USA > Maine > Maine; a history, Volume II > Part 3
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Between the election of Governor and that of President, the Maine Whigs had the pleasure of witnessing a very pretty little quarrel among their opponents. In October the President removed the United States Marshal for Maine and one of the chief officers in the Portland custom house, and appointed in their places two of the most rabid Calhounists in the State, Virgil D. Parris and Benjamin Kingsbury. The Argus was extremely angry. It declared that the Calhounists who had any influence in Maine were opposed to the appointments and that they were made "against the known opposition of all the active and best Democrats in the State."
The Hickory Club of Portland sharply censured those who deserted the ranks to plunder the dying, and resolved that "we view with disgust and sorrow every premature and clandestine attempt to grab the offices of the government against the will of the people; and that, as Democrats we censure and condemn all such proceedings."
The Bangor Whig exhorted its friends to stand firm, saying that if they could not carry the State they might prevent a choice by the people and so compel the Governor to summon the Legislature.15 But these hopes proved vain. Polk carried Maine, his electors leading those of Clay by II,000 votes. He also carried New York, which gave him a good majority in the electoral college. The result in New York was for some time in doubt and when it was at last clear that the State had gone Democratic, the disappointment of the Whigs was bitter in the extreme. They claimed the defeat was due to the slanders and frauds of their opponents, the Liberty party, and foreign vote. The Bangor Whig declared that "The doctrine of protection must now apply to Americans themselves as well as their industry." A letter to the paper asserted that the despots of Europe were pouring their most vicious subjects on our shores in order to destroy the Whig party and our liberties. It almost shook the faith of the Whigs in America and republicanism to have the people prefer a Polk to a Clay. Where Henry Clay had failed, who could succeed? But the Portland Advertiser, though it doubtless mourned, yet mourned as one not without hope, and it seems to have instantly decided that Clay's work was done. It called on the Whigs to "stand firm to our principles. Let no fear for our future leader weaken our present resolve. Providence will give another
15 A law passed that year required an absolute majority for the choice of electors. Should this not be attained, Maine would lose her voice in the Electoral College unless a new law were passed at a special session of the Legislature. This year also an amendment to the Constitution made the political year begin on the second Wednesday in May, and the officers then elected were to serve until the second Wednesday in May, 1846.
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leader whose wisdom and patriotism will yet establish our country's good."
The election of Polk, although regarded as a decision of the people in favor of the annexation of Texas" had of itself no legal effect in the matter and a vigorous effort was made even now to defeat Tyler's treaty by induc- ing more than one-third of the Senate to remain firm against ratification. The attempt promised to be successful and the Democrats then decided to annex Texas by a joint resolution of both Houses of Congress. Such a resolution was put through the House of Representatives. Only one Maine Representative, Shepherd Cary, voted for the resolution; a second, William D. McCrate, did not vote at all. Both Cary and McCrate were Democrats. Mr. Cary came from Aroostook, where the pro-slavery Demo- crats were very strong. Indeed, there were so many of them in that sparsely settled region that the whole faction were popularly known as Wild Cats. The other Maine Representatives, Morse and Severance (Whigs), and Dunlap, Hamlin, Herrick and White (Democrats), voted nay. Hannibal Hamlin made an elaborate speech against the resolutions and was one of the most active of their opponents. He was therefore roundly denounced by the pro-slavery men. The Senate passed the resolution with an amendment authorizing the President to proceed by negotiation if he deemed it best to do so, and the House accepted the change. Mr. Tyler, however, declined to avail himself of the alternative, and hurried off a messenger to Texas with the annexation resolutions, which were duly accepted by the young Republic.
The leading Democratic papers of Maine were at least lukewarm on the annexation question. The editor of the Argus said that he did not know how he should have voted but that the attacks on Hamlin and his com- panions deserved the deepest contempt.
The Texas resolutions provided that Texas might later be divided into not more than five States, and that slavery should be excluded from any State formed north of 36° 30'. The Augusta Age said that it would prefer a line farther south, which had been proposed by Heywood of Tennessee, that would give more territory to freedom and yet leave sufficient space to drain off the negroes. The North, it claimed, had a right to expect a sub- stantially equal division. The Argus declared that in the House Texas bill "the yielding was wholly on the side of the North, the South giving up nothing." When, however, annexation had been accomplished, the Argus rejoiced that the question had at last been put to rest, though not on just such terms as it could have wished, and with an eye to anti-slavery votes pointed out the aid that Whigs had given in securing Texas.
While the struggle was going on, annexation meetings were held in Augusta, Bangor, Brunswick and Thomaston. At the Bangor meeting two sets of resolutions were submitted-one presented by Albert G. Jewett stated
16Prof. Justin H. Smith in his elaborate work on the subject shows that the issue was not as clear-cut as is sometimes supposed.
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that a difference of opinion was permissible; the other, offered by Colonel Parks, declared that Maine had pronounced in favor of the annexation of Texas and requested Senator Fairfield to vote for her admission into the Union.
At Thomaston the meeting approved the action of Carey, and censured that of their own Representative, Morse, who like the other Whig member, Severance, of Augusta, had voted against the annexation resolutions.
The opponents of annexation seem to have been less active; those who were Whigs may have felt that the Democratic Representatives would hardly be strengthened in their resistance to party pressure by praise from oppo- nents. A letter, approving Hamlin's course was, however, sent to Fairfield from Bangor and the Whig claimed that the number of signatures exceeded that of the legal voters at the Democratic indignation meeting. There was a great annexation celebration at Augusta, a free collation was provided, trumpets were blown, drums beaten, cannon fired, and the State House illuminated. Perhaps the Democrats would have declared that the town also was blazing with lights, but the Whig Kennebec Journal asserted that only seven houses gave these signs of joy. Later a supper was given to Cary as a testimonial of approbation of his conduct.
Maine was particularly interested this year in the formation of the cabinet since the friends of Senator Fairfield were urging his appointment as Secretary of the Navy. The Argus said that had Anderson been defeated in September Clay would have been elected. (There was probably more ground for this assertion than might appear at first sight. Polk had only small majorities in New York and in other States that he carried, and the capture by the Whigs of the usually Democratic State of Maine would have produced a great effect.) Had the Whigs won, Evans would have been given a Cabinet place. Maine had never had a seat in the Cabinet. The Maine Democrats now asked what was a mere matter of justice and what would no doubt be cheerfully conceded to them, but, added the loyal Argus, "should it be denied this will not disturb their temper or cause them to relax in their efforts for the common good."
It may be that this editorial was written to prepare the party for dis- appointment. Fairfield had been re-elected to the Senate and had no special desire for the secretaryship, and Governor Anderson had written to George Bancroft, now chiefly known for his elaborate history of the United States but then a leader of the Massachusetts Democracy, that Fairfield's friends proposed to withdraw his name and that he wished Bancroft himself to enter the race. Bancroft did so and won the position, being appointed Secre- tary of the Navy by Mr. Polk, who had even considered him for the Secre- taryship of the Treasury.
Before the expiration of Mr. Polk's term, however, Maine obtained a Cabinet place. In September, 1846, Mr. Bancroft resigned the Secretaryship of the Navy to become Minister to England, and was succeeded by Attorney-
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General Mason. President Polk felt that as New England was no longer represented in the Cabinet, a New Englander should be appointed Attorney- General, and offered the place to Franklin Pierce of New Hampshire, who declined. Senators Bradbury and Fairfield of Maine, Judge Rice and some other gentlemen, urged the appointment of Nathan Clifford. Mr. Polk then took the advice of his Cabinet. He says in his diary :
"I informed them that the Hon. Nathan Clifford of Maine had been recommended to me, but that I had very little knowledge of him and did not know his qualifications as a lawyer, and added that I did not desire to bring any one into the Cabinet who would be exceptionable to any of its members, as I desired to preserve the harmony which had hitherto prevailed in our councils. All the members present expressed their entire satisfaction with Mr. Clifford, but none of them were able to inform me what his legal attainments were. They knew him to be a man of talents and to stand high in Maine, but they had not sufficient knowledge of him as a lawyer to speak with confidence. At my request the Secretary of the Treasury agreed to consult Judge Parris of Maine confidentially (the 2nd Comptroller of the Treasury) as to Mr. Clifford's standing in Maine as (and?) especially as to his legal attainments. The Cabinet adjourned & in about an hour the Secretary of the Treasury returned and informed me that he had seen Judge Parris, who informed him that Mr. Clifford was a man of very high stand- ing; that he had filled the office of attorney Gen'l under the State Govern- ment of Maine for several years, and that his attainments as a lawyer were respectable. I sent for Mr. Appleton of Maine (ch. Clk. in the Navy De- partment ) and consulted him confidentially as to Mr. Clifford & his legal attainments. He gave me about the same account of him which Judge Parris had given to the Secretary of the Treasury."1
A lawyer of whom it could only be said that his attainments were respectable, would hardly seem qualified for the position of Attorney- General of the United States but Mr. Polk offered and Mr. Clifford accepted the position. Mr. Clifford later became doubtful as to his fitness for the office. Mr. Polk describes the interview in his diary and says:
"I understood distinctly, however, from his conversation, that he had some apprehensions that, having come into the office but a short time before the meeting of the Court, he might not be able to sustain himself reputably. It seemed to be diffidence in his own capacity, which had induced him to think of resigning. I told him if he resigned now it would be assumed by his political opponents that he was not qualified, & that it would ruin him as a public man. In the course of the conversation he dropped a remark to the effect that perhaps I had some other person in my mind who could per- form the duties better than he could. I told him I had not, and that if he were to resign it would greatly embarrass me. I think Mr. Clifford an honest man and a sincere friend. He feels in his new position somewhat timid, fears that he will not be able to sustain the reputation of his predeces- sors, and had therefore brought himself to the conclusion that he had better resign. He finally concluded not to tender his resignation, and retired apparently well satisfied at the interview I held with him.""
17 Polk, Diary, II, 159-160, Sept. 20, 1846.
18 Polk, Diary, II, 274-275. Dec. 13, 1846.
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In March, 1848, Mr. Clifford was appointed joint commissioner to ratify the treaty with Mexico, and subsequently made Minister to that country. He resigned in 1849 and settled in Portland, devoting himself to law and politics.
Several gentlemen were considered for the vacant Attorney-Generalship. Two of them were from Maine,-Judge Shepley and John Anderson. It is probable that Judge Shepley would have refused the office, as he had declined to permit his appointment as Attorney-General to be suggested to President Van Buren in 1838. The proposal came from Silas Wright, and it is therefore probable that it was made with Mr. Van Buren's knowledge and approval. Mr. Anderson would probably have accepted. He had served in Congress from 1825 to 1833, and was then Collector of Customs at Port- land. But the appointment finally went to ex-Governor Toucey of Con- necticut.
The campaign for Governor in 1845 was a quiet one, and the vote was considerably lighter than in the preceding year. The Whigs chose as their leader Freeman H. Morse of Bath. Mr. Morse was a mechanic who devoted much of his time to politics, and had considerable reputation as a speaker. He had served one term in the national House. Sixteen years later he was to serve again, and President Lincoln then gave him the very lucrative appointment of Consul-General at London. He was reappointed by Presi- dent Johnson and again by President Grant, although it is said that all but one of the Representatives and Senators from Maine were opposed to the second renomination. Indeed, it was unusual for so minor a politician to hold such a desirable office for twelve years.
Governor Anderson was re-elected, receiving 34,711 votes against 26,341 given to Morse. Samuel Fessenden, the candidate of the Liberty party, obtained 5,687 votes and there were 486 scattering.
The annexation of Texas and Polk's pressing of her doubtful boundary claims involved the country in the following year in a war with Mexico. The Whigs had opposed the war in Congress. They declared that it was brought on by the Executive in violation of the spirit of the Constitution and the principles of justice. In Maine, the Bangor Whig pointed out the danger to our commerce from "piratical monsters," that is, from European vessels to whom Mexico would grant letters of marque and call them Mex- ican vessels, even if they never had touched at a Mexican port; but the Whig added: "No matter though it (the war) be brought upon us by the vanity or wickedness of the executive, war having come, every man must stand firmly by the country." But the Kennebec Journal said a year later :
"Glorious Victories. We cannot say that we feel either pride or a disposition to rejoice in victories gained over the Mexicans. They are fight- ing in defense of their country. What are we to gain by victories if we win them? He must be a very thoughtless or very heartless man, who delights to hear that our troops have killed three or four thousand Mex- icans, at whatever loss to themselves. On the contrary, we should look upon
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it with sorrow and shame, feeling much as we would to hear that a favorite son had succeeded in murdering a traveller on the highway, stripping off his watch and purse. The morality of the two acts are about on a par."
The Argus made the comment, "The above is undiluted New England Federalism, of the Hartford Convention stamp. We are not surprised at it-but merely put it on record for future reference."
Though a majority of the Maine Democrats may have approved the war in words, there were few who were ready to fight. Governor Anderson issued a proclamation calling for volunteers, but it produced little effect. In a message to the Legislature he said that "The Bangor City Greys have promptly tendered their services and various individuals have asked author- ity to recruit. With these exceptions, the indications have not been as favorable as could be desired, and considering the remoteness of our posi- tion from the theatre of active operations, that the call is made at a season of the year when all classes of our fellow-citizens are actively engaged in their various avocations, it may be doubted whether some additional induce- ment will not be needed to command the immediate services of those, whose patriotic feelings, would otherwise impel them at this juncture to engage in the military service of the country." But no bounty was offered and no regiment was raised.
In 1846, Governor Anderson was serving his third term, custom limited the service of the Governor to three years and the Democrats were there- fore obliged to seek a new candidate. Thy chose John W. Dana of Frye- burg, a son of ex-Judge and Senator Judah Dana.
Mr. Dana was a man of sincerity and frankness, a friend of tem- perance, though not of prohibition, and known "for his gentlemanly bearing, the courtesy of his manners and generosity of his feelings." He had always been a consistent Democrat, had served in both branches of the State Legis- lature, and had been President of the Senate. On the slavery question he belonged to the conservative wing of the party but was not a violent Wild Cat like Shepherd Cary. He was very popular. The Argus declared that he would receive the warm and enthusiastic support of every Republican," and that he resembled Lincoln and Kavanagh more than any one living. The Bangor Democrat predicted that "the people will set him down to be more like Lincoln than any Governor we have had since his day." His urbanity and popularity were probably the chief reasons for his nomination; it was believed that he would unite factions and conciliate waverers. Some of the Whigs sneered at him, spoke of his lack of experience in national affairs and inquired, "Who is this Mr. Dana?" The Argus replied that the Whig candidate had served but one term in Congress when he had been set aside for Mr. Severance, and reminded his opponents that two years before they had been asking, "Who is this Mr. Polk?"
Had the Whigs acted according to precedent, they would have given
"The Democrats at times still used the old name.
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Morse an uncontested renomination, but shortly before the meeting of the Whig State convention, he declined being a candidate. If the Argus may be believed there had been difference of opinion among the Whigs in regard to the choice of a leader. It said that the "aristocrats" of the party wished to nominate Mr. Evans but that Morse's friends thought that he should be given another nomination as he had only been run down once and the "demagogues" hoped to win votes by pretending that he was a self-made man, while the friends of Mr. Severance, who had been severely censured for his attacks on the Mexican war, wished to "vindicate" him by making him their candidate for Governor. The nomination finally went to David Bronson of Anson, who had served out Mr. Evans' term in the National House when that gentleman was elected Senator. The Liberty party nom- inated Samuel Fessenden.
The campaign was fought chiefly on national issues. Much was said about the war with Mexico. The Kennebec Journal declared the war "unjust. Successful we shall undoubtedly be (unless Euro- pean war is induced), disgrace must and will be brought upon our national character, by a contest with so weak a foe, brought on as it is by such cowardly and ungenerous provocations." The Journal accused the Demo- crats of causing the war "that they might ride again into power and place upon the wings of a popular war excitement." The Journal added, how- ever, that for the sake of humanity it desired a quick prosecution of the war.
The Whig Congressional convention of Penobscot and Piscataquis counties, and the Whig county conventions of Cumberland and Lincoln, condemned the war. The Democrats appealed to love for the Union, the Argus declaring that the Union came before all. The Age charged Bronson with saying in an address to the people that the annexation of Texas would justify a dissolution of the Union, and that the Northern States would not and ought not to submit to it. The Whig replied to the Argus in language which suggested Hayne rather than Webster.
Some attention was also paid to the question of Oregon. In the cam- paign of 1844 the Democrats had loudly demanded that the whole northwest territory claimed by both Great Britain and the United States be at once occupied. But after his election President Polk accepted a compromise and by Whig aid obtained a ratification of his treaty. In the preceding Novem- ber the Kennebec Journal had argued that the territory if obtained would not long remain a part of the United States and had asked, "Does any one believe this mighty people (of California and Oregon) will com- pose part of our Republic fifty years hence? Will they rest content under a government whose central focus must be three thousand miles distant, even though that distance be travelled by steam?"
The Whig convention of Lincoln county now declared that it approved of the Oregon treaty but said that we "share in the general mortification of the country, at the extravagant demands and graceless yielding of James K.
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Polk, so discordant with one of our national mottoes 'to ask nothing that is not clearly right, to submit to nothing that is wrong'."
The interests of the fishermen and the fishing bounties were again made a campaign issue. The Democrats accused the Whig representatives of voting against the provision in the tariff law reducing the duty on salt, which was much used in the curing of fish, and of supporting a motion to strike out the part of the act continuing the fishing bounty. The Whigs replied that they did this because they hoped thereby to kill the whole law which was a bad one and that the New England Democrats voted against a free salt amendment to a bill which they meant to pass and did pass.
The Whigs also reproached the Democrats with the President's veto of the French spoliation bill. During the French revolution, France had unlawfully seized many American vessels and cargoes; in 1800 a treaty was made by which the United States abandoned its claim for redress and France released the United States from the obligation assumed by the treaty of 1778 of guaranteeing to her the possession of her West India islands. The persons who had suffered from the French spoliations, and their heirs, asserted that since the United States had received a good and valuable con- sideration for abandoning their claims it was in honor bound to pay them itself. A bill for this purpose passed Congress but was vetoed by the President.
The Whig Lincoln county convention included this veto in a bitter indictment of the Administration, and the Cumberland convention declared that if there was one act more than another which showed Polk's disregard of justice and common humanity it was his refusal to sign the French spoliation bill.
The Whigs did not expect to carry the State. On election day the Bangor Whig said that the most they could hope for, was to prevent a choice, and this they did. The official returns gave Dana 36,031, Bronson 29,557, Fessenden 9,938, scattering 678. The Whig declared that it was satisfied with the result, that the Democrats were in a minority and would be more so, that there were many Democrats who had joined the Liberty party because they were not yet ready to be Whigs, that for several years there had been nothing to specially criticise in State legislation and that Dana had been nominated because of his personal popularity and to har- monize factions. The Argus said that the "unexpected disaster" was not caused by discontent with the national administration, but by inactivity, excess of confidence, lack of organization, and failure to adhere to regular nominations.
Although there had been no choice of Governor by the people there was no doubt that Mr. Dana would be the next Governor, as the Democrats had carried the Legislature, and the next May he was duly elected.
The year 1846 was also marked by a very bitter contest for the Sena- torship. The anti-slavery feeling had been gaining strength among the
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Maine Democrats, and in 1845 they determined to send to the Senate Han- nibal Hamlin, who had served two terms in Congress, where he had vigor- ously opposed the views of the slavocrats. A majority of the Democrats in the Legislature of 1846 were for Hamlin, but it was the custom for the two houses to caucus separately. The Democratic Representatives nom- inated Hamlin by a large majority; the Senate after twelve ballots nom- inated Governor Anderson, the vote standing Anderson 14, Hamlin II. The "pro-slavery" men were willing to take almost any man except Hamlin, but the House refused all compromise. It was also intimated that Mr. Hamlin might be elected if he would take a more moderate attitude in the slavery question, but he stood firm. At last, after the fight had gone on for six weeks and the Legislature was about to adjourn, Mr. Hamlin rather than have Maine represented by only one Senator withdrew his name and advised his friends to support James W. Bradbury of Augusta. John Anderson, who was the leading anti-Hamlin candidate at the time, also withdrew and the bulk of the Democrats joined in supporting Mr. Bradbury, who was elected.
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