USA > Maine > Maine; a history, Volume II > Part 19
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"Quoted in Jeffersonian, Dec. 20, 1864.
ME .- 30
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divide and conquer the Republican Union party in Maine, and to build up a Conservative party. The 'leader' of their party is already indicated. . . . An attempt like this now made to divide the Union party of Maine into 'Conservatives' and 'Radicals,' was made in the Legislature of 1862, under the leadership of L. D. M. Sweat, Bion Bradbury, Gould of Thomaston, and other copperhead wolves in the Union livery, but the project miserably failed."
Yet after all this bitter contest, Mr. Fessenden was nominated unan- imously, Mr. Hamlin's friends, believing that his opponents had a majority, though a small one, prevented a contest by withdrawing his name."
Mr. Fessenden left the Treasury on March 3 and was succeeded by the Comptroller of the Currency, Hugh McCulloch, a native though not a resident of Maine." Mr. Fessenden had a high opinion of his successor, had desired his appointment when Secretary Chase resigned, and first learned of his own nomination when he called on the President to urge the choice of Mr. McCulloch.
In February, 1865, it became the duty of the Maine Legislature to act on the thirteenth amendment to the Constitution abolishing slavery. The Legislature had already passed a resolution introduced by Nelson Dingley of Lewiston favoring such an amendment, and there was no doubt what its action would be. On February 6 Governor Cony transmitted the resolve of Congress proposing the amendment to the Legislature. The Governor said: "I congratulate you personally that in your character as the constitu- tional representatives of the people of Maine, the felicity is vouchsafed to you to give effect to their will by voting for the extirpation of a system utterly at variance with every other American institution, offensive to the best instincts of our species, founded in disregard of the first principles of human justice and in violation of the laws of God." The next day the Senate unanimously ratified the amendment. The House was not unani- mous, but it was more enthusiastic than the Senate. "The areas and galleries of the chamber were filled with ladies and gentlemen. A band was stationed in the gallery, and when the vote was announced every Union member present voted 'yes.' The chair declared that by this sublime act Maine gave her ratification to the amendment to the Constitution 'which drives forever from the land the curse of slavery, God save the State of Maine.' There was great applause. The band played the national hymn, and during a recess of half an hour cheers were given for Lincoln, for the rights of man, for Grant, for Sherman, Sheridan, Thomas and Farragut, also for the brave soldiers. The fifteen Democrats were silent. Mr. Chase of Dover, one of them, proposed three cheers for the old Union. Mr. Webb
"Mr. Hamlin's grandson says that he had not expected opposition when the Legis- lature was elected and went West to take part in the Presidential campaign, and that his manager in Maine neglected his duty.
"It is said that Mr. Lincoln offered the place to Mr. Hamlin, but was obliged to withdraw the offer because of the opposition of Mr. Fessenden.
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of Portland said: 'It was good until the slavery minions spoiled it.' Then all cheered. Finally three cheers were given for the Constitution as amended, and the Union as it will be. Several patriotic speeches were made, and Mr. Dingley proposed that 'in view of the great triumph over which we rejoice, the assemblage unite in singing that grand old doxology, 'Old Hundred.' It was sung with intense spirit and unconcealed tears."
On March 4 President Lincoln delivered his noble Second Inaugural. The Jeffersonian praised it, but in language which raises a suspicion that the editor did not fully appreciate its depth and beauty. "The President's inaugural is the best ever delivered. It is short, but comprehensive and pithy. He beats 'the Clergy,' even Henry Ward Beecher, in his pertinent and forcible exposition and application of texts of scripture." The Whig's editorial was a descriptive summary rather than a comment. Mr. Lynde, however, appears to have agreed with the President, especially in his re- marks on the connection of slavery with the war. The Kennebec Journal said that "the inaugural is like no other document ever written. It is characteristic of the author for frank honesty and directness of purpose. Rarely have there been crowded into the same limited space so much that is weighty and momentous. It is even grand in its rugged brevity, while it contains all that is necessary for him to say and all that the people ex- pected to hear. . . He presents in strong outlines the terrible contest which is being waged between the enemies and defenders of the best gov- ernment that the sun ever shone upon, and in simple and beautiful terms indicates the duty of the people in the future trials through which the nation must pass ere complete triumph and enduring peace are secured." There followed a description of Lincoln's manner of action as President, and a defense of him against the charge of moving too slowly.
The Argus saw only the absence of definite offers to the South. It said that it had good information that Lincoln had been ready to accept gradual, fully compensated emancipation, and pardon for the great mass of the Southerners, but that he had been frightened from it by the radicals." "The fact is," said the Argus, "the President is a weak man. However wellmeaning he may be (we do not wish to impugn motives), he has not the pluck for bold enlightened statesmanship in a crisis like the present. . His inaugural is an indication of his state of mind, as near noth- ing, for a state paper, as it is possible to conceive of.""""
The Argus had better reason for its remarks on the speech of Vice- President Johnson to the Senate. Johnson had taken some stiff drinks of whiskey before entering the Senate chamber, and his address was not only demagogic and conceited, but extremely rambling and incoherent. The cause was manifest to all. The Argus angrily declared, "Had a Democratic
"It was true that the President had called a Cabinet meeting and proposed that a compensation for the slaves be offered to the Confederates, but the Cabinet was unanimously of the opinion that the war must be fought out.
"Argus, March 8, 1865.
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Vice-President been guilty of such an outrage, an extra session of Congress would have been called to impeach him."33
The Jeffersonian spoke very frankly on the subject. It declared that the nation was disgraced, and that Mr. Johnson should apologize as pub- licly as the offense was committed, ask forgiveness of the Senate, the Presi- dent and Cabinet and the Nation, and solemnly promise that hereafter he would totally abstain from the use of all intoxicating liquors. If he failed to do this he should be expelled or impeached." A little later the paper declared "ridiculous if not scandalous, the attempt of a few Union papers to deny that Vice-President Johnson on inauguration day was under the influence of intoxicating drink. What is the object of having a party respectable and honest if such public obliquities of conduct are to be white- washed ?"
To the attempt of the Democratic papers to make the Republicans responsible for Johnson's conduct, the Jeffersonian replied that the Repub- licans did not know when they nominated him that he had kept his love of rum when he got rid of his other Democratic principles. It added that two of the leading Democrats in the United States Senate were contin- ually drunk, but that the papers "which now so conspicuously parade Mr. Johnson's recent disgraceful conduct" had never said a word about that.3
In April came the announcement of the surrender of Richmond. It was felt that the war would soon cease and the people of Maine were wild with joy, the public excitement perhaps being greater than at any time since the fall of Sumter. The Bangor Democrat, however, refused to admit the Southern defeat and declared that the successful evacuation of Richmond had been according to a pre-arranged plan, that Lee resolved to give up Richmond and that he would keep up the war indefinitely among his "moun- tain fastnesses."
There soon came news of the surrender of Lee, and then of the murder of Lincoln. The Argus found itself in an embarrassing situation, similar to that occasioned a quarter of a century before by the death of Harrison. It could not even now find clear words of definite praise for the martyred President. It did, however, recognize a change of feeling toward Lincoln, and condemned Booth's act in the strongest language. The Argus said : "It was a crime without parallel for unprovoked atrocity. Rulers have be- fore been murdered, but the annals of all time will have been searched in vain for a crime of this magnitude, which by one fatal blow dashed so many hopes and may be followed by consequences so widespread and calam- itous. A terrible and ineffaceable disgrace has been inflicted on republican institutions. He to whom the nation was looking with growing confidence and hope from the dangers and calamities that beset our pathway, had been
"Argus, March 11, 1865.
"It is very doubtful if the Vice-President is a member of the Senate, and if not he cannot be expelled.
"Jeffersonian, March 14, 28, 1865.
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ruthlessly shot down in a moment without excuse or provocation, to palliate in the slightest degree 'the deep damnation of his taking off.'""
The Advertiser, which had been more moderate in its opposition to the war than had the Argus, said that all party animosity which might have indulged in faultfinding with Lincoln or his policies, was "seemingly forgot- ten" and that Lincoln's "every sentiment and feeling was kind, christianlike and forgiving, and magnanimous towards all mankind." The Republican papers spoke in warmer terms. The Whig said :
'Our great and good President is dead! Gone to his reward in the full fruition of the glorious work he was appointed by Providence to fulfill. The nation weeps for him who was the unyielding defender of Liberty and the Rights of Man; but it may rejoice that he was spared to us until the great rebellion was crushed, and the cause of universal freedom on this continent forever secured. We cannot pierce the veil and perceive the inscrutable designs of the Almighty in this afflictive dispensation-but we may be well assured, that as the great events of the past have all been shaped and guided for the best good for the holy cause of freedom and humanity in our land, so this terrible stroke of affliction upon our people will be overruled for the benefit of our country and of the world. The absorbing grief of the nation scarce leaves room for the deep indignation which arises against the authors of the monstrous deed which has taken from a nation its father and its friend. But it is there, down deep in the heart of every loyal man-and woe to any who sympathize with or rejoice over the unholy deed. They will be driven from the country and branded forever with the mark of Cain upon their foreheads.""7
The Jeffersonian called Lincoln the great and good man, the wisest ruler of the nineteenth century. It had often believed Lincoln too moderate and gentle. It had warmly praised Andrew Johnson when nominated for Vice-President, and it now said of him, "He will execute the law with the courage and firmness of President Jackson and with the wisdom but not the clemency of his immediate predecessor who is the victim of his own too great clemency."
"Argus, April 17, 1865.
"Some citizens of Bangor, as of other places, had expressed pleasure at the mur- der, and came near paying dearly for their folly and wickedness. A clerk in a dry goods store said that he was "glad the old Rail Splitter had been killed." Hearing that an enraged crowd was about to visit him, he fled for refuge to the jail. Others like him were arrested and taken there by the police for their own safety.
Chapter XVII THE CIVIL WAR-MILITARY HISTORY
THOMAS B. REED MONUMENT AND MAINE GENERAL HOS- PITAL, PORTLAND
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FIDELITY BUILDING AND SOLDIERS' MONUMENT, PORTLAND
CHAPTER XVII THE CIVIL WAR-MILITARY HISTORY
The outbreak of the Civil War found Maine like most of the Northern States totally unprepared. The old musters had been abandoned as burden- some, useless, and furnishing occasions for drunkenness and dissipation. Men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five were with a few exceptions required to have their names enrolled in the office of the Adjutant-General but many neglected to obey the law and little or no attempt was made to enforce it. The enrolled but unarmed militia amounted to about 60,000. There were also a few "voluntary" companies containing some 1,200 men that were armed and had some knowledge of drill, but "their uniforms, equipments and camp equipage were of a character wholly unfit for service in the field."
But the country's need was pressing, Maine was asked to furnish a regiment under the President's call for 75,000 men, and Governor Wash- burn requested ten of the volunteer companies to enlist in the United States service. Eight did so, the others declined or failed to act promptly, and two new companies were raised. The Governor, however, felt that he had not the legal powers which the occasion demanded, and the day after the President's proclamation he called the Legislature to meet in extra session on April 22. That body promptly passed an act for raising ten regiments of volunteers to serve for two years, and for the borrowing of $10,000,000. Maine responded readily and enthusiastically, but after six regiments had been sent forward recruiting was suspended, the Governor being unofficially informed that no more regiments would be accepted from Maine. The means of the national government for arming and caring for troops were limited and the expense and difficulty of assembling them at Washington was greatest in the case of the most remote States.
Some of the Maine regiments suffered heavy losses in battle, others never saw an enemy. Lieutenant-Colonel William F. Fox has published an elaborate and careful statistical study of regimental losses in our Civil War. He says that the First Maine Heavy Artillery had more men killed and mortally wounded than any other regiment in the Union army,' and a greater percentage of killed than any regiment but one, the Seventh Wis- consin. But the historian of the First Maine states, however, that a cor- rected list decreases the number of his regiment by two, and increases the number of killed and died of wounds by eighteen; and that these changes give the Maine regiment the leadership in the percentage of killed. The First Maine Heavy also had the greatest number of killed in any one action.
1It should be remembered, however, that the heavy artillery regiments contained when full 1,865 men, while the cavalry regiments consisted of 1,200, and the infantry of only 1,025.
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The First Maine Cavalry had more men killed in battle than any other cavalry regiment.
Colonel Fox prepared a list of 300 "fighting regiments," that is, of regi- ments which lost at least 130 in killed or mortally wounded, and a few others "whose losses were somewhat smaller but whose percentage of killed entitles them to a place in the list." On this roll of honor are eleven Maine regiments,-the First Cavalry, First Heavy Artillery, and the Third, Fourth, Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, Ninth, Sixteenth, Seventeenth, Nineteenth, Twen- tieth and Thirty-first Infantry.
The Union army may be divided into three divisions comprising the armies of Virginia, of the Coast, and of the West, respectively. To the last division Maine sent no troops, although the officer from Maine who reached the highest position, Major-General Oliver O. Howard, served in the West from the autumn of 1863 until the close of the war, and commanded what was technically a separate "army" during Sherman's march through Georgia and the Carolinas. To the armies of Virginia, Maine contributed many regiments, and she had a large representation in the armies of the coast.
When the brief campaign of Bull Run opened, five regiments of Maine infantry had reached Washington, and all but the First, a three months regiment, took part in that expedition of unhappy memory. Yet though it ended in rout, the green Union troops did some good fighting, and in spite of the errors of their officers nearly won the day. Among the regiments that honorably distinguished themselves until the break came, were those from Maine. It will be remembered that the Confederates lay behind the stream of Bull Run, and that the Union commander, leaving a part of his force at a stone bridge to watch the enemy, moved up the stream, crossed it, and threatened his opponent's flank. An inferior Confederate force faced about and attempted to hold off the Union army, but after a gallant resist- ance was forced back. Part of their line, however, was still clinging to its position at the Van Vliet House, when General Keyes arrived with his brigade in which was the Second Maine, and after several attacks carried the house. The chief credit of the affair belongs to the Second Maine, whose loss was nearly half that of the whole brigade. The Confederates were reinforced, and formed a new line on the Henry House Hill. Re- peated but ill-combined attacks were made without success, the Confederates were again reinforced and were about to attack in their turn, when How- ard's brigade, consisting of the Third, Fourth and Fifth Maine and the Second Vermont, reached the field. The day was already lost, and the brigade should have been used as a rear guard to cover the inevitable retreat. Instead, it was ordered to attack. The troops were not only green, but much exhausted. They had been marching since early morning, a con- siderable part of the time at doublequick, the day was hot and hundreds had fallen by the wayside. Nevertheless the brigade advanced gallantly up the hill and, says Johnston in his "Bull Run, Its Strategy and Tactics," "It
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would appear that Howard did a little better than most of the brigade com- manders. He succeeded in deploying two lines." But they could not fight the battle alone, and soon joined the rest of the army in its flight. A num- ber of Congressmen and other civilians had come out from Washington to see the rebels run, and ran wildly themselves, increasing the confusion and panic; but Johnston mentions Congressman Elihu B. Washburne of Illinois, a brother of Governor Washburn, as making a courageous effort to stop the rout.
When in 1862 General McClellan attempted to take Richmond, he carried with him in his peninsula campaign seven Maine infantry regiments, the Second to the Seventh inclusive, and the Eleventh. The first man in the expedition to fall was a private of the Seventh, Joseph Pepper of Bath, who was killed in front of the Confederate intrenchments on Warwick creek, near Yorktown. The Sixth Maine did some important reconnoitering work, occupied a part of the enemy's line, and, had McClellan been prompt to seize his opportunity, it is probable that the Confederate entrenchments could have been carried by assault. The general, however, preferred the slower but more scientific method of regular approaches, and the army spent a month in taking Yorktown.
In the battle of Williamsburg, a few days after the capture of York- town, General Hancock defeated and drove off the field a superior force of the enemy," led by two of their ablest commanders, Generals Early and D. H. Hill. Among the regiments that most distinguished themselves were the Sixth and Seventh Maine, and two days later General McClellan, riding up to them, personally thanked them for saving the army, as he did the other regiments engaged in the charge. At the battle of Fair Oaks, June 1-2, two very gallant attacks were made by Maine troops. On the first day three companies of the Eleventh, the rest of the regiment being on picket, accompanied by the One Hundred and Fourth Pennsylvania, charged, and for some time maintained its position against a withering fire. On this day the battalion had two-thirds of its commissioned officers and 52 out of 93 non-commissioned officers and privates killed or wounded. On June 2 another fine charge was made by the Third Maine; the enemy were driven from the field, but at a cost of nearly a third of the men engaged. The Fifth Maine fought with great courage at Gaines' Mill and suffered severe loss, its colonel was disabled and its lieutenant-colonel killed. The regiment also did good work in other of the Seven Days battles, at White Oak Swamp it was in the rear guard and narrowly escaped capture.
Meanwhile battles were being fought in the Valley of the Shenandoah, and here also Maine troops bore an active part. Their most distinguished service was performed at Cedar Mountain. General Banks, perhaps mis- understanding an order of General Pope, attacked a greatly superior force commanded by Stonewall Jackson. The assault was gallantly made and was
"Walker, "Hancock," 43.
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for a time successful, but reinforcements arrived for the Confederates and the Union troops were compelled to fall back. Banks, if a poor general, was a good fighter, and he ordered repeated charges that could only result in useless slaughter. One of the victims was the Tenth Maine. They moved with splendid courage across an open wheat field swept by the enemy's fire, but were obliged to fall back after nearly a third of the regiment had been killed or wounded.
Four Maine batteries were with Banks' army. Two of them were not seriously engaged; the other two, the Fourth and Sixth, were in the thick of the fight, and although this was their first battle did excellent service. The general of the division to which the Sixth battery was attached sent to congratulate the commander on his success in repelling the enemy's assaults, and said that he had saved the division from annihi- lation or capture. "The last gun (of the battery) was brought off the field in the face of the enemy's infantry not fifty yards distant."
The Second, Third and Fourth regiments and the Fourth and Sixth batteries were engaged in the Second Bull Run. The Fourth suffered heavy loss, and the Sixth battery, after doing good work, was obliged to abandon two of its guns. Four Maine regiments were engaged in the Antietam campaign. The Tenth suffered considerably in the battle, partly because the corps commander, Major-General Mansfield, ordered it to advance in solid column rather than deployed. Notwithstanding the serious loss which resulted, the regiment had a great regard for General Mansfield, who was like a father to his men, and they grieved sincerely when a little later he fell mortally wounded in their ranks. The Tenth fought well, but the glory of the day, so far at least as Maine was concerned, was won by the Seventh Regiment. Palfrey says in his "Antietam and Fredericksburg": "In the afternoon, between four and five, the Seventh Maine performed a very brilliant exploit. It was ordered out to drive away some skirmishers, and performed the task, and not only gallantly but brilliantly encountering Texas, Georgia, Mississippi and Louisiana troops of Hood's division and losing half the men it went out with." The brigade com- mander responsible for the slaughter was relieved from command next day. He had been an officer of the regular army and had done good service in the Mexican War, but was intemperate. The Seventh furnishes a striking instance of how regiments are often worn down by disease and diminished by details. When it made this charge it was commanded by a major, and was only 181 strong.
Six Maine regiments and two batteries were at Fredericksburg, but of the infantry regiments only three were seriously engaged. The Second lost between a fourth and a third of its strength; and the Sixteenth, then in battle for the first time, more than half. Both batteries took an active part in the fight.
There were few Maine regiments in the battle of Chancellorsville. The
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Seventeenth was engaged in the hot fighting of the second day, and suf- fered heavy loss. Its good record was, however, somewhat marred by the circumstance that its lieutenant-colonel withdrew a portion of the regiment from the line of battle to reform, without urgent necessity or the permis- sion of his superior officer. There were many other officers, however, guilty of a similar fault.
Among the batteries which covered the retreat of the second day, was the Fifth Maine, Captain Leippen. Major Bigelow says in his recent mono- graph on the Chancellorsville campaign that the battery was almost in- stantly cut to pieces, every officer was disabled, six men were killed and twenty-two wounded, every horse was hit, and finally the battery was abandoned by all except Corpl. James H. Lebroke, who fired the last shot alone.' General Couch had requested Lieutenant Kirby, of the regular artil- lery, to take charge, and later some Pennsylvania soldiers were sent to drag the guns off by hand. Lieutenant Kirby was lying on the ground with a shattered thigh, wounded almost as soon as he joined the battery. The soldiers wished to carry him off. "Take that gun first," he said, and the last piece of the battery was hauled to safety." Kirby was also removed. Both he and Captain Leippen died soon after, but not before they had received promotion. More than two months before Captain Leippen had been recommended for promotion to the vacant place of lieutenant-colonel of the Maine artillery regiment. The recommendation was signed by the commander of the division of which his battery was a part, and by its brigadiers and the staff officers attached to it. He was duly commissioned by Governor Coburn, but because of some delay he was not mustered in until less than a week before his death.
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