USA > Michigan > Outlines of the political history of Michigan > Part 7
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1 3 Wis. His. Doc., 169 to 178. $ 9 N. Y. Doc., 1004.
89
VIEWS OF BEAUHARNOIS.
CHAP. VI.]
It is not entirely certain whether the earliest grant of lands by Beauharnois and Hocquart was in 1730 or 1734. In 1732, Beauharnois, who had failed in his efforts to have two vessels placed on Lake Erie,' wrote thus concerning Detroit, to Count Maurepas :
" Sieur de Boishébert's occupations regarding the proceedings of the Hurons and Iroquois against the Foxes, will not have permitted him, I believe, sending you the draughts he was to · make of Lakes Ste. Claire and Huron. I have not failed to recommend to that officer, as I had done to his predecessors, to give all their attention to the establishment of Detroit, and to the general
welfare of that post. But although they do not appear to me to be wanting in attention in these two particulars, it is impossible for that establish- ment to become considerable, so long as a suffi- cient number of troops are not sent thither, to whom lands would be granted for the purpose of improvement, by which course farmers would eventually be introduced. If, on the other hand, it be His Majesty's intention to send thither a hundred faussonniers2 with their families, to whom some advances would be made in the first in- stance, this post would become considerable in a short time, and by its strength keep all the na- tions of the Upper Country in check. But as these projects can not be executed until approved by His Majesty, I shall continue to recommend
1 9 N. Y. Doc., 1014. 2 Faux-saulniers, or salt-smugglers.
90
CAMPAU'S MILL.
CHAP. VI.
the officers in command of that post to induce as much as possible the settlers to cultivate the soil, and to maintain good order there. This, my Lord, is all that their diligence can accomplish.""
This would indicate that no new grants had then been made. And in October, 1734, he wrote that there were but 750 soldiers in the entire colony.2
While Boishébert was in command, he author- ized a water mill to be built by Charles Campau, on a stream which has now disappeared, but which was known in 1742 as Campau's Mill River, in later days as Cabacier's Creek, and lastly as May's Creek, from the adjoining residence of Judge May. The mill stood nearly where the Michigan Central Railroad crosses Fort street, in the city of Detroit, and the stream was in the basin now occupied by the railroad. In 1753, Cabacier complained that his land was overflowed, but it was made to appear that the mill antedated his concession nearly twenty years, and the Governor General confirmed Campau's rights.3 It is mentioned in the petition of the inhabitants as the only mill convenient to the fort, and as running most of the year. From this it would seem that the moulin banal had ceased to exist, or was distant from the settlement at the fort.+
In 1734, concessions were made to several
1 9 N. Y. Doc., 1036. 3 I Am. St. P., 253.
2 9 N. Y. Doc., 1040. 4 I Am. St. P., 251.
91
CHAP. VI. F TENURES IN ROTURE.
inhabitants, of tracts of various widths from two to four arpents, and forty arpents deep. These were made by the Governor and Intendant, under the decree of 1722 before referred to. Similar grants were made at intervals until after 1750. These concessions were upon conditions, (1) of suit to the moulin banal when established, (2) settlement and habitation (y tenir feu et lieu) within a year; (3) keeping up fences, and cultiva- tion, and allowance of roads ; (4) annual dues of . I sol per arpent front, and 20 sols for each 20 arpents of surface, and one bushel' of wheat for the four arpents front. These dues were payable at Martinmas, (11th November,) the money dues being receivable in peltries till currency should be established. (5) Customary lods et ventes accord- ing to the coutume de Paris, and other feudal rights; (6) rights reserved in mines, minerals, and timber for public purposes ; (7) procuring immediate survey, and Royal patent within two years. All these on pain of forteiture.2
It appears that at this time Hugues Péan was in command, and active in procuring these pri-
I Although the word minot used in these conveyances is said by Dr. O'Callaghan to be a larger measure, yet, like other standards of measure and value, it was not uniform. At Detroit, among the French inhabitants, the word minot always meant a bushel, and the word pinte a quart, and chopine a pint. The writers have used these words in many ways. Mr. Weld says the minot was to the Winchester bushel as 100 to 108.765 .- Weld's Travels, 216.
2 All these grants were afterwards classed as " Terres en Roture." Ferriere says these were not feudal tenures, and were subject to only two principal burdens, viz : the annual cens or dues, and the lods et ventes or fines of alienation due to the seigneur censier by the purchaser on sale or exchange .- Ferriere's Law Dic., " Roture."
92
LAND GRANTS.
[CHAP. V1.
vileges. This officer was a man of distinction and hereditary Town Major of Quebec. His re- lations with a subsequent Intendant, Bigot, were peculiar and disgraceful. Both of them on their return to France, after the surrender of 1760, were tried and convicted of official misdemeanors, but whether any of them related to conduct here is not known. Pean was fined six hundred thousand livres, or $125,000.' Bigot was merely banished from the court to his estates.
From this time on for several years the annals are silent, and the people may therefore be pre- sumed to have prospered.
Only six of these concessions were ever sent to Paris for confirmation; and this fact left the titles at Detroit clear of some difficulties when the United States began to deal with them.
Anticipating somewhat the course of events, the only other land grants made by the French in Michigan were confined to the seigneurie granted to the Chevalier de Repentigny at the Sault de Ste. Marie, in 1750 and 1751, of six leagues square. He took possession and began the settlement to the satisfaction of the French Government, who had found it necessary to check the advances of the English among the northern tribes. When Carver passed through, in 1767, he found the possession kept up by a person who had been in Repentigny's employ,
I IO N. Y. Doc, 1126.
93
REPENTIGNY.
CHAP. VI.]
and left in charge, but who then claimed to own it himself. Repentigny was a very distinguished officer and reached high rank in the French army, having been made Marquis and General. This claim was presented to the United States authorities in 1825, but not allowed by the com- missioners, as the act of Congress was not broad enough to cover it. It was afterwards brought before the Supreme Court of the United States,1 where it was decided that the action of Congress previously had cut it off. The judgment was one which took rather narrower views of these con- cessions than seem to have been taken by the French or British authorities, and held that the act of Congress under which the claim was pre- sented for adjudication was not intended to waive any question in the United States Courts, if the claim was technically cut off when the United States acquired the country.
The successive Commandants at Detroit appear to have had no serious difficulties with the inhab- itants, and the people apparently continued in the privileges of which Tonty had sought to deprive them. Licenses seem to have been sold to such as desired them. Among the officers commanding at various times, besides those already mentioned, were Pajot, Deschaillons de St. Ours (a very dis- tinguished officer), Desnoyelles, Noyan, Sabrevois, Céloron, Longueuil, De Muy, and Bellestre.
1 5 Wal., 211.
-
94
INDIAN SETTLEMENTS.
[CHAP. VI.
Between 1734 and 1739, it is supposed that M. de Sabrevois was in command, as in his time the conditions of land grants within the fort seem to have been fixed as they were afterwards maintained.1
In 1741, Beauharnois held councils with the Indians belonging in the region of Mackinaw and the shore of Lake Michigan, and under his auspices they made a number of settlements, extending from the St. Joseph's River, at various points, including Muskegon, to L'Arbre Croche.2 The latter became an important settlement, and was the seat of a considerable industry, the Indians maintaining a very good reputation, and being cared for by devoted missionaries. Within the last thirty years the L'Arbre Croche sugar was always reckoned clean and reliable, and brought the best price of any Indian sugar in the Detroit market; unless in some few instances where it was made equally well elsewhere by known families.
During the remainder of the official term of Count Maurepas as Minister of the Marine, the most liberal policy prevailed, as Beauharnois, La Jonquière, and De la Galissonnière were all dis- posed to serve the true interests of the colony. All of the Phelyppeaux were men of unsullied honor and integrity, and of much personal independence. They seem to have inspired much personal attach-
I I Am. St. Pap., 259.
2 9 N. Y. Doc. 1072.
95
LOST ISLANDS.
CHAP VI.]
ment among the western leaders. La Motte Cadillac named his Detroit post after Jerome Phelyppeaux, Count Pontchartrain, and Fort Rosa- lie after his lady. Lakes Pontchartrain and Maurepas in Louisiana were named after the fath- er and son. Their names were not so fortunate in Michigan. Besides the fort at Detroit, three islands in Lake Superior were called after the fam- ily, Iles Phelyppeaux or Minong, Maurepas and Pontchartrain. A fourth was named after the In- tendant Hocquart. Ile Phelyppeaux was laid down as an island larger than Ile Royale, lying between that and Keweenaw Point, and declared by Carver like the latter island, to have been large enough for a province. By the Treaty of 1783 between the United States and Great Britain, Ile Phelyppeaux was one of the boundary marks, the line running just north of it. The other three islands were laid down towards the eastward and northeastward.
The Indians had a superstitious fear of approaching these islands, which were supposed to be tenanted by the Great Manitou Michabou, and guarded by mysterious and terrible spirits and serpents. Of all those named, Ile Royale is the only one now known to exist, unless Maurepas has been confounded with Michipicoten, which is not in exactly the same region, but is not very far off, and is identified with it by Alexander Henry. It is hardly supposable, although that is a volcanic country, that any such islands can have disappeared in modern times, but it is not
96
LAW OFFICERS.
[CHAP. VI.
easy to account for the location and naming of imaginary islands, where, from the foundation of Du Luth's fort on the Kaministiquia River, (now Fort William) the French had been constant travellers. In these instances the statesmen whose names were "writ in water " have been no more fortunate in their monuments than others in like plight. But they were fortunate in having more than one remembrancer.
In Mr. Schoolcraft's Journal of Gen. Cass's first expedition to the sources of the Mississippi in 1820, he mentions these islands, and refers to some of the Indian superstitions concerning them. As Ile Phelyppeaux came within the legal limits of the State of Michigan, it must, with Toledo, be now reckoned among her lost empires. Its other name, Minong, has been attached to Ile Royale, where, perhaps, it always belonged.
We find now, in the incidental references of our public records, evidences that Detroit had become subject to the ordinary incidents of civil settlements. There was probably from the begin- ning of the policy of land grants, a Deputy Intendant, and the same or some other person acted as notary. The elder Robert Navarre came to Detroit in 1730, and was constantly employed in public service of some kind. The King's dues were payable to his receiver (the Intendant) or a local sub-receiver, and Navarre's name is the first found in that capacity, while the receipts are endorsed on the deeds of the land-owners from
97
NOTARIAL ACTS.
CHAP. VI.]
the beginning. The jurist De Ferriere represents the functions of a Deputy Intendant to have been judicial as well as ministerial, and such was probably the case in Detroit. The notary, (who at this time generally performed all functions con- nected with transfers, contracts and successions,) had no incompatible duties, and Navarre was Royal Notary. In 1753, M. Landrieve was acting temporarily as Deputy Intendant, Navarre being then probably absent on other duty, as he had a great influence with the Indians. In 1760, we find Navarre and Baptiste Campau both acting together as notaries, the latter performing, appar- ently the duties of Tabellion or notarial clerk and registrar. It is not likely the judicial duties were very heavy, but the receipts for the King were considerable, both in money and wheat, and the sub-Intendant was curator of the public property not strictly military. We find at this period that the Commandant made grants of lands within the fort, and possibly in the precinct or domain adjoining. M. de Bellestre declared in a subse- quent inquiry that this was his absolute right, the rents, however, belonging to the Crown.' In some cases a ratification was required from the Governor General, as indicated by the Decree of 1722. Such cases are found recorded in 1754-5, on grants from M. de Muy confirmed by Du Quesne.2 In 1741, such a grant is made by De
I Wayne Record, B., p. 128.
2 Id., A., p. I.
7
98
CONDITIONS OF TOWN GRANTS.
[CHAP. VI.
Noyan to Navarre, without confirmation.1 The terms of tenure were two sols per foot front, not redeemable, but payable in cash, and the main- tenance of the fortifications in proportion to such front.2 This was one pile or picket, var- iously stated from fifteen feet upward in length, for each foot front of the lot. In 1745, a sale is recorded of a house within the fort, and of " forty fort pickets, which are all of cedar, appur- tenant to the said house."3 This obligation to supply pickets was afterwards a source of con- tention, and the duty was disputed. But the
deeds are explicit. In addition to the annual dues, and to taxes, there were fines of alienation. On what basis these were settled does not appear, but it was probably according to the Coutume de Paris. In 1760, upon a purchase by De Belles- tre, the fines on a purchase of 12,000 livres were 666 livres, 13 sols, or more than five per cent.4
Even while no war was existing between France and England, the British agents (claiming ostensibly under the Iroquois grant, which was much more shadowy than the French claims which they professed to regard as theoretical,) kept up with their Indian allies a continued series of attempts to reach the western trade, and get
1 Wayne Record, A., p. 29.
2 Id., A., p. 1, 17.
3 "Quarante pieux de fort, que sont tous de cedre, dependants de la dite maison."-A., p. 17.
4 Wayne Record, B., 128.
99
INTRIQUES WITH HURONS.
CHAP. VI.]
control of the country. The Hurons, who had been deadly enemies of the Iroquois and all their friends, and who had stood fast by the French, were approached by these tempters, and by degrees led away from their fidelity. Their posi- tion was such as to make this very dangerous.
When Charlevoix was in Detroit he mentioned that it was desired to establish a Huron mission, which was not then determined on. In 1742, this was settled on Bois-blanc Island, on the Canada side of the mouth of Detroit River, commanding the main channel. Father Potier had charge, and the village was very extensive, regularly laid out, and containing several hundred people. It was then of several years' standing. It is likely it had been removed thither from Detroit, and Father de la Richardie is said to have at one time been a missionary in the tribe. For a per- iod of some years these intrigues went on, and the Commander at Detroit was diligent in oppos- ing them. Hearing that the English had designs on White River and the Wabash country, Celoron, a former Commandant of Detroit, in 1743, allowed men and supplies to go from Detroit to open a trade at White River with a body of Senecas, Onondagas and others of the Five Nations, who had settled there to the number of about 600, and who professed friendship. Robert Navarre was sent out to examine and report on the prospects. Beauharnois and Hocquart directed M. de Lon- gueuil, then in command at Detroit, to send out
100
TRADE AT DETROIT INJURED.
[CHAP. VI
goods and supplies on the King's account, and expressed themselves as desirous, since the settle- ment could not be broken up, of getting it, if possible, to be friendly. But there was evidently suspicion of mischief.1
In 1744, the hostilities existing made it neces- sary to make preparations, and Longueuil suc- ceeded in securing the adhesion of the nations near Detroit, and sent out Indian forces to prevent the English traders from reaching White River, as well as to guard the approaches to the Ohio. Céloron and Joncaire were able for a time to ensure the neutrality of several of the New York bands of Senecas and others.2
But the disturbed condition of the country operated injuriously on Detroit. In 1745, com- plaint was made by Beauharnois, in his letters to France, that the licenses to trade at Detroit and Mackinaw could hardly be given away, although those places were not well supplied; and he expressed misgivings as to the conduct of the Indians when trade should fall off.3 About the same time the country was troubled by deserters and renegades from Louisiana, who found their way up to Detroit and its vicinity. The Chevalier de Longueuil, who was at this time decorated with the Cross of St. Louis for his services, was very active and energetic, and did much to keep the country quiet. But some of the Detroit Indians held back.4
1 9 N. Y. Doc., 1099. 3 IO N. Y. Doc, 21.
2 9 N. Y. Doc., IIII, III2.
4 IO N. Y. Doc., 34, 37, 38.
101
SERIOUS TROUBLES.
CHAP. VI.j
The supply of provisions from the lands about Detroit began to fail, and for a while there was danger of suffering on this account. The Hurons became mutinous, and it was evident they had been effectually tampered with.' In 1747, Father Potier was obliged to leave Bois-blanc and go up to Detroit. They committed outrages in various places, killing several Frenchmen at Sandusky. They had also planned a massacre of the people in the fort at Detroit, which was overheard by a squaw, by whom it was revealed to a Jesuit lay- brother, who informed Longueuil. The rising was general, and manifestations were made in all parts of Michigan and the Northwest. Longueuil succeeded in persuading a deputation of several tribes to go with Bellestre to Quebec to confer with the Governor. Among these were the great chiefs Sastaretsi and Taychatin. After his departure the Hurons held a council, in which they desired Father de la Richardie to be sent up. Arrangements were made that he should accom- pany Bellestre to Detroit. Unfortunately, both the chiefs died before these gentlemen started.2
The year 1747 was one of constant trouble about Detroit. The Indians who had agreed to attack the Huron village at Bois-blanc, when the troubles broke out, refused to do so. Longueuil, however, had succeeded in getting the upper hand of the Miamis and others to the southward, and they sent to sue for peace. Three of the treach-
I IO N. Y. Doc., 38, 83, 114, 115, 119.
2 Id., 123, 124.
102
INDIAN OUTRAGES.
[CHAP. VI.
erous Huron chiefs, Nicolas, Orotoni and Anioton, who had been most deeply implicated, came also for the same purpose. While these were at Detroit, news came that a party had waylaid three Frenchmen at Grosse Ile, and attempted to murder them. The Frenchmen themselves soon appeared, wounded, but not fatally. Longueuil immediately sent a force of thirty men after the marauders. The deputies, fearing for themselves, informed the Commander that the criminals were concealed at Bois-blanc, and volunteered to arrest them. Longueuil. accepted their offer, and gave them ten more men to accompany them. They overtook the first detachment, and brought back the five Indians to the fort. They turned out to be one Onondaga, as leader, one Huron, one Seneca, and two Mohegans. The populace killed the leader as soon as he landed. The rest were confined in the fort in irons. This event created great excitement among the Ohio Indians, but Longueuil pacified them, insisting however, on retaining the prisoners, and giving the nations to understand the fate of these depended on the conduct of the tribes. On the morning of the 29th of December, 1747, the Seneca was found dead, it being doubtful whether he killed himself or was killed by the Huron, who was to kill him- self also. It turned out they had all nearly succeeded in escaping, as they had loosened their irons and prepared to kill the guard.
Afterwards, in February, 1748, Longueuil re-
103
HURON MISSION.
CHAP. VI.]
leased the three survivors, upon the request of formal deputations of northern and southern tribes, and upon very fair promises. He did this against the wishes and protests of the French at Detroit, and was censured by the Governor Gen- eral. But the event proved fortunate, as the In- dians sought eagerly to show their sincerity by taking the war-path ; and he had no further serious trouble with them, although there were some abor- tive attempts made here and there to do mischief.' In April, 1748, Galissonnière reports prospects of future tranquility.2
In 1748, it was questioned whether it might not be well to remove the fort to Bois-blanc ; but it was not thought best to do so, as the In- dians had settled at Detroit. The Huron Mission was re-established,3 under strong recommendations from the Governor to renew it, but with great precautions to have it in a safe place ; and at this time it was accordingly removed, to the present town of Sandwich, opposite the western part of the city of Detroit. Father de la Richardie became attached to it, at the Governor's request. Father Potier also appears to have remained with it. A church was built of respectable dimensions, which, until about twenty years ago, was the place of worship of the Catholic population of that region. It was then taken down,-a commodious and spa-
I IO N. Y. Narratives of 1747-1748, passim.
2 IO N. Y. Doc., 133.
3 IO N. Y. Doc., 162, 148.
104
MEMOIR ON THE COLONIES.
[CHAP. VI.
cious brick church having been built in its imme- diate vicinity. The point at Sandwich where they settled is named in the Governor's report " Point Montreal."' This name is not retained, and has not been noted except in that document.
In October, the Governor instructed Longueuil that, although the French and English were at peace, the English, if seeking to settle on the Ohio, White or Rock Rivers, or any of their tributaries, must be resisted by force.2 He expressed the strongest convictions of the importance of Mack- inaw and Detroit.3
In December, 1750, the late Governor, De la Galissonnière, who had been succeeded by De la Jonquière, prepared an elaborate memoir on the French colonies, which is one of the most enlight- ened documents ever written on that subject.4 He pointed out the utility of colonies, and the reasons why the French, with less population, had obtained advantages over the English in dealing with the Indians ; which he, as well as the English officials in this country, attributed to the habits of the French inhabitants in woodcraft, and in living with and like the Indians. But he warned the Govern- ment that this was accidental, and could not always be relied on.
After noting the weak points as well as advantages of various places, he makes special
I IO N. Y. Doc , 178. 3 10 N. Y. Doc, 183-4
2 10 N. Y Doc , 179. 4 IO N. Y. Doc., 220.
105
CHAP. VI.] GALISSONNIÈRE'S MEMOIR.
reference to Detroit. "This last place demands now the greatest attention. Did it once contain a farming population of a thousand, it would feed and defend all the rest. Throughout the whole interior of Canada it is the best adapted for a town, where all the trade of the lakes would con- centrate; were it provided with a good garrison and surrounded by a goodly number of settle- ments, it would be enabled to overawe almost all the Indians of the Continent. It is sufficient to see its position on the map to understand its utility. It would stand on the River St. Lawrence within reach of the Oyo, the Illinois, the River Mississippi, and in a position to protect all these different places, and even the posts north of the Lakes."
He concludes his memoir by urging that "the resolution ought to be adopted to send a great many people to New France, in order to enable those who have the administration thereof, to work at the same time at the different proposed forts. These people ought to be principally sol- diers, who can in a very short time be converted into good settlers."
He suggests that some faux-saulniers, and even a few paupers might be sent, the latter to be very sparingly furnished as needed. Other persons of doubtful character should not be sent unless called for.
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