support him as the regular candidate. "The Union victory in the State, however, is complete and unmistakable. It has crushed out open-mouthed treason, and, as a majority of the Democratic voters them- selves have emphatically repudiated the claim of the traitors to control the
"Jeffersonian, Aug. 27, 1861.
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party, that organization cannot again be used in any attempt to oppose the prosecution of the war. . . . The Republican party has come nobly up to the work of sustaining the administration, and we need make no com- ments upon the aspect of the election so far as it relates to that organiza- tion. The returns speak for themselves."
Some two months after the election, the question of the attitude of the Government toward slavery which, because of the great conservatism of the War Democrats and of some Republicans, required most careful han- dling, was raised by the proclamation of General Frémont giving freedom to the slaves within his command, and the order of President Lincoln reversing his action. The Whig at once proclaimed its sympathy with Frémont. It said that the principles of the "proclamation, however they may at present be modified, must become the principles of this war, before we shall be able to touch the vitals of the rebellion," and it expressed the opinion that "before the end of another session. Congress will see cause to provide by law precisely what Frémont declared by proclamation." When a little later the general was relieved of his command, the Whig said that it feared that the government, though honest, had made a mistake. But it added, "as the removal has been made, it is the duty of every loyal citizen and good patriot, in time of war like the present, to acquiesce in the deter- mination of the government, believing that the motives of the Executive were right, and hoping that the effect of the removal will not be injurious to the cause. Let all imitate the conduct of General Frémont himself, upon receiving the order to transfer his command. It was to repress as far as possible all adverse feeling toward the government and to do all in his power still to promote the success of the army from whose command he had been removed. Frémont was in the face of the enemy. The whole country is now in the face of the enemy. It is no time to indulge in bitter reproaches for what may after all have been a proper act. It is no time to withdraw confidence from the government. It must be sustained through good report, or the country is lost."
A little later came the seizure of Mason and Slidell on board an Eng- lish steamer on the high seas. At first the Whig took a somewhat bel- ligerent attitude. It believed that the country would rise to a war with England. But a month later it said that it was right to surrender Mason and Slidell if international law required it, and that England had taken the position maintained by the United States in 1812. The Whig thought that the general sentiment of the country was one "in which satisfaction at the substantial advantages we have gained predominates over regret at the escape of the rascals.'"
A minor incident of the affair was seized on by the Democrats as a means of arousing feeling in Maine against the administration. On news
'Whig, Nov. 7, 1861.
*Whig, Dec. 31, 1861.
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of the capture of Mason and Slidell, England had promptly sent troops to Canada. One belated ship arrived off Cape Race, in January. Seward tendered to the British Minister, Lord Lyons, permission for them to land at Portland and proceed to Canada by the Grand Trunk, and sent orders to the United States officials at Portland to afford facilities for the transfer. On January 13, E. K. Smart introduced a resolution requesting the Gov- ernor to communicate any information that he might have received con- cerning the matter, and asking if any steps had been taken "to prevent such use of the American soil within the limits of the State of Maine." Mr. Smart supported his resolution in an exciting and demagogic speech. He, however, accepted an amendment adding the words "if not incom- patible with the public interests." The Governor replied that he had no information on the matter not already in possession of the public, and that he had taken no steps to prevent the passage of British troops, but that he would give the subject immediate attention; and Smart announced that he saw no further necessity for his resolution and would withdraw it.
The Whig in commenting on the affair said that it did not regret Seward's offer, but that we should gain more than lose by the courtesy, even if war should break out hereafter, that it would show Europe and England that we did not wish war, that it had already had a good effect in Canada, and that as far as Maine was concerned it would be more advan- tageous to have the troops sent to Canada than to Halifax or St. John. The Whig also quoted with approval a statement from "a contemporary" that it was important to remove the impression which Seward had been so unfortunate as to give that the government sought war.'
Governor Washburn forwarded a copy of the Senate resolution to the Secretary of State and asked if such directions had been issued, and for any information concerning the matter which the Secretary might think proper to communicate. Mr. Seward replied that the permission had been given in accordance with the rules of international comity and the Ameri- can policy of treating Great Britain as a kindred nation to whom we were bound by peculiar ties of commerce. The amiable Secretary, however, con- cluded his letter: "The State of Maine has been so eminently loyal and patriotic in the present emergency that the President would not feel him- self at liberty to wound any sensibility which she might feel on the sub- ject. If therefore you shall advise me that the directions in question are likely to have that effect, they will be cheerfully modified." The matter ended by Lord Lyons declining Seward's offer.10
The resolution of Mr. Smart in relation to the British troops was evi- dently that of a political opponent. Some others which he had introduced the day after the meeting of the Legislature leave one in doubt whether Ephraim was trying to play Joab to the Republican party's Amasa, stab-
'For the English belief that Seward desired to provoke a war, see Bancroft, "Seward," II, 225-226.
10 Maine Documents, 1862, I, 6.
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bing it while making professions of friendship, or whether he was only turn- ing another of his political somersaults. The resolutions declared that it was the duty of Congress to free all slaves belonging to persons who should aid the rebellion, and the duty of the government to employ them as sol- diers if capable of efficient service, that they should receive the same pay, clothing and subsistence as other soldiers, that Congress should "colonize the freedmen so far as practicable in some place or places of the Union where the climate is congenial to them," and that all vacant and unoccupied lands held by the rebel States should be confiscated for their benefit," and that they "should be protected, wherever lands are set apart for them, by a system of government appropriate to their condition." By the last of the resolutions the Maine Senators and Representatives were requested to use all honorable means to secure the passage of acts embodying their spirit and substance.
The resolutions appear to have brought their author little favor. The Jeffersonian narrated his political changes, saying of his last :
"And now, after having grossly and repeatedly insulted and betrayed the people of Maine by a series of atrocious libels upon their character and life-long loyal sentiments, he has with brazen impudence espoused the senti- ments of the ever-honest and conscientious people of the State with the view of further political advancement. The governorship of Maine next year, or an appointment to some lucrative office by President Lincoln, or some other reward for his bold demagoguism, is his end and aim. It has been suggested that Smart had better be at once appointed colonel of a negro regiment at Port Royal; but we cannot recommend such an appoint- ment, both because we do not desire to see a regiment of honest and loyal negroes disgraced by such a commander, and because of the danger that when in the face of the rebel enemy he would betray his regiment into the hands of the Confederate army upon the promise of a little higher com- mand, such as an appointment as a brigadier. In no place or posi- tion whatever can E. K. Smart be trusted. There is not an intelligent man of any party or faction of party in Maine who has any confidence in him. Democrats maliciously assure us Republicans that they are now well rid of Smart and that he has joined the Republican party, to rule or disgrace and ruin it.
"We hope some comprehensive resolutions truly and properly expres- sive of the sentiments of the truly and unconditionally loyal people of this State on our national affairs, such resolutions as will exert an influence and respect from their origin and are not saturated with the malign spirit of arrant demagoguism, will be offered in the Legislature and adopted."
Mr. Smart's resolutions, and a substitute which resembled the Crit- tenden resolutions, declaring that the war was only waged for the preserva- tion of the Union, and not for the destruction of slavery, and endorsing
"The provision in regard to climate would prevent their being dumped on the Northern States. It will be remembered that in the Missouri discussion John Holmes had expressed a fear that if a State could not exclude negroes, slave States wishing to emancipate might buy large quantities of Northern land and settle their freedom there.
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the President's inaugural, were referred to the committee on Federal rela- tions. Another set cordially endorsing the administration and promising the unwavering support of Maine in crushing the rebellion, and calling for the confiscation of the property of rebels, the emancipation of their slaves, and the use of negroes as soldiers, if demanded by military necessity and the safety of the Republic, was passed by the Senate by a vote of 24 to 4. They subsequently passed the House by a vote of 104 to 26. A resolve for a constitutional amendment, which the Jeffersonian called "a transparent pro-slavery nest egg," was indefinitely postponed by a vote of 93 to 8."
A declaration in favor of such radical measures as emancipation and confiscation greatly offended the Democrats. The Augusta Age, Argus, Machias Union and Saco Democrat declared that it was a notice to quit all connection with Republicans. Efforts were made to reunite the Democratic party. The Dana State committee appointed two delegates to meet the Jameson committee. At the conference the Dana men said that they did not ask the followers of Jameson to come to them, but to join in a call for a convention. The Jameson men inquired if the Dana ambassadors would agree to a People's convention. They answered that they would prefer a straight-out Democratic convention, but would yield that point rather than have the negotiation fail. The Jameson committee withdrew for consulta- tion, and the next morning their chairman brought word that they con- sidered it inexpedient to unite in any call. The reason assigned is said to have been that they believed they could attract more conservative Republi- cans by acting alone."
The Jameson committee had already issued a call for a People's con- vention. A few Republicans may have been conciliated, but some former Jameson Democrats were repelled. The Rockland Democrat declared that the call for a People's convention should emanate from the people, that the Jameson committee had no authority to issue such a call, that by doing so they had destroyed the "War Democrat" organization throughout the State and that the new "People's party" would be a humbug.
The "People's convention," however, assembled at Bangor on June 26. Although supposedly a Jameson convention, nearly one-half of the mem- bers appeared to belong to the Dana wing of the party. There was a sharp debate, John A. Peters, of Bangor, and A. G. Jewett, of Belfast, vigor- ously denouncing the Dana Democrats, and declaring that they would have nothing to do with them or with persons acceptable to them. Mr. Jewett reported resolutions, which were duly passed. They declared "that it is the first duty of the citizen, in this perilous national crisis, to yield a ready and unwavering support to the government in all necessary efforts to sub- due the existing rebellion, and vindicate the authority of the Constitution and Union over every inch of territory within the limits of the United
12Jeffersonian, Jan. 14, 1862.
"Jeffersonian, June 10, 1862.
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States." The resolution also stated that the convention would "resist all measures and efforts calculated or designed to convert this war for the Union into a crusade for negro emancipation." The resolutions praised the soldiers, and made the convention proclaim that "we cordially approve the patriotic course of the brave General McClellan, that we approve his genius and skill as commander of an army, and that our whole hearts are enlisted in his success before Richmond, that we view with detestation and scorn the wicked and scheming politicians who are endeavoring to undermine and weaken him and his army in their brave efforts for the vindication of the Union.""
Mr. Peters moved the nomination of Colonel Jameson by acclamation. Another member moved to substitute the name of Bion Bradbury ; a ballot was taken, Jameson received 166 votes to Bradbury's 106, and his nomina- tion was then made unanimous. In general, the Eastern members had sup- ported Jameson, those from Augusta, Portland, and the western part of the State had been anxious to take a man who could unite the party."
The "Dana" convention did not meet until August 14, when Bradbury was nominated for Governor by a vote of 278 to 133 for James White, of Belfast, and 3 scattering. Resolutions were passed declaring that the party was for the Union as it was and the Constitution as it is ; that "the Union was formed in the spirit of concession and compromise, and must be pre- served by the same means, and not by military force alone."
The Republicans had held their convention at Portland on June 5. Governor Washburn had declined a renomination, and the convention nomi- nated Abner Coburn, of Skowhegan, on the first ballot. The vote stood : Coburn, 330; J. J. Perry, 176; J. H. Williams (son of the ex-Governor), 88; N. A. Farwell, 58; scattering, 5.
Abner Coburn was a man of strong character, sound sense and busi- ness ability. His father, Eleazer Coburn, was born in Massachusetts, but in 1792, when Abner was only fifteen, the family moved to Maine and set- tled in that portion of Canaan later annexed to Skowhegan. Eleazer took an active part in the development of the town. He was sent to the Legis- latures both of Massachusetts and Maine, but he was better known as a business man than as a politician. He was "one of the most extensive land surveyors of his day." This gave him an interest in and a knowledge of the timberlands of Maine, and in 1830 he went into the lumber business, purchasing lands on the Kennebec and operating them with great success.
The early settlers not only entered into and possessed the land, but they also obeyed the Scriptural injunction to increase and multiply. Elea- zer Coburn was no exception to the rule. He married Polly Weston, a member of a leading family of Canaan, and became the father of fourteen children, nine boys and five girls.
"Whig, June 7, 1862.
1BWVhig, June 27, 1862.
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Abner, the second son and child, was born on March 22, 1803. As a boy he was hard-working, quick to seize an opportunity, and unusually strong. He had scant time or means for education, but managed to spend a few terms at Bloomfield Academy. He also taught school several win- ters for $10 a month, and "boarded round." He aided his father in his work as a surveyor and at twenty-two "he began surveying on his own account and for some years was an expert surveyor." In 1830 he and his younger brother, Philander, joined their father in establishing the lumber firm of E. P. Coburn & Sons, and on the death of the senior partner, in 1845, continued the business under the name of A. & P. Coburn. The firm became one of the best known and richest in the State, but their wealth was acquired honorably. In times of financial stress they frequently saved smaller concerns by their timely assistance, and they always commanded the enthusiastic loyalty of their numerous employees. In 1854 the brothers secured the completion of the Somerset & Kennebec Railroad, and from that time until his death Abner Coburn played a leading part in the railroad history of Maine.
Notwithstanding the claims of an extensive business, Mr. Coburn was much interested in politics. His father was a Federalist, he himself cast his first vote in a presidential election for John Quincy Adams, and he passed naturally from the National Republicans to the Whigs and from the Whigs to the Republicans, joining the party when it was first formed. In 1855 and 1857 he was a member of the Council, and in 1860 a presidential elector.
Mr. Coburn's personal character was of the highest. He was a man of the strictest morality and integrity, and his great wealth never made him proud or unapproachable. He gave freely both to institutions and to individuals ; the latter gifts were secret, and he never reminded a man of a favor, and seldom made requests of those who owed him debts of gratitude. It was said of him that "he was no boss. If he had made the obligations he placed men under a means of promoting his interests he would have been one of the most powerful men in the State." He loved peace and would waive his rights to secure it, but "he could feel and retain indignation. His sense of justice, of injustice also, was keen and strong. He was sensi- tive, could resent, though quietly, yet effectually."
Mr. Coburn had great executive ability, and was usually a good judge of men, though at times deceived in his charities, and he is said to have lost $200,000 by the trickery of a distant relative who acted for years as manager of his timber lands in Wisconsin, and who cut and sold nearly twice as much timber as he accounted for to his employer.
Mr. Coburn was no orator, but his mind worked quickly and surely. President Pepper, of Colby, said of him in his funeral sermon: "His words were few, but always to the point. He hit the mark every time. There was not a grain of wasted powder. He used a rifle, never a shotgun. Scat-
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tering was to him an abomination. Whether in pleasantry or in earnest- ness, he was equally apt and pat. He could see the exact point at which to prick conceit, and one touch of his bodkin was enough. The experiment never needed to be repeated at least by him. As for flattery, did it ever venture into his presence? I know not, but of this I am sure, if it did the venture was a failure, to itself a disaster."
Although he seldom spoke harshly of individuals, he could be very caustic. "He did once say of an adroit gentleman: 'If you want to track him sure, go in the opposite direction from that which his toes point.' Of a Maine officer during the war, he said: 'He wrote so many letters urging his own promotion that he couldn't have done any fighting.' When the greenback craze swept over Maine, some one remarked to the Governor that - had turned an advocate of fiat money, 'That is proper,' he re- plied; 'that man always maintained that he had paid a debt when he gave his note for it.'"
After the control of the Maine Central had passed into Massachusetts hands, the directors from that State found it inconvenient to come to Port- land, and one of them, somewhat oblivious of the fact that there were Maine men on the board, suggested that further meetings be held at Boston. There was some discussion, and then Mr. Coburn, whose State pride was touched, killed the proposal by the quiet remark, "I have yet to learn that the distance from Portland to Boston is less than that from Boston to Portland."
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