USA > Michigan > Outlines of the political history of Michigan > Part 6
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leave to send out men to explore for minerals ; and offered, if granted a seigneurie on the Maumee, to establish the raising of silk-worms and silk- making, the country being full of mulberry trees and adapted to that industry. He showed that the people had already raised a surplus of supplies. This was during the time when he complained, with justice, that his plans had been interfered with under such powers as he actually possessed."
When he was relieved from the obstruction of others at Detroit, he was not allowed all the privileges he desired, but was, nevertheless, in a better condition, although exposed to interference from below. He at once began to provide for the increase of the settlement. He made two grants of land, within the present limits of Detroit, (though not included until within a few years,) and as the first land grants in Michigan, and the only manorial grants ever recognized as valid in the State, they deserve mention. The only other manor granted in Michigan was conceded to the Chevalier de Repentigny, about half a century
I Letter of 1703, Sheldon's H., 107.
72
FEUDAL GRANTS.
[CHAP. V.
thereafter, and lost to his heirs as escheated, under a decision of the United States Supreme Court. Whether La Motte Cadillac made further grants is not known. In the interval between the date of these and his departure for Louisiana, he was constantly harassed by the colonial authorities, and may not have found occasion to extend his tenancies.
A somewhat imperfect translation of one of these concessions is found in the Land Records of Michigan.' It is dated March 10, 1707, and made to François Fafard, dit Delorme. The land was two arpents (or about 400 feet) in width by twenty in depth.2
The grantee had the privilege of trading, fish- ing and hunting, except as to hares, rabbits, part- ridges and pheasants. He was to pay annually at the castle and principal manor, on the 20th of March, five livres for seigneurial dues, and ten livres for other privileges, payable in peltries until a currency was established in the colony, and thereafter in money. (The livres mentioned in these and in legal documents generally were livres parisis of 25 sols each, or a franc and a quarter.) The ten livres annually appear from subsequent provisions, and from other documents, to have been for the right to trade, and to have been
I Am. State Papers, I Public Lands, 250.
2 In the early surveys, eighty arpents were made to measure three miles, which gave 198 American feet to the arpent. The precise measure would have been a little less.
73
FEUDAL CONDITIONS.
CHAP. V.]
personal and not divisible among sub-grantees. The other conditions were that he should com- mence improving within three months; that he should plant or help plant a long maypole an- nually before the door of the principal manor, and grind his grain at the moulin banal or public mill, giving toll at eight pounds for each minot; that he should not sell or hypothecate his land without consent, and that it should be subject to the grantor's pre-emption in case of sale, as well as to the dues of alienation, and subject to the use of timber for vessels and fortifications. The grantee could not work as blacksmith, armorer, cutler or brewer, without a special permit. (This was evidently to prevent unauthorized dealing with the Indians in weapons or ale.) He was given full liberty of trading and importing goods, but allowed to employ no clerks or agents who were not domiciliated at Detroit. The sale of brandy to the Indians was prohibited on pain of forfeiture of the liquor in his possession and con- fiscation of his land. On a sale of a part of the land, the annual dues were proportioned, except the ten livres for trading, which every individual was to pay in full for the privilege.
This grant did not require the grantee (as was afterwards required) to dwell upon his con- cession. It appears that for many years the settlers all dwelt within the gates of the town, or immediately without.1
I La Forêt's memoir, 9 N. Y. Doc., 867.
74
MILLS.
[CHAP. V.
When he returned from the east, or very soon thereafter, La Motte brought two canoe-loads,' or eight tons, of French wheat, and also a variety of other grain for seed. Up to that time the only grain used was Indian corn, and the Hurons and Ottawas, who were expert farmers, raised it in great abundance, with beans, pumpkins and squashes. He also brought machinery for a large mill. Whether this was a wind or water-mill is not stated. It has been assumed that it was a wind-mill. This is probably an error. There was formerly a water-mill on the Savoyard River, which was within the domain and ran between the town and the later fort, which was built on the second terrace. Other water-mills existed within short distances of the fort, and the wind- mills which were quite numerous were too small to serve the ends of a moulin banal. The only reason for supposing this to have been a wind- mill was ignorance of the fact that there were streams used for water-mills. Those streams have now disappeared, but this has happened within living memory. It appears from the settlement of La Motte's proprietary rights in 1722, that he had been liberal in allowing trading licenses, for which the charge was put uniformly at ten livres, when the monopoly was really his own, and under the
I Two canoe-loads was the amount of goods originally allowed by each congé or trading license, and the canoes used in the long traverses were larger than the modern ones, being five and a half fathoms long by one fathom wide. The upper lake bark canoes that visited Detroit would sometimes contain twenty or thirty persons.
75
REPORT OF D'AIGREMONT.
CHAP. V.]
narrow policy introduced by one of his successors was resumed, and all trading right taken away from the people, except in their farm products."
There is abundant evidence that the settlement prospered under Cadillac's liberal management. M. de Clérambaut d'Aigremont, a deputy of the Intendant, was ordered, in June, 1707, by the King, to visit Detroit and report upon its man- agement and advantages. Reference is made to his report in a former part of this chapter. His commission states the mutual recriminations of Cadillac and Vaudreuil and Raudot, the Governor and Intendant.2 On the same day Vaudreuil re- ceived strict orders not to interfere with Detroit. D'Aigremont's instructions were apparently meant to be somewhat confidential. It appears from them incidentally that La Motte desired to obtain leave from the King to procure some of the ladies of . the hospital at Montreal, who were willing to do so, to come out and look after the sick, and aid in teaching various industries; and the delegate was instructed to help him in this. Whether he did so does not appear. But D'Aigremont's re- port, which was made in the interest of La Motte's enemies, did not affect his credit, beyond raising some question as to his desire for personal emol- ument, in which, however, he does not appear to have been specially noteworthy. With large landed rights and continued public employment, he left no such estate as justified such suspicions ;
1 3 Wisconsin Hist. Doc. 167.
2 9 N. Y. Doc., 805.
76
CADILLAC'S PLANS FOR THE INDIANS.
[CHAP. V.
and his measures, as far as they are recorded, were liberal.
In 1709, the fort and settlement were left en- tirely to his care, and to be maintained at his own expense, as to garrison as well as civil expenses.'
The project of La Motte Cadillac to enrol and discipline Indians was not authorized. And his short stay prevented the completion of his plans to promote their civilization. The great proficiency of some of these people in agriculture, and their disposition to emulate the customs of their French neighbors, give strong evidence against the heart- less theories which have led to demoralizing and destroying them. No man understood them better than Cadillac, and the opposition to his views came from motives which cannot be approved.
In 1710, La Motte Cadillac left for Louisiana, of which he was made Governor.2
1 9 N. Y. Doc., 827. 3 Wis. Col., 167. 2 9 N. Y. Doc., 857.
CHAPTER VI.
THE FRENCH RULE IN MICHIGAN.
IT is readily seen that up to the settlement of Detroit by La Motte Cadillac, there was nothing out of which any political future could grow. The posts, although important for military pur- poses, had no other significance. Except Detroit, no other establishment in Michigan was allowed to form a nucleus of settlement. And during La Motte's residence the hostile position of the Eng- lish, who employed all possible means to stir up the Indians against it, made its position uneasy and dangerous. His great personal influence over the savages prevented fatal mischief, and his small beginnings were not without some degree of success.
The French system was not designed or cal- culated to build up self-governing communities, and theoretically, and in many cases practically, there was absolutism. But the Royal prerogatives were never delegated to the colonial authorities except in a very qualified way, and although there were great frauds and abuses, there was on the whole a respect for law. The French colonists
78
LEGAL FORMALITIES.
[CHAP. VI.
had a good reputation as not usually litigious ; but they were tenacious of their legal rights as far as they went. The forms of law were kept up to an extent that would have appeared almost ludicrous, but for the real service it rendered in reminding all of the supremacy of justice over great as well as small. The colonists were in no sense abject or slavish. Very few people exhib- ited higher spirit or more personal independence. In this they were in no way behind any of the American settlers.
The powers of La Motte Cadillac, when left invested with the control of Detroit, could not have been less than those belonging to the high- er feudal lordships of France. He asserted plenary power of justice, uncontradicted, before he was granted the seigneurie. But it was not necessary to establish tribunals of any kind, so long as the settlers were confined to the fort, and necessarily subject to the commanding officer's governance. There was usually in every post which was proprietary, and not purely military, that indispensable official in a French settlement, a Public Notary. Every public as well as private transaction was made in his presence as a solemn witness and recorder. The French commanders exploring new regions made public proclamation with great ceremony, placed tablets or other memorials on trees or other convenient places, and caused a procès verbal to be drawn up and signed by all persons of note who were present, and
79
PROCÈS VERBAUX.
CHAP. VI.]
attested by a notary. Where such an officer was not at hand, his place was supplied by competent attesting witnesses. La Salle took with him on his expedition his own notary from Fort Fron- tenac, to secure the formality of his proclamations. The French authorities expressed surprise as well as resentment on discovering that the Iroquois tore down and carried off their documents of pos- session, which they had posted on trees in the woods. When Celoron made his claims on the Ohio, he buried metallic plates properly described in his procès verbaux, and they remained until quite recently unearthed. These documents for public purposes were very like a modern marine protest, which is a narrative of the voyage and incidents which have given occasion for preserving a record of facts that may become important.
The absence of any evidence that Detroit had such an officer in La Motte's time, shows that affairs were rudimentary. His grants, which were drawn with all the skill and formality which would result from long use of the Parfait Notaire, bear no signature but his own, and that of his secretary Grandmesnil, by whom they were transmitted for collation to the Royal Notary of Quebec. It is questionable whether the fort and domain lands were ever granted, except upon lease, until long after.
In the absence of full evidence, we can only conjecture what was the legal condition of affairs after his departure. There can be no question
80
CADILLAC'S ESTATE.
[CHAP. VI.
but that he retained important proprietary rights until May 19th, 1722, when his feudal rights were surrendered or modified ; as the King immediately thereafter authorized lands to be granted by the Governor General and Intendant. The estate which he intended for his own use was reserved, whatever it may have been, and his rights admitted by the Crown. None of his privileges seem to have been given up except the exclusive right of trade, which was annexed to the office of the Commandant, who received it as an equivalent for his expense in maintaining the post.' Letters from Detroit, after his departure, indicate that he had probably farmed out his rights to some one, supposed to be the younger De Tonty. After his death his family sold his Detroit estates to one Bernard Maichen, who never paid but half the purchase price. His grand-daughter and heiress, Madame Gregoire, who obtained from Massachu- setts, in 1782, the remnant of his barony of Bouaquat and Mont Desert, was foiled in her attempts to recover the property in Detroit. Whether it was ever secured by Maichen or his grantees is not known. That title was probably not produced before the land Commissioners, as no grants from Cadillac were established except those made by him personally.
Upon La Motte's departure, De la Forêt was appointed his successor. This gentleman was a
I Royal Letter to Vaudreuil and Bigot, of June 18, 1722 .- 3 Wis. Hist. Col., 167.
81
SIEGE OF DETROIT.
CHAP. VI.]
man of note, having been La Salle's lieutenant and deputy at Fort Frontenac, and afterwards, and at this time, interested with the Chevalier Henry de Tonty in the proprietorship of Fort St. Louis, where Sieur Desliettes or De Liette was stationed. La Forêt was detained by private affairs in Quebec until some time in 1712. The Sieur Dubuisson was ordered to take temporary com- mand, and arrived in 1710. He had a very small force, there being but thirty Frenchmen in the fort. In May, 1712, at the instigation of the Indians in the English interest, a desperate attempt was made to destroy the fort. Two villages of Mascoutins and Outagamies had been established and fortified within pistol-shot of the French fort. These people determined to annihilate the post, and two large bands arrived in the early spring to help them. Dubuisson had timely warning, and took measures to send word to the western nations, and to draw within the fort his grain and supplies, which were stored outside in a store- house near the church. He then destroyed these buildings and several houses which would have endangered the fort if set on fire. He dissembled with the enemy, knowing that if he was supposed to have suspected their plans he would be attack- ed at once. He accordingly gave them to under- stand he expected an assault from the Miamis. and was repairing his defences. The savages were very insolent, and committed depredations on the property of the French outside of the fort, which
6
82
ARRIVAL OF ALLIES.
[CHAP. VI.
he did not venture to resent. It was necessary to sow grain and pasture the cattle, and it was an object to postpone the difficulty. On the 13th of May, M. De Vincennes arrived with seven or eight Frenchmen, but no news of the Indian allies. Suddenly a Huron came into the fort (to their surprise, as the Huron village had been deserted by all but seven or eight men) and informed the French that the Potawatamie war chief and three others were in the Huron fort and desired to counsel with them. Vincennes went over to meet them, and was told that six hundred men would soon arrive to help the garrison. The commander, desirous of sparing life if possible, wished to con- tent himself when his friends should come with driving away his troublesome neighbors. But the Hurons would listen to nothing but a war of ex- termination. Dubuisson at once closed the fort and prepared for the expected attack, and the chaplain performed religious services, and got ready to aid the wounded. At this time Dubuis- son was informed that many people were in sight. He says : " I immediately ascended a bastion, and casting my eyes towards the woods, I saw the army of the nations of the south issuing from it. They were the Illinois, the Missouris, the Osages, and other nations yet more remote. There were also with them the Ottawa Chief Saguina, and also the Potawatamies, the Sacs, and some Menominies. Detroit never saw such a collection of people. It is surprising how much
83
THE ENEMY DECAMP.
CHAP. VI.]
all these nations are irritated against the Mascou- tins and the Outagamies. The army marched in good order, with as many flags as there were different nations, and it proceeded directly to the fort of the Hurons."'
The Hurons said they should not encamp, but enter the fort and fight for the French. The war began at once. The enemy were besieged nineteen days, by a large force of the allies, and the French fort at the same time was in great danger from the burning missiles which came in hundreds and fired the thatched roofs. These were torn off as fast as possible, and replaced with bear and deer skins, and two large pirogues were filled with water, and swabs fixed on long poles to put out any fire as it started. There were times when the Indians within the French fort became discouraged, but the brave comman- der cheered them up. The besieged enemy was cut off from water and food, and lost many killed. The savage besiegers would not allow them to capitulate. At midnight of a dark rainy night they decamped and escaped to Windmill Point, at the entrance of Lake St. Clair, eight miles dis- tant, and threw up entrenchments. In the morn- ing their escape was discovered, and the allies went in pursuit. In their eagerness the assailants did not perceive the defences, and at first lost many men. They were compelled to fortify, and begin a new siege. The besiegers were supplied
I Dubuisson's Narrative, p. 9.
84
GREAT SLAUGHTER.
[CHAP. VI.
abundantly with provisions, and had two cannon. After four days the besieged surrendered, and all but the women and children were slain. The loss of the French and allies was sixty Indians killed and wounded, and six or seven French wounded. The enemy lost a thousand.
The results were very beneficial to Detroit. The Commander received great credit, as did also Vincennes, who thereby escaped from the consequences of some previous disobedience of orders.
De la Forêt arrived soon after the siege, and remained till 1717, when he was succeeded by the younger Tonty, who was also an able officer but avaricious and unscrupulous in trade matters, having been implicated in the frauds of 1703 and 1704, and brought into disgrace with the King."
De la Forêt, in 1714, wrote a memorial upon the subject of maintaining the fort, in which he urged its importance as necessary for the defence of the country and the supply of provisions. He nevertheless desired to have the settlement stopped, and the whole converted into a military trading post, giving the commander an exclusive monopoly, and stopping the sale of trading licen- ses to the settlers, as originated by La Motte, which he there asserts is in conflict with the commandant's rights. In this view he insists the settlers must leave the fort, and represents that
1 9 N. Y. Doc., 808.
85
CONDITION OF DETROIT.
CHAP. VI.]
they cannot improve their lands by reason of exposure to the savages." He, however, submits this to His Majesty's pleasure. In any event he desires to maintain a small garrison of troops.
In 1716, Vaudreuil made an effort to restore the brandy trade among the Indians, applying to the Regent Duke of Orleans, and representing that it could be done in such a way as to prevent excesses. In the same letter he urges a renewal of the sale of licenses for roving traders among the Indians, which had been so troublesome before.2
Whether from respect to La Motte's rights, or for some other cause, no change seems to have been made in the management of affairs at Detroit. While there are no records of land sales, it is apparent the inhabitants were increas- ing ; and they probably held by some tenancy less than freehold, or were allowed to possess vacant lands by the Commandant.
The memoir of 1718 on Indian affairs contains a very complete and graphic description of the whole Lake Region, and devotes considerable space to the Indian villages about the fort at Detroit, and their customs and industries. The Potawatamies, Hurons and Ottawas are represented as raising abundant crops of corn, beans, peas, squashes and melons, and some wheat. The Hurons are remarked as more sedate than the rest, and as the bravest and most intelligent of
1 9 N. Y. Doc., 868.
2 9 N. Y. Doc., 870.
86
CHARLEVOIX AT DETROIT.
[CHAP. VI.
all the nations. The timber trees and natural fruits and nuts of the Detroit region are spoken of in glowing terms. No reference is made to the French.
During this period the post at Mackinaw assumed great importance, but it had no settled population except in connection with the fur trade.
In 1721, Charlevoix visited Detroit, and re- mained several days. He speaks in high terms of Tonty, who was then in command, and of the character of the land and its products. During his visit a council was held with the Indians to suppress the liquor traffic, and to prepare to fight the Outagamies, who had not lost their old hostility. He refers to the attempts which had been made to depreciate the importance of the post, and shows the falsehood of the statements concerning the lands. Incidentally it would appear that there was considerable cultivated land, as he speaks of the same land bearing wheat for many years without manuring, as evidence of the fertility of the soil, and the wheat culture was mostly in the hands of the French. He refers to the Hurons as raising provisions for sale in large quantities, and as sharp traders.
It appears from Dubuisson's report of the siege, that there were cattle enough to be of im- portance to the settlement, in 1712.
In 1720, the English proposed to send horses to Niagara for transportation, and to make a
87
LAND CONCESSIONS.
CHAP. VI.]
settlement there.1 Pack-horses are not often re- ferred to by travellers as early as this, and there is little information about them. In 1719, there were in all Canada 4,024 horses and 18,241 horned cattle. In 1720, there were 5,270 horses, and 24,866 horned cattle. Mrs. Grant, of Laggan, says that in 1761 there were no horses and only one cow at Oswego.2
In 1722, the rights of La Motte Cadillac hav- ing been adjusted, the traffic was ordered to be granted to the Commandant during his tenure of command and no longer, and he was to claim no title to the land at the post, and grant no con- cessions.3 The Governor and Intendant were to
grant these concessions in the name of His Majesty, with no trade privileges beyond the dis- posal of farm products. The grants were not to exceed four arpents wide by forty deep, and to be made in consecutive order. The Commandant was required to obtain building concessions as well as other persons, and to get no other trade rights beyond his continuance in command. But he was to have the use without title of ground for garden and stables.
No attention was paid to this decree by Vaudreuil, or his successor, the first Longueuil. And in 1726, Tonty made an exclusive grant of the right of traffic to four associates, La Marque,
1 9 N. Y. Doc., 1037.
2 Memoirs of an American Lady.
3 Royal decree. 3 Wis. H. Doc., 167, 168.
$8
BEAUHARNOIS AND HOCQUART.
[CHAP. VI.
Chiéry, Nolan and Gatineau, who at once enforced their claims without mercy. The inhabitants sent a vigorous remonstrance against it to the Intend- ant, signed by the ancestors of several of the present French families of Detroit, Chesne, Campau, De Marsac, Bineau, Réaume, Picard, Roubidou, La Devoute and De Gaudefroy, and with the marks of others. The company wrote to the Intendant, urging that the people ought to devote their time to farming and not to trading ; but as the Governor and Intendant had granted no lands, this was not ingenious. Tonty wrote a very insolent letter calling them gens sans aveu, or vagrants, and making some excuses which were evasive and sophistical, but mainly resting on his rights to do as he pleased.1
What action was taken does not appear; but in that same year the Marquis of Beauharnois became Governor, and in 1728 Hocquart was made Intendant, and a new era soon opened on the colony. They were sensible and patriotic, and understood the value of people, while they were not tainted with the fraud and greed of some of their predecessors. Tonty was relieved, and command given Boishébert, who seems, while at Detroit and after he left, to have been a true friend to the inhabitants. In 1728, at some unknown prompting, the King suggested farming out the post at Detroit, but the views of Beau- harnois prevailed and it was not done.2
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