USA > Michigan > Outlines of the political history of Michigan > Part 21
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37
I " While on his voyage across. Lake Erie, in the schooner Chippewa, he was met, on the 23rd of August, by the provincial schooner, Lady Prevost, of 14 guns, the commander of which, after saluting the General
326
BROCK'S INFERIOR FORCES.
[CHAP. XI.
movement westward was caused by anxiety, and not by any relief on the New York side. He brought no such additional force as would have interfered with Hull's safety, and he is known to have brought all the men he could spare. His memoirs show that the condition of the Niagara frontier made him very uneasy, and that he dared not lesson its defences.
The militia force of Upper Canada was dis- covered at once to furnish no basis for any such fears as are made to appear so natural in the retrospect. The possible thousands were not men under arms, but men liable to be called out. The numbers actually armed and enrolled were not great, and, while probably about as good material as the militia forces of the United States, could not be any better. Brock's first orders at Malden, on the 14th of August, complained bitterly of the number of desertions. Hull's force of regulars was larger than Brock's, and his volunteers at least two or three times greater than the force of Canadian militia near Detroit, and some of these were not novices. McArthur's raid into the Thames country had completely demolished any theory that the country away from the garrisons was dangerous. The abortive expedition of Chambers was quite as significant.
with seventeen guns, came on board and gave him the first intelligence of the armistice which Sir George Prevost had unfortunately concluded with the American General, Dearborn. Major General Brock could not con- ceal his deep regret and mortification at the intelligence which he found would prevent his contemplated attack on Sacketts Harbor."-Brock's Life, p. 274.
327
HULL'S UNFITNESS TO COMMAND.
CHAP. XI.]
The fact that the news of war arrived at Malden several days before Hull's army reached the Detroit River, gave the commander of that place an opportunity of taking Detroit by surprise. As in spite of his larger garrison and Indian allies, and his auxiliary naval force, he did not venture on such a measure, the inference is plain that he had not much confidence in his own position ; and so it appeared to all but Hull himself.
The effect produced on the mind, in reading the vindication which the memoirs set forth, is such as to relieve Hull from any suspicion of disloyalty, and to excite a certain degree of sym- pathy for him, as one of those failures which result from being placed in a false position, for which he was utterly unsuited, and where his associates knew his unfitness and could not tolerate it. In a quiet community, where no perilous sur- roundings disturb the general security, such a reputable old citizen, of genial disposition and on good terms with himself, would naturally receive very flattering treatment, and have his faith in himself considerably magnified. Such exaggerations and suspicions as are found in his whole conduct are so general among the class of characters to which he evidently belonged, as usually to receive a great deal of toleration. Few persons are so popular at home as the kind-hearted social mag- nates, who sincerely desire to make all around them happy, and who, from the universal liking and deference which they receive, become in time im-
328
ACCOUNTABILITY OF COMMANDERS. [CHAP. XI.
pressed with the idea, more or less clearly defined to their consciousness, that their judgment is in- fallible. No persons are slower to discover their own deficiencies, or to attribute their failures to the true cause, and few are less able to bear opposition or slights.
The stern realities of border war will not justify deference to any foibles which endanger the country ; and the necessities of justice demand that every one shall be held to a strict responsi- bility, when he assumes a place where the safety of the community depends on his firmness and wisdom. The weakness which imperils such large interests, although it may belong to a well mean- ing and very amiable man, is, nevertheless, a moral wrong as well as a legal crime. It may not injure the transgressor in the eyes of those who have known his merits, and have not suffered from his faults. But it would be very dangerous to society if the true character of such derelictions of duty should be so far glossed over, as to enroll convicted offenders among the noble army of martyrs, or to give them approval when it is magnanimous to pardon them.
The British Army assumed control of the fort and Territory, and the people came under the dominion of martial law. Under such a com- mander as General Brock, it would have been as tolerable as such a rule can usually be made. Under Proctor it was not so tolerable.
CHAPTER XII.
BRITISH POSSESSION AND AMERICAN RE-CONQUEST OF MICHIGAN.
IMMEDIATELY after the surrender, the paroled troops returned home, and the prisoners were taken down the lake. At the request of his as- sociates, Colonels McArthur and Findlay, and Lieutenant Colonel Miller, Colonel Cass made a report to the government of the whole history of Hull's career as commander. This was assailed by a portion of the press with great malignity, and it was even charged to have emanated from Mr. Rush, as an administration defence. As his- tory has thoroughly disposed of these calumnies, and the document has been abundantly verified and approved, it may be passed without remark. The sentiments of Ohio and Pennsylvania, con- cerning their sons engaged in the transactions about Detroit, were evinced by their votes of thanks to the volunteer and regular forces and their officers. Miller, and others of his regiment, were brevetted for their good conduct at Mongu- agon, and on other occasions named, where they had distinguished themselves. Cass and McAr- thur continued after their exchange in active ser-
330
MILITARY GOVERNMENT.
[CHAP. XII.
vice, and were advanced in rank by the popular and State action, as well as by the United States. Both earned a solid reputation as soldiers and as civil officers, and few men have done more for the advancement of the northwest.
General Brock, before he departed, issued a proclamation, dated on the day of the surrender, in which he declared that the Territory of Michi- gan had been ceded to the arms of His Britan- nic Majesty, "without any other condition than the protection of private property." He therefore de- clares that, "wishing to give an early proof of the moderation and justice of the government," he announces that the laws in force shall con- tinue until the King's pleasure shall be known, so long as the peace and safety of the Territory will admit; and that all the inhabitants shall be fully protected in their religion. He required all public property, and all arms, public or private, to be delivered up. 1
The reference to the alleged sole condition is remarkable. The copy of the capitulation, ap- pended to Hull's trial, contains the following ar- ticle : "Article 3d. Private property, and private persons of every description, will be respected." From the charges and specifications against him, this must have been assumed as correct. There are several verbal differences between this copy and the one published in Niles' Register, which appears to be more correct in names and various
1 3 Niles, 25.
331
PROCTOR.
CHAP. XII.]
other minutiæ, as well as in grammar, but which does not contain this article at all. It appeared on the trial that Brock erased some words from the articles as drafted, but it did not clearly ap- pear what they were. Brock's proclamation recog- nizes private property (except arms, which were not excepted in the article as contained in the appendix,) but does not recognize any stipulation as to persons. This afterwards became material, and persons were not respected. It is not im- possible that the copies interchanged may have differed. If so, it is not possible to tell which was correct, as both must have been signed. Brock would hardly have resorted to a misrepre- sentation of fact. The omission, if made, was one which was of great importance, and the fate of several subsequent complaints shows that Proctor acted as if no such stipulation existed, although it was asserted and relied on.
Proctor was left in command. While Brock, and most of the officers under him, appear to have conducted themselves without creating any strong personal dislike against them, Proctor has left in Detroit a reputation for brutality and tyranny that has seldom been equalled. Wherever our people came in contact with him, at Detroit, Frenchtown, Malden or Ohio, their report was uniform. As a natural accompaniment to cruelty of disposition, he, although by no means wanting in activity, was regarded as lacking in the higher attributes of a brave commander. He was prob-
332
SCHEME OF ADMINISTRATION.
[CHAP. XII.
ably not an absolute coward, for he was often exposed to personal danger, but he had no cool and dogged bravery, and more than once drew himself away from opposing forces, where it would have been much more honorable to prolong re- sistance. His reputation is not much reverenced in Canada.
On the 21st of August, he issued a proclama- tion to organize the civil government. He or- dained that the courts and civil officers should continue in their functions, and that in the Legis- lative Board a majority should not be required if offices were vacant, and that laws need not be adopted from the American States. The United States duties and taxes were to be paid to the military treasurer, for general expenses, and local revenues to be expended as before, for local pur- poses. The land officers and Indian department were superseded. He assumed the office of civil governor, and Judge Woodward was made Secretary.
This scheme was a just and proper one, but it was very imperfectly carried out. The public records were in part removed, and some of them disappeared. The worst act of spoliation related to land titles. The land claims confirmed by the commissioners, under the various statutes, for the benefit of occupants, or heirs or grantees of occupants, holding in 1796, were not finally ratified by Congress until April 23, 1812, when it was enacted that patents should issue for all confirma-
333
SPOLIATIONS.
CHAP. XII. |
tions. These patents reached the Detroit Land Office just before or during the war, and were lying there awaiting delivery at the time of the surrender. They were all seized or destroyed, although the other office records and files were not seriously injured.
From a letter written by Brock to Proctor, it would seem that seizures of private property had been made for purposes of extortion. " I under- stand that salvage has been demanded from in- dividuals on several accounts ; for property re- covered or restored, for patents, etc. I lament that such a course has been adopted, for it was my intention, and it is now my wish, that our con- duct in these matters should be governed by the broadest principles of liberality. You will, there- fore, be pleased to have returned to the several individuals the amount which each may have paid as salvage on any account." (Life, p. 295.)
The Indians began at once pillage property and to do mischief, and some of the captured officers and men were insulted at Mal- den. On the day of the surrender, Secretary At- water's house was robbed of a large amount of personal property, and many outrages were com- mitted in the country round. Colonel McKee, the British Indian agent, interfered in some cases to prevent such outrages, and no doubt did what he could. But no effective measures were had, and the savages made great havoc. Their old friendship for the French settlers in some instances
1
334
PROCTOR'S ABUSES.
[CHAP. XII.
protected them from outrage, but before long in- sidious attempts were made to bring them over to British allegiance, and the suggestion of Indian hostility was used to persuade them. Proctor, in plain violation of the capitulation, resorted to such efforts so often and so shamelessly as to excite the plain-spoken indignation of Judge Woodward, who left the Territory a few months after, to lay his misconduct, in this and in other matters, be- fore the government and the public. General Harrison, after the Battle of the Thames, received a letter from Proctor asking protection to private property of inhabitants in Canada, sent under cir- cumstances so peculiar as to induce him to regard the bearer as a spy. Nevertheless, he offered him no indignity, but refused to notice Proctor, and addressed his reply to General Vincent, his supe- rior, to whom he gave an indignant account of that officer's infamous outrages, which Vincent, whom he respected, made no attempt to excuse or palliate.
Early in the fall of 1812, Walk-in-the-Water and Roundhead, two principal chiefs of the Wyan- dots, wrote a letter to the French people on the Raisin, addressed to Colonel Navarre, calling upon them to rise and help their Indian friends, and threatening, if they failed, to renounce their friend- ship and subject them to the treatment of ene- mies.' The letter was short and pithy, but evi- dently not of Indian originating, though signed by
I State Papers, I Ind. Aff., 371.
335
UPRISING IN THE WEST.
CHAP. XII.]
those chiefs, who would have been much more likely to visit the Raisin themselves, if they desired to confer with their old acquaintances. The letter was at once sent up to Judge Woodward, and was one of the illustrations which he afterwards gave of the dishonorable methods which Proctor resorted to, in order to intimidate the settlers. The threat was not an idle one, and the conse- quences of it were the occasion for Winchester's expedition of a few weeks later.
The immediate result of Hull's surrender was a general uprising all over the west. Kentucky and Ohio were especially active, and General Har- rison was by common consent put at the head of all the forces, receiving a special commission from Kentucky. These troops were volunteers, not called out originally by the United States, but brought into the field by the enthusiasm of the occasion. Harrison was also commissioned for the same purpose by the United States. The Indians were very soon scattered from the Wa- bash, and driven northward. A campaign was planned for the recovery of Michigan and the capture of Malden, which was delayed by some untoward events, and for a time prevented by General Winchester, who, without orders, under- took to advance to the Raisin, and there met with a terrible catastrophe.
The American prisoners from Detroit were sent over from Quebec for exchange, in October. At that time, it is stated, that five of the eight
336
TROPHIES. BROCK'S DEATH.
[CHAP. XII.
brass cannon captured at the surrender were lying at the chateau. Among the brass pieces in the fort were two captured by Stark at Bennington, and one taken from Burgoyne at Saratoga, as well as some surrendered at Yorktown. The British officers are said to have been greatly pleased at regaining possession of Burgoyne's trophy, which was a little three-pounder, used for salutes. It was afterwards recaptured by Harri- son at the Battle of the Thames, with two others from Yorktown, and is now at Frankfort, Kentucky, bearing inscriptions indicating its history and ad- ventures.
General Brock was created a Knight of the Bath, for his capture of Detroit. His career was not prolonged. He was killed on the 12th of Oc- tober, at the Battle of Queenstown, and the American Army, as well as the British, paid him military honors at his funeral.
On the 8th day of October, 1812, the Detroit, (formerly the American brig Adams,) an armed vessel of 18 guns, and the Caledonia, a smaller armed vessel, arrived at Fort Erie, opposite Buf- falo, with a number of prisoners, and with large supplies of stores and munitions. The Caledonia had a cargo of furs, estimated at from $150,000 to $200,000. A portion of General Hull's family had come part of the way down the lake in the Detroit, and his and their baggage was on board. Lieutenant (afterwards Commodore) Jesse D. Elliott, with a force of volunteers from the army
337
CHAP. XII.] VESSELS CAPTURED, KENTUCKY VOLUNTEERS.
and the citizens of Buffalo, boarded and captured them that night. The Caledonia was run across to Black Rock and beached. The Detroit grounded on Squaw Island, and after a series of sharp encounters, she was finally burned.
In the winter of 1812-13, the cold weather set in with severity, and it was at one time con- templated to take advantage of it, by crossing on the ice, to attack Malden. But the mistakes and lack of judgment of some of Harrison's sub- ordinates prevented any early action, and it was finally checked by the course of General Winchester.
The latter had under his command a fine body, chiefly of Kentucky troops, made up of the foremost young men in the State, of great intel- ligence and undaunted bravery. They had gone into the service with the generous desire to wipe out the disgrace of Hull's surrender, and put an end to the frightful barbarities of the Indians, who had been encouraged by it to renew their old atrocities. It would be almost invidious to mention single names, where the whole muster-roll was a list of heroes. When the new Capitol of the State shall furnish a proper place for preserving and perpetuating in public reverence the names of our benefactors, we shall fail in our duty if the soldiers of Frenchtown, and the gallant men who avenged them, are not made familiar as household words to the whole people of Michigan.
22
338
FIRST BATTLE OF THE RAISIN.
[CHAP. XII.
News arrived at the Maumee that the inhabi- tants along the River Raisin were suffering se- verely from the depredations of the Indians, and that preparations were making to destroy the set- tlement in a few days. The impulses of human- ity stirred up the whole army in their behalf, and on the 17th of January, 1813, General Winchester ordered Colonel William Lewis to proceed to the Raisin and protect the inhabitants. He reached the river, at the present city of Monroe, at three o'clock in the afternoon of the 18th, with a force of between 600 and 700. They found a body of the enemy, composed of British and Indians, posted in the village on the left bank of the stream, who opened fire on the Americans with a howitzer, as they approached the river; but no one was hurt by it. The line of battle was at once formed, Lieutenant Colonel Allen command- ing the right wing, Major Graves the left, and Major Madison the centre. The whole army crossed at once on the ice, and Graves and Madi- son, in spite of the obstructions of the heavy pickets and fences, soon drove the enemy from the village. A considerable force, with the how- itzer, encountered Colonel Allen on the right, where the battle was very hot; but by degrees the British and Indians were driven back, fighting obstinately, until at nightfall they had been fol- lowed about two miles into the heavy timber, where the darkness put an end to the conflict, and Lewis occupied the village. The number of
339
CHAP. XII.] GENERAL WINCHESTER.
casualties on the American side was 12 killed and 55 wounded. The loss of the enemy was not published, and, so far as the Indians were con- cerned, was not known, as they dragged away their dead. The battle was an obstinate one.
News of this battle was sent to Winchester, who at once started in person, with about 250 men, and reached the Raisin on the 20th, where his force, combined with Lewis's, made over 900 men fit for duty. They were all in good spirits, and ready to meet any emergency. It was largely owing to the fault of General Winchester that they suffered any defeat. His personal gallantry and patriotism led every one to look upon his mistakes with leniency, and few officers have been more generously dealt with.
General Winchester, like Hull, was an old Rev- olutionary officer. He never held rank beyond that of a subaltern, but his personal conduct had been brave and devoted, and his large means were unselfishly used for patriotic purposes. After the Revolution, he settled in Tennessee, where he remained in voluntary retirement, declining public office. When the troops were enlisted in that part of the country, he was appointed brigadier general, and at one time, by some strange mistake, he was supposed to have super- seded Harrison. He had no faculty for man- aging an army, and the troops, when he was in command in Ohio, became mutinous, and were only pacified by the vigorous efforts of
340
LACK OF VIGILANCE
[CHAP. XII.
Scott and Harrison, in whom they placed, as well they might, implicit confidence. Winchester's only strength was in his sincere courage and devotion ; and for these he was well esteemed. He was not severely censured for his errors, because they were those of a brave and good, though not wise, soldier.
The settlement near the mouth of the Raisin, where Winchester had his camp, was close by the Indian country, and only eighteen miles from Mal- den, which at this time was accessible by land, and by a crossing on heavy ice, which was much more convenient than any land road. The Wy- andot villages at Brownstown and Monguagon were the headquarters of Walk-in-the-Water and Roundhead, as well as of other noted chiefs, and nearly all the Indian bands which had been driven northward were at Malden or in southern Michi- gan. The white force that had been met by Colonel Lewis was from Malden, and the Indians were probably those of the neighborhood. Sav- ages prowled near the camp during the entire interval between the arrival of Lewis and the last battle.
Under these circumstances, prudence required the utmost vigilance. Here Winchester failed. He had no personal experience of Indian war- fare, and had no idea of the small effect of a de- feat in preventing them from making preparations for further mischief. He took no efficient means for fortifying his encampment; and while the ori-
341
BRITISH ATTACK.
CHAP. XII. ]
ginal command of Lewis were in quarters which they could have defended, and did defend, the re- inforcements brought up by Winchester himself were in an open camp. The General did not remain in the vicinity of his men, but was quar- tered in the house of Colonel Navarre, a promi- nent French citizen, on the other side of the river, and more than half a mile from the army.
On the 21st, Winchester was informed that the British and Indians would be down upon him that night, or in the morning ; but he was induced to believe the alarm groundless, and, in spite of warnings, disregarded it. Colonel Wells, who commanded the regulars, endeavored in vain to spur him up to diligence. He neglected to call a council, or to use any means against surprise. No scouts were kept out, and he omitted, in spite of urgent representations, to distribute ammuni- tion, so that many of the troops had a short sup- ply. Colonel Wells became so uneasy that he left his own men in command of his subordinate, Ma- jor McClanahan, and hurried to the Maumee to obtain reinforcements, but although led on at once, they came too late to save the day, and turned back when they learned of the surrender.
Before day-break on the 22d the British at- tacked the camp with a heavy fire of shells and canister, and made a desperate assault with regu- lars and Indians. Lewis's force being protected by heavy picket fences, which were a very good defence against muskets and light missiles, were
342
SECOND BATTLE OF THE RAISIN.
[CHAP. XII.
enabled to hold their own. The regulars outside were uncovered, and exposed to the full fury of the assault. Winchester and Lewis, with 100 men out of his force within the enclosures, joined them, and for a considerable time held the enemy at bay; but the large body of Indians succeeded in turning their right flank, and they were compelled to cross the river, where, though fighting desper- ately in smaller bodies, they could make no united defence. The greatest portion of them were killed and scalped. No quarter was given to the Americans in this part of the field. Winchester and Lewis, with a few others, were finally induced to surrender to Roundhead, who stripped them and took them to Proctor, who commanded in person. Colonel Allen was killed. He was a man of ability and his loss was deeply felt.
The left and centre, under Graves and Madi- son, maintained their position, and the small ar- tillery made little impression on them. Their rifle- men picked off the British gunners whenever they showed themselves, and Proctor and his white forces had withdrawn beyond range, so that the besieged soldiers had time to eat their breakfast. At this time Winchester was taken to headquar- ters, and impressed by the barbarities he had witnessed and suffered, and by the suggestions of Proctor that the allies could not be restrained, and miscalculating the condition of the troops under Graves and Madison, he consented to a surrender on condition-as he reported-that the
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.