USA > Maine > Maine; a history, Volume II > Part 27
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"Whig, July 10, 1869.
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party was stirred and divided. Mr. Hamlin's grandson says: "The moral effect of the reverses that Mr. Hamlin had suffered was undoubtedly a cloud over his prospects at the start, and there were many who were affected by it and opposed to him on that account. But the practical obstacles were even more discouraging. Mr. Morrill was in power and had the support of every Federal office-holder in the State but three, and the help of Mr. Fessenden, Mr. Hale, Mr. Pike, and Mr. Lynch of the Con- gressional delegation. Mr. Hamlin had but one influential office-holder on his side, ex-Governor Washburn, who was collector of Portland, and but one member of the Congressional delegation in his behalf, John A. Peters, Mr. Blaine being neutral.
Mr. Morrill not only had the power in his hands, but he also had able lieutenants in John L. Stevens, and his brother, Anson P. Morrill. Among other assistants who afterwards came to the front was Thomas B. Reed. Mr. Hamlin had to wage his campaign through the common people and ? group of personal friends, some of whom belonged to the old anti-slavery guard of ante-bellum days. He was especially fortunate, it should be said, before the narrative proceeds further, in his lieutenants,-Sebastian S. Marble, of Waldoboro, and Charles J. Talbot, of Wilton." Mr. Marble was recognized at this time as a political manager of pronounced ability. He was silent, cool, persistent, tenacious in his friendships, and had a wonderful knowledge of human nature. Mr. Talbot was an early anti-slavery leader, whose friendship and advice were constant factors in Mr. Hamlin's political career. After the campaign, in the opinion of competent observers Mr. Marble was ranked as the best politician in the contest next to Mr. Hamlin. He was subsequently still more active in Maine politics as United States Marshal, and also as successor to Governor Bodwell, after the latter's death, when he gave the State a clean, able administration. Hiram Knowlton, a prominent lawyer of Skowhegan, was another valuable assistant. Josiah H. Drummond again exerted himself in Mr. Hamlin's behalf and played an important part at two crises. A new figure of interest was Joseph H. Manley, who came to the front in this fight among the skillful tacticians of the day. Leander Valentine, General Samuel F. Hersey, Mark F. Went- worth, Hiram Ruggles, and others of Mr. Hamlin's personal friends were also of service to him.
"By one of those peculiar turns political contests sometimes take, Mr. Morrill lost ground on account of Mr. Fessenden's support, after the latter had voted to acquit President Johnson. On the other hand, it was repre- sented by newspapers of national and State influence that Mr. Hamlin's return to the Senate would be a more decided rebuke to Johnson than Mr. Morrill's re-election, since the former had virtually organized the impeach- ment movement, or was at least conspicuously engaged in shaping it at the outset. The feeling in this respect may be judged by the following com-
"Samuel E. Spring, of Portland, and D. W. Ames, of Norridgewock, were other valuable supporters.
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ment in the Chicago Journal. Speaking of Mr. Hamlin's candidacy for the Senate, it said :
"'When the Republican party exchanged him for Andrew Johnson, it committed the great blunder of its life. Ordinarily the senatorial question is local, and papers in other, especially in distant States, should not interfere; but the whole country feels a peculiar interest in Hannibal Hamlin, and especially desires his return to the public service. Let Andrew Johnson be buried deep in the black waves of oblivion, living only on the rolls of the nation's dishonor, while Hannibal Hamlin is again ordered to the front. His election would be hailed with joy by the entire Republican party.' "
The argument from locality played a considerable part. The Bangor Whig urged it with great bitterness. In the issue of December 30, 1868, it said that Mr. Hamlin was in no respect inferior to Mr. Morrill and that when personal qualifications were equal, geographical considerations should decide. All sections should be treated justly. "A central locality may by a wily policy succeed for a time in playing off the communities on either side of it against each other; thereby securing to itself for a season a monoply of power and office, but the end will ever be dissatisfaction, heart-burning, jealousies, and finally those divisions which lead to its destruction." The Whig said that Maine had been a State for about forty-nine years, that the country east of the Kennebec had had a Senator for nineteen years, but the country west for seventy-nine years," and that Kennebec county alone had had the honor for forty-one years.
"The east," said the Whig, "certainly has been generous, even magnan- imous in the past. She has not admitted her inferiority of right or that she had not citizens as able and patriotic as the center and the west. She has yielded to the demands of other sections, and when defeated in her hopes, she has bowed gracefully to the decision which she has nevertheless felt has done her grievous wrong. For the sake of harmony, she has submitted to the results which superior tactics and management, and not political strength, have produced. Is she to be punished for this generosity, for this noble, self-sacrificing and patriotic conduct? And if so, for how long? Can she only be respected and recognized when Kennebec wishes for her own purposes to make a compact with her against the west?"
The friends of Senator Morrill urged that his vote in favor of impeach- ment deserved recognition; the Whig replied that he only did his simple duty and that the act would have attracted no attention but for the derelic. tion of Mr. Fessenden and that Mr. Hamlin had patriotically resigned the Boston custom-house rather than support Johnson.
The only Congressman who supported Hamlin was his townsman, John A. Peters. James G. Blaine professed neutrality, but according to some recollections published in the Boston Herald of November 9, 1900, he came to Augusta and quietly worked for Morrill. The other representatives
"It should be remembered, however, that the West was settled earlier than the East.
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supported Morrill publicly. Most of the United States officers worked for the Senator in possession, but ex-Governor Washburn, who held the most lucrative and powerful office in the State, the collectorship at Portland, took the field for Hamlin. When the Hamlin men claimed that their candi- date was struggling against official influence, the Morrill men replied that this was by no means certain if the amount of salaries was considered rather than the mere number of offices.
The fight was not only bitter but extremely close. "The strain on Mr. Hamlin must have been intense. Once, years afterwards, he told Governor Marble that sometimes he would dream the 1869 fight all over, and wake up in a cold shiver, recalling a train of minor incidents which in combination won him the victory and which, if fate had otherwise ruled, might have de- feated him. One man who was elected to the House from Portland, pledged to Mr. Morrill, died before the Legislature convened. Although Portland was Mr. Fessenden's stronghold, Mr. Hamlin's friends, after a sharp fight under the leadership of Mr. Drummond, nominated the latter to fill the vacancy. Had there been no vacancy to fill, or had Mr. Drummond been beaten, the vote between Mr. Hamlin and Mr. Morrill would have been a tie, and probably the latter would have won. It happened that in a town not far from Bangor a man was nominated, and pledged for Mr. Hamlin, who at heart favored Mr. Morrill, and would have supported him on another ballot. Figuring for a year or so for success on the narrow margin of one or two votes was not conducive to pleasant dreams." "Several men held the balance of power and until the last moment it was impossible to tell how they would vote; in fact, no one ever learned how two men did vote. At this stage of the contest, when the members of the Legislature were about to enter the caucus, there were four men who gave both sides a veritable nightmare."
One of these men offered himself for sale and failing to get from Mr. Hamlin a pledge of a definite, and handsome reward" for his vote, turned to the Morrill men, received a promise from one of them and cast his ballot for the Augusta candidate. Another man who was tempted to vote for Morrill against the wishes of his constituents because he believed that Morrill would be successful, was won over by prayer. Hiram Ruggles of Carmel, a devoted adherent of Mr. Hamlin, having tried argument in vain, induced the recalcitrant to occupy the same room with him at Augusta and prayed so earnestly that the deserter repented and remained faithful to Hamlin.
The nominating caucus left the result a little in doubt. One of the members, Mr. Perry of Mars Hill, had written to a person outside his district promising to support Morrill, but his constituents favored Hamlin and held meetings calling on him to vote in accordance with their wishes.
"Mr. Hamlin's reply was: "I never in my life promised a man an office for his vote, and I never will; but I will say that I shall be faithful to those who are faithful to me."
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In much embarrassment he consulted Representative Peters, who in turn consulted Hamlin. That experienced politician and parliamentarian replied : "I want you to advise that man that he can throw a blank ballot." A paper in color, form and shape like that used by the supporters of Morrill was given to Mr. Perry. The object may have been to make the Morrill men think that he was about to vote for their candidate and so prevent their exerting pressure on him, or else to make sure that he actually did throw a blank. When the ballots were counted it was found that Hamlin had 75 votes, Morril 74, and that there was one blank. The Hamlin men claimed a victory, the Morrill men a tie and demanded another vote. There was much confusion and Mr. Hamlin was consulted. He answered firmly, "No, blanks don't count. I am nominated and shall stick."
Thomas B. Reed claimed that the blank should be counted as a vote. There were laws which could be urged as precedents on the other side, but he argued that the caucus was not governed by statute, that it was simply a means of obtaining the opinion of the members as to who should be sup- ported for Senator and that because of the blank vote it was uncertain what that opinion was. He said, "If we stand by the law, let us stand by the whole of it," that the law required that votes should be on white paper and that the Hamlin men had used tinted paper. J. H. Drummond replied that the law made ballots of other color than white admissible if not chal- enged when deposited. A member of the committee said that he had noted and checked the blank ballot and after the votes were counted had asked Perry if he intended to cast a blank and that Perry had said no, that he meant to vote for Morrill. It was also said by a member of the committee that they knew that there was a blank and before counting the vote decided to throw it out. According to the Argus some Hamlin men were willing to take another ballot, but the leaders finally refused, saying that members of the caucus had left the hall, and the supporters of Hamlin carried a final adjournment.
The Morrill men were inclined to deny that a nomination had been made, and Morrill was sent for from Washington, but Perry came out with a card acknowledging that he meant to cast a blank and explaining as best he could his statement in the caucus that he intended to vote for Morrill. A Senator and four Representatives from Kennebec publicly announced that they believed that Hamlin was the party nominee and that they should support him. This put an end to plans for running Morrill as a third can- didate and Mr. Hamlin was duly elected by the Legislature, receiving all of the Republican votes but two which were cast for Joshua L. Chamberlain and Lot M. Morrill. The Democrats supported A. P. Gould of Thomaston.18
15General References: Hamlin, "Hamlin," Chap. XXXVIII; Extracts from news- papers in Library of Maine Historical Society.
Chapter XX THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD II. Grant's Administration
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CHAPTER XX
THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD-II. GRANT'S ADMINISTRA- TION
The election of Grant and Colfax caused sons of Maine by birth or adoption to obtain two of the highest offices in the nation. President Grant thought of his Cabinet as his personal staff rather than as representatives of great interests and sections. Mr. Elihu Washburne, then serving as Representative from Illinois, had shown himself an early, constant and most useful friend and the President appointed him Secretary of State. The Whig said: "General Grant's Cabinet once more illustrates his peculiar ideas and the independence of his action. Mr. Washburne has ever been an honest and efficient public servant, we have no doubt will successfully administer the duties of head of the Cabinet. As a working Cabinet the President could hardly have made a better selection." The New York Tribune said that Washburne had fought so vigorously against corruption in Congress that he could not be spared from a reforming Cabinet. Other comments were not so favorable and there was good ground for criticism. Horace White says of Washburne: "His personal relations with the general had been so close and his services so conspicuous that there was a general expectation that he would have a place in the Cabinet ; but nobody sup- posed that it would be the Department of State, for which he was wholly unfitted. Although a man of ability, tenacity, and long experience in public affairs, he was impulsive, headstrong, combative, and unbalanced. The Department of State was regarded then as the premier position, where equipoise was the chief requisite, and this quality Washburne lacked."
Curiously enough, Grant never meant to give the office to Washburne permanently. He had designed to make him Minister to France and Washburne accepted but asked to be Secretary of State a short time to give him prestige as Minister. Grant appointed him Secretary with the under- standing that he should do nothing, but the Secretary began to announce policies and appoint to offices. Grant acquiesced at first but finding Wash- burne's acts were making trouble, called for his resignation. The affair was hardly creditable either to Grant or Washburne and there was much force in Fessenden's sharp question, Who ever heard before of a man nominated Secretary of State merely as a compliment?
As Minister, however, he bore himself well in a trying time. Professor Fish says of Washburne: "He played a useful and distinguished part dur- ing the Franco-German war and the Commune." During the war he cared for German interests in France, remained in Paris during the siege and showed much firmness and energy in asserting American claims. He demanded, for example, the right of corresponding with the French govern-
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ment at Bordeaux, which the Germans refused. They were willing at any time to let Mr. Washburne go to Bordeaux but they urged with some reason that if he chose to remain in a beleaguered place he must take the natural consequence of being shut up. A little after the war when the Communists, a kind of French Bolsheviki, held the city against the French national government, Mr. Washburne spent much time in Paris, being allowed to pass and repass, and he earnestly endeavored to mitigate the ferocity of the struggle. The French government shot some of its chief prisoners and the Communists retaliated by seizing leading citizens of Paris and holding them as hostages. Among them was the Archbishop of Paris. When the triumph of the government was assured the Communists shot the principal hostages. Mr. Washburne, whose position as Minister of the United States gave him some influence with the Communists, had made great though ineffectual efforts to prevent the slaughter and he received a special letter of thanks from the Pope because of his endeavor to save the life of the Archbishop.
The other Maine man whom the election of 1868 helped to high office. was James G. Blaine. Vice-President Colfax had been Speaker of the House and when he left the chair Representative Blaine was chosen to fill the vacancy.
James G. Blaine was the most widely known, the best loved and the most hated man in Maine history. Unlike all other citizens of Maine who have attained great prominence in the political life of the State and nation Mr. Blaine was not a New Englander by either blood, birth or breeding. He was born and educated in Pennsylvania and was of Scotch-Irish descent, his great-great-grandfather, James Blaine, having emigrated from London- derry in 1745. His father, Ephraim Blaine, was noted for his generous style of living and his fondness for investing in lands, traits which he seems to have transmitted to his son. His mother, Maria Louise Gillespie, a woman of much sweetness and nobility of character, was also of North Ireland stock, but a Roman Catholic. The marriage was performed by a Catholic priest but the children were all brought up in the Presbyterian faith. The only one of the family to attain distinction was the second son, James Gillespie. He was born at West Brownsville in Pennsylvania, Jan- uary 31, 1830. As a small child he was by no means precocious. He did not learn to read until he was seven and, according to his later recollections, some thought that he was mentally deficient. When about ten he was sent to live for a while with his mother's cousin, Thomas Ewing. Mr. Ewing was a man of much ability and was later Secretary of the Treasury under Harrison and of the Interior under Taylor. Young James remained at the Ewings for nearly a year. General Sherman said that he and his cousin, Tom, were "as bright and handsome as ever were two thorough-bred colts in a blue-grass pasture in Kentucky."
Two years later James entered Washington College. He was only thirteen and it is not surprising to learn that he was the youngest member
Receive
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of his class.1 He proved himself both a good companion and a good student, was liked by his fellows and was tied with two others for the headship of the class.
He had hoped to study for two years at Yale as a preparation for the bar but his father was unable to give him further financial assistance and like many another young man in his situation he determined to teach for a while to get the money to enable him to pursue his lifework. In January, 1848, he obtained a position on the faculty of the Western Military Institute at Georgetown, Kentucky, and remained there three years and a half, teach- ing Greek, Latin and Mathematics. The wife of the head of the Institute taught a female seminary in a town only twenty miles off and the two faculties saw much of each other. Among the Seminary assistants was Miss Harriet L. Stanwood of Augusta, Maine. Mr. Blaine and Miss Stan- wood were attracted to each other at their first acquaintance and after a brief engagement on June 30, 1850, they were married. The marriage proved a remarkably happy one. Mr. Stanwood says in his life of Blaine: "Mrs. Blaine was a woman of brilliant mind and of keen wit, a fitting mate of her husband in mental quality. More than this, she was able to enter to the fullest extent into the subjects which interested him. Her literary tastes were in strict agreement with his. Together they read and enjoyed the works of the great writers of fiction, poetry and history. She not only sympathized with her husband in politics and shared and incited his ambitions, but she brought so good a judgment to the consideration of public questions that Mr. Blaine habitually talked over political questions with her, and frequently sought her advice.""" Mr. Blaine was devoted to his wife and she regarded him with an admiration which should have satis- fied the most exacting husband. During his illness in 1876 she wrote to their friend, Joseph H. Manley: "I dare to say that he is the best man I have ever known. Do not misunderstand me. I do not say that he is the best man that ever lived, but that of all the men whom I have thoroughly known he is the best." For those who opposed her wonderful husband she had scant tolerance and her feelings were expressed with a frankness and vehemence which, as Mr. Stanwood gently says, "caused some injury to her own popularity."2
In 1851 Mr. Blaine left Georgetown and went to Philadelphia, where he studied law for three years. For two of these years he also taught mathematics in the Pennsylvania Institute for the Blind and "left behind him a reputation which lasted many a year as one who contributed greatly to the social as well as the intellectual life of the institution."
But fate had determined that Mr. Blaine was to be neither a lawyer nor a teacher. He had frequently visited Augusta, his wife's home, and had become acquainted with the leading citizens of the place. The Ken- nebec Journal had retrograded since the withdrawal of Luther Severance
'His father, however, had entered the same "college" at eleven
"Letters of Mrs. James G. Blaine, I, 136.
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from the management. Its friends decided that the brilliant young Penn- sylvanian was the man to restore it, and in 1854 offeed him the editorship. He accepted and with the aid of his brothers-in-law, the Messrs. Stanwood, of Boston, purchased a half interest in the paper. In 1857 he sold his share and became editor of the Portland Advertiser, spending about five days a week in Portland, but remaining a citizen of Augusta. In 1860 the owners of the paper decided that the editor ought to be wholly identified with Portland, and Mr. Blaine resigned his position, disregarding an earnest remonstrance from William Pitt Fessenden, who wrote him: "This ( Port- land) is the point of strength for you in every aspect, political and pecu- niary."
Shortly after becoming editor of the Advertiser, Mr. Blaine wrote to his mother that Portland was a very beautiful but an expensive city, and that he thought that he preferred the quiet and retirement of Augusta. His refusal to sever his connection with it in 1860 may have also been due to a belief that continued editorial work would interfere with the political life on which he had entered. Less than two years after coming to Maine he had been a delegate to the Republican national convention of 1856, where, although Fremont was the young men's candidate, he had joined Edward Kent and Anson P. Morrill in voting for McLean. In 1858 he was appointed one of a commission to investigate the affairs of the State prison and made a most able report. The same year he was elected to the Legislature and served four years, the last two as speaker. In 1860 he became chairman of the Republican State committee.' From that time until he was appointed Secretary of State, in 1881, "he continued to be chairman, and was at the head of affairs in his party as no other man in Maine ever was. During more than twenty years he was usually the prevailing force in the Repub- lican State conventions. He dictated platforms; the candidates were, with some exceptions, those whom he favored. He conducted the annual can- vass almost autocratically. To him were left, almost without the advice and consent of the rest of the committee, the collection of campaign funds, the character of the canvass, the selection of speakers, the times and places of rallies; and his plans were rarely or never modified or criticised. All reports were made to him, and he issued the orders, which his local lieu- tenants obeyed promptly and unquestioningly. During the greater part of the same period it fell to him to designate many of the Federal office holders in Maine and to find places in the departments at Washington and at foreign posts for many hundreds of his constituents."" Mr. Stanwood says: "The reader of the foregoing sentences may be pardoned if he
'It has been said that Mr. Blaine succeeded John L. Stevens as Kennebec member and chairman in 1859. But Mr. Stevens' immediate successor was Josiah H. Drum- trond, of Waterville, who resigned in 1860, because of his removal to Portland, which rendered it impossible for him to represent Kennebec.
"There is some evidence also that he obliged several governors by writing their inaugurals.
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exclaims that they describe the functions and the methods of the political 'boss'." Mr. Stanwood argues, however, that Mr. Blaine was a political leader rather than a boss, since he did not use his power for profit or office, did not attempt to punish those who disagreed with him, and strove whole-heartedly for party success, working as hard for the election of candidates whose nomination he had opposed as he did for that of the men of his choice.
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