History of the state of New York, political and governmental, Vol. V, Part 1

Author: Smith, Ray Burdick, 1867- ed; Johnson, Willis Fletcher, 1857-1931; Brown, Roscoe Conkling Ensign, 1867-; Spooner, Walter W; Holly, Willis, 1854-1931
Publication date: 1922
Publisher: Syracuse, N. Y., The Syracuse Press
Number of Pages: 572


USA > New York > History of the state of New York, political and governmental, Vol. V > Part 1


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Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30


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William n. Mullow


Horace Freely.


HORACE GREELEY


Horace Greeley, journalist; born at Amherst, N. H., Febru- ary 3, 1811; attended the public schools; apprenticed to the printer's trade in East Poultney, Vt., 1826, 1830; worked as a journeyman printer in Erie, Pa. and after August, 1831 in New York City; began the publication of the Morning Post, January 1, 1833, but it was discontinued soon; published The New Yorker, 1834-1841; edited The Log Cabin in 1840; founded The New York Tribune, April 10, 1841 and edited it until his death; elected as a Whig to the 30th congress to fill vacancy caused by the unseating of David S. Jackson and served from December 4, 1848 to March 3, 1849; visited Europe in 1851 and was chairman of one of the juries at the world's fair; presi- dential elector on the Lincoln and Johnson ticket in 1864; delegate to the state constitutional convention of 1867; at the close of the civil war advocated universal amnesty and universal suffrage and in May, 1867 offered himself as bondsman for Jefferson Davis; in November 1867 appointed by President Johnson United States minister to Austria but declined; nomi- nated by the reform republicans in Cincinnati in 1872 and by the Democrats in Baltimore for the presidency, but was defeated by General Grant; died in an asylum near New York City, November 29, 1872.


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HISTORY


OF THE


STATE OF NEW YORK


POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL V.5


EDITED BY RAY B. SMITH


EXCELSIOR


NATIONAL PARTY HISTORIES BY WILLIS FLETCHER JOHNSON WALTER W. SPOONER WILLIS HOLLY


THE SYRACUSE PRESS, INC. SYRACUSE, N. Y. 1922


COPYRIGHTED THE SYRACUSE PRESS, INC. 1922


1485712


CONTENTS OF VOLUME V


THE REPUBLICAN PARTY


INTRODUCTION


Politics the science of government. 17


Government by political parties. 18


Insignificance and futility of minor parties. 19


The Republican party's record and fitness. 21


"The Party of the Republic"


22


THE FORMATIVE PERIOD


CHAPTER I.


ORIGIN


Genesis of the slavery issue


24


The Kansas-Nebraska bill, 1854.


25


The Whig party comes to its end


26


The new party: its galaxy of noble leaders


27-28


No further extension of slavery.


28-29


The name


29-30


Nathaniel P. Banks elected Speaker


31


CHAPTER II.


THE FIRST CAMPAIGN


The Pittsburgh convention for organization, 1856 32


The first National nominating convention, 1856. 33


Fremont and Dayton.


33-34


The platform, the campaign and the result.


34-37


Position and course of the Democrats.


37-38


John Brown Insurrection 38


Lecompton Constitution


38-39


CHAPTER III.


THE LEADERSHIP OF LINCOLN


1858: The crisis at hand 40


Lincoln and Seward define the issue


41


Lincoln's Senatorial campaign in Illinois


42-43


The Republicans again organize the House


43


1860: Democrats and Constitutional Unionists. 44-45


The Republican convention at Chicago 45


Its platform. 47-48


Lincoln and Hamlin.


49


Their triumphant election.


50-51


WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION CHAPTER IV. THE CIVIL WAR


Liberty and Union 52


Lincoln vs. Buchanan 53


The Emancipation proclamation 54


The Thirteenth amendment, abolishing slavery. 56


1864: Lincoln renominated and reelected. 57-58


CHAPTER V.


CONSTRUCTIVE LEGISLATION


Reformation of the tariff 59-61


Banking and currency 61-63


Homesteads for the people. 63-65


Agriculture and education 65


Pacific Railroad


65-66


CHAPTER VI.


SOME EXTERNAL INTERESTS


Great Britain's course in the Civil War 67


Charles Francis Adams


68


The Geneva award. 69


Louis Napoleon's army decamps from Mexico 70-72


Seward's purchase of Alaska


72-73


CHAPTER VII.


RESTORING THE UNION


President Johnson's differences with Congress 74-76


Reconstruction to maintain the results of the war 76-77


Fourteenth amendment, for civil rights and justice. 77


Representation : no more "three-fifths" people. 80


Removal of disabilities; pensions; debts


81-82


Johnson's unavailing opposition 83


Fifteenth amendment; suffrage regardless of color 84


MATERIAL INTERESTS CHAPTER VIII.


FINANCIAL INTEGRITY


Presidential campaign of 1868 85


Grant and Colfax.


86


Their election


87


Greenbacks, bonds, resumption


87-91


CHAPTER IX.


PROGRESS AND REFORM


The right of expatriation. 92


Completion of the Pacific Railroad.


94


Reform of the civil service 94-95


Postal reform and other achievements. 95


Suppression of the Ku Klux. 96


Campaign of 1872. 97


Grant and Wilson, and their election 98-100


President Grant's second term 100


Specie payments resumed.


101


CHAPTER X.


PROMOTING AMERICAN INDUSTRY


The Democrats win the House, 1874 102


Tariff questions. 103


1876: Hayes and Wheeler. 104-105


President Hayes's administration 105


1880: Garfield and Arthur 106-108


President Garfield; tariff and prosperity.


108


President Arthur. 108


CHAPTER XI. TARIFF CONTROVERSIES


The Civil Service Reform bill passed 110


1884: Blaine and Logan; their defeat 110-112


The Democrats in power. 112-113


1888: Harrison and Morton; their election


114


1892: Harrison and Reid; their defeat.


114-115


The Democratic Wilson-Gorman tariff. 115-116


1896: Mckinley and Hobart; their election 116-118


The Dingley tariff. 118


1900: Mckinley and Roosevelt; their election 118-119


President Mckinley on the tariff. 119


Subsequent tariff history. 119-121-


CHAPTER XII. SOUND MONEY


The silver fallacy 122


The Bland and Sherman acts 123


The great fight of 1896 124


The Gold Standard act. 125


NATIONAL EXPANSION CHAPTER XIII.


NEW STATES AND TERRITORIES


126-127


Admission of States by the Republicans.


Alaska, Hawaii, Philippines, Porto Rico, Panama, etc.


127


The Open door; Pan-American union 128


112


1890: The Mckinley tariff.


The Isthmian canal; Roosevelt and the Kaiser 129 America a world power. 129


International justice, but no wanton meddling. 130


CHAPTER XIV.


"BIG BUSINESS"


Advantages and their abuse 131


The Sherman Anti-Trust act. 132


1904: Roosevelt and Fairbanks; their election. 133


President Roosevelt and the square deal 134


1908: Taft and Sherman; their election 135-136


Currency measures. 136-137


CHAPTER XV.


PARTY READJUSTMENT


The Payne-Aldrich tariff 138


Reciprocity ; Canada's action. 139


1912: The party split .. 139


The Democratic return. 140


1916: Hughes and Fairbanks. 141-142


The second Wilson administration 143


1918: The Republicans regain Congress.


144


CHAPTER XVI. EQUAL SUFFRAGE


Republican platform expressions. ...... 147-149


Republicans and the Nineteenth amendment. 150-152


CHAPTER XVII. NATION OR LEAGUE?


The Senate rejects the Wilson League. 153


Objections to the League .. 155


The referendum. 157


1920: Harding and Coolidge 157-160


Their great victory 160-163


Conclusion 163


THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY


CHAPTER I, 1791-1801


THE PARTY OF THE PEOPLE


Founded to resist favor to the few 171


173


For the equal rights of all.


Early supremacy of the Federalists 173


The Anti-Federalists 174


The doctrine of The most Important people. 175


Democracy abhorred by Hamilton. 176 Grudgingly tolerated by John Adams. 177


Why a British Constitution for us? 179


Thomas Jefferson establishes the Democratic party 180-181


181


Original name. Fundamental principles 182-184


CHAPTER II, 1801-1809 CHARACTER AND ABILITY


The pride of the Important humbled 185


Virtues and shortcomings of the Federalists. 186-188


Jefferson's first administration


188


Creed of the loving supporters of the true faith


189-190


The Democracy and the masses; an appreciation 190-193


193


1804: Jefferson overwhelmingly reelected.


Fearlessness is best. 195


1808: James Madison's first election


195


CHAPTER III, 1809-1824 EVOLUTIONARY PHASES


1812: Madison's second election 196


The Congressional caucus. 197


Free schools and universal manhood suffrage. 198


Popular choice of Presidential Electors 200


Bank and Tariff acts of 1816 202


President James Monroe, 1817-1825. 203


The party completes its evolution 204


Monroe doctrine; Florida; Missouri Compromise. 205


Election of 1824. 206


CHAPTER IV, 1825-1844 THE JACKSONIAN ERA


John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, Andrew Jackson 207


Jackson President, 1829-1837. 208


Details of the Missouri Compromise. 208-209


The National Republican-Whig party 209-210


The spoils; the Bank; South Carolina 210-213


Whig issues 213-217


A curious question. 216


1836: Martin Van Buren elected President. 217-218


The Independent Treasury 219


1840: The first defeat. 219


The party and the Bank 220


First National convention, platform, committee. 221-222


Two parties, and two parties only .. 222-223


Jefferson on certain timorous persons. 194


CHAPTER V, 1844-1848


THE MEXICAN WAR AND THE WILMOT PROVISO


Embarrassments of the Whigs 224


Texas and Oregon .. 225-226


1844: James K. Polk elected President. 227


Results of the Mexican War. 227-230


The Proviso against slavery, a Democratic measure 231


1848: The Proviso defeats the Democrats. 233


CHAPTER VI, 1849-1857


THE PARTY OF THE UNION


The California question. 234


Compromise measures of 1850 235


1852: Franklin Pierce elected President. 238


Stephen A. Douglas; Missouri Compromise repeal. 238


Rise of the Republican party; Know-Nothings 240


Kansas 241


If the Missouri Compromise had not been repealed. 242


Sectionalism; responsibility; right and wrong 243-246


1856: James Buchanan elected President. 247-248


Settlement of the west; Gadsden Purchase; Japan. 248


CHAPTER VII, 1857-1860


THE ISSUES AND ELECTION OF 1860


The irreconcilable differences 249


The mistake of the south.


251


The fateful issue. 252


Lincoln's categorical query and the answer. 254


The insufficient exposure of the Republican platform


256


1860: The Democratic rupture. 257


Douglas the leader. 259


The Republicans and their platform 259-262


Expediency the platform keynote of both parties 262


Douglas's noble reply to an inquirer. 263-264


Lincoln elected; analysis of the vote. 264-265


CHAPTER VIII, 1860-1865


THE CIVIL WAR AND ITS OUTCOME


From November to March: President Buchanan. 266-270


Compromise offers-by the Republicans. 271-273


April 12, 1861 274


Concord followed by discord. 275-277


1864: Mcclellan and Pendleton. 278


An accusation and a retort. 278-279


Why the south is Democratic. 279-282


CHAPTER IX, 1865-1883 TRANSITION AND NEW QUESTIONS


The proscription of President Johnson 283-284


1868: Seymour and Blair. 284-285


1872: Greeley and Brown. 285-288


1874: The revolution. 288-289


The Forty-fourth Congress 289


1876: Tilden and Hendricks 290-292


The eight-to-seven award. 292


1880: Hancock and English. 293-295


Tariff and Civil Service. 296-297


CHAPTER X, 1884-1910 CLEVELAND AND AFTER


Democratic principles. 298


Republican Party=Special Interest 299


Election of Cleveland and Hendricks 300-301


301-302


Cleveland's first administration 302-304


1888: Cleveland and Thurman; defeat. 305-306


1892: Cleveland and Stevenson; victory


Cleveland's second administration 307-309


Defeats of 1896, 1900, 1904, and 1908.


309-313


Animadversions; acceptance of results. 313-314


Concerning panics


314


"Simple politics," but not for long. 315


Strenuosity; the Republican party unable to stand it.


315-317


CHAPTER XI, 1912-1920 WILSON


1912: Election of Wilson and Marshall 318-319


President Wilson's policies and achievements. 320-323


1916: Wilson and Marshall reelected. 323-325


The World War. 325-327


The Versailles treaty and the League of Nations 327-332


The League discussed


332-339


The true Wilsonism. 339


CHAPTER XII, 1920


THE COX CAMPAIGN-WOMAN SUFFRAGE AND THE FUTURE


Greetings to Wilson the leader 340


His critics; Senator Moses, the Sun; his dignity. 340-341


The League unequivocally endorsed. 341-342


Cox and Roosevelt. 342


The Republicans


342


The Socialists and others. 343


The contest


344-350


The election 350-351


The women 351-352


The future lies with the progressives 353


TAMMANY: A GLANCE AT SOME OF ITS REPRESENTATIVE ACTIVITIES, AND A BRIEF DISCUSSION OF ITS POLITICAL CHARACTER.


INTRODUCTION


A duality; a Society and a political organization 357


Harking back 130 years; still "Democratic-Republican" 358


A question of justice-and fact.


359


A campaign charge analyzed.


360-361


Failures of assailants to make good.


362-363


Mr. Kilroe on Tammany's character. 364


Mr. Gratacap's discriminating estimate. 366


PART I.


ORIGIN AND EARLY PHASES


The legendary Indian chieftain 367


Earliest mentions of the Society.


368-369


From the New York Directory, 1789 370


Liberty poles 371-374


William Mooney, grand sachem 374


Burr and Mooney. 375


How some history is made 376


John Pintard


376


President Washington attends a reception


377


Tammany and the Erie canal 378-379


380


The Prison Ship martyrs


384


Connection with the establishment of free schools. 385


Contribution of military forces in the Civil War.


387


PART II.


ASPECTS OF RECENT HISTORY-SPIRIT AND CHARACTERISTICS The Tweed ring. 389


Some considerations for the thoughtful. 390


John Kelly's work of reform. 391


Richard Croker and his successor.


392


The Van Wyck and Mcclellan campaigns.


393


Leader Murphy's judgment. 394


Remarks by Harper's Weekly 395


Tammany's Fourth of July invitation


396


The annual celebrations.


397


Patriotic readiness


398


Benevolence


398


Tammany and the women


399


The Greater New York.


400-402


Some administrative matters 402-403


Tammany and the reds. 405-409


The slogan, "Freedom is our Rock"


410


Thomas F. Smith on Tammany 410-414


Great service for manhood suffrage


ILLUSTRATIONS


with BIOGRAPHIES


Horace Greeley. Frontispiece


REPUBLICAN


George Washington Aldridge.


72


William Barnes, Jr. 152


William Berri.


136


Edward Hubert Butler.


120


Nicholas Murray Butler


136


Roscoe Conkling.


40


Chauncey Mitchell Depew


24


Jacob Sloat Fassett.


120


Reuben Eaton Fenton


24


Lafayette B. Gleason


168


George Alexander Glynn


168


Francis Hendricks


72


Charles Dewey Hilles.


152


Louis F. Payn


104


Serena Elisha Payne.


104


Thomas Collier Platt.


40


Lemuel Ely Quigg


104


Whitelaw Reid


56


Elihu Root


56


James Schoolcraft Sherman


88


Ray Burdick Smith


168


William Almon Wheeler.


88


William Russell Willcox 152


136


DEMOCRATIC


Thomas Francis Conway 328


Samuel Sullivan Cox


200


Thomas Francis Grady.


296


D-Cady Herrick.


248


David Bennett Hill.


216


Daniel Scott Lamont.


280


Norman Edward Mack


328


Patrick Henry McCarren


264


Hugh Mclaughlin


264


Andrew McLean


216


Daniel Manning


232


Edward Murphy, Jr


280


Morgan J. O'Brien.


312


Charles O'Conor


200


William Church Osborn.


328


Franklin Delano Roosevelt


344


Timothy Lester Woodruff.


William Francis Sheehan


312


John B. Stanchfield. 344


Samuel Jones Tilden. 184


Augustus Van Wyck. 296


Smith Mead Weed 248


William Collins Whitney


232


TAMMANY


Richard Croker 376


Thomas F. Foley


408


Louis F. Haffen. 376


John Ogden Hoffman, 3d. 360


John Kelly


376


Charles Francis Murphy


392


Lewis Nixon.


408


John Pintard.


360


John C. Sheehan.


392


Thomas F. Smith


408


Timothy Daniel Sullivan


408


John R. Voorhis


392


Tammany Hall Views


356


FOREWORD


Millions of our citizens have recently been enfranch- ised. The necessity for their speedy amalagamation into the body politic with a full understanding of the re- sponsibilities involved in the exercise of the elective franchise as contemplated by the founders of our Nation has seemed to me to require the presentation in brief concise form of a history of the two great poli- tical parties, now charged by the people with respon- sibility for the conduct of our national affairs. This is essential if their power is to be exerted in support of established principles of government fundamentally necessary to a continuation of our institutions.


The questions necessarily arising and which must be fairly and satisfactorily answered are: Is it the duty of an elector to affiliate with and actively partici- pate in the management of any political party? If an- swered affirmatively, why one of the two great national parties rather than a minor or independent party or body? If one of the dominant parties, which one and why? How do they differ in principle? What has each stood for and accomplished in the past? What can be reasonably expected of each in the future?


The first two queries are answered briefly in the in- troduction to the Republican article. The answers to the other questions will be found, I trust, after a care- ful perusal of the contents of this volume, supple- mented, if more detailed information is desired, by ref- erence to the respective party platforms contained in the volume dealing with "National Parties and their Platforms."


The article on the Republican party was published in advance as a separate booklet in substantially its present form and circulated to some extent during the campaign of 1920. With the Republican article before him, the Democratic article was written by Walter W. Spooner. A member of the well known Spooner family, a thorough student and careful writer, an in- tense and devoted Democrat, just and impartial in his estimate and treatment of those who differed with him, he regarded the preparation of this article as a duty he owed his party and the public. It was completed shortly before his death and was a fitting conclusion to a life devoted to literary and educational work.


A history of the Democratic party, state or national, would be far from complete without some special ac- count of the Tammany Society of New York. Organ- ized for patriotic and benevolent purposes, the Society soon became an influential factor in political affairs. Its position is unique in the history of our country as the one intra-party organization that for more than a century and a quarter has exerted at all times a power- ful influence in shaping the policies of the party with which it was affiliated, and as such has been an impor- tant factor in political and governmental affairs. Willis Holly has briefly sketched its activities in a manner that will attract the interest of even those who have been taught to regard its influence with suspicion and distrust.


These articles have been written by men devoted to the principles of their respective party organizations. The purpose sought is clear. Their influence should prove helpful in obtaining a clearer vision and under- standing of our government. R. B. S.


INTRODUCTION


T HIS is a history, in brief, of the national Republican party. It is not a political treatise or special plea. It aims to present a concise, coherent narrative of events and achievements, with only such explanation and comment as may be neces- sary to make the relation of cause and effect clear to the reader's mind and thus to indicate what the Repub- lican party has stood for in the life of the American nation, what it stands for to-day, and what it prom- ises for the future.


Politics is the science of government. Nicholas Murray Butler has well said: "Politics is not office- seeking; politics is not the use of devious arts of the demagogue or the self-seeker to secure power over men. Politics is one of the noblest and finest words in our language. It is nothing but the doctrine of how to live together happily and helpfully in organized society. In an autocracy, whether imperialist or socialist, there will be no need for politics. In an autoc- racy our politics will be made for us by some one else. In a democratic republic we make our own politics. In a republic every good citizen is or should be an active politician, because free government will not take care of itself. American institutions will not preserve them- selves. They need the care, they need the devotion, they need the protection of thoughtful, high-minded,


17


18


POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK


and patriotic men and women who are deeply interested in politics and deeply concerned about politics."


American government is a government by political parties. It was so intended at the foundation of our constitutional system. The very genius of our institu- tions requires that there shall be two great parties, one to exercise the authority and bear the responsibility of conducting the actual government, the other to serve as check and critic, not obstructive but constructive, the two alternating in power as their respective policies and theories of legislation and administration may from time to time best serve the varying needs of the nation. It is in this way that the best results of constructive statesmanship have hitherto been attained and the greatest progress made in the science of government.


This system was gradually developed from the time of the Revolution until in 1832 it assumed its present form, with popular nominating conventions for elective officers and with party platforms, or declarations of principles and programs of action, announcing to the electorate the issues to be determined and the policies purposed to be pursued. This system of representa- tive and responsible party government has become firmly established as fundamental to the American republic. It is true that our history teems with the records of "independent," "third party," or other like movements, some of which for a brief space have had more or less spectacular careers. But the great lesson which their record teaches is their general futility, if not at times actual mischief.


It is a literal fact that not one such party has ever


19


THE REPUBLICAN PARTY


succeeded either in perpetuating itself or in justifying its existence by accomplishing its aims. Thus the Abolition party arose in 1840, but exercised no domi- nant influence in a single State. In 1844, however, it did draw enough votes away from Henry Clay to defeat him and to elect James K. Polk, thus actually injuring the cause that it professed to serve. It was left not for that or any like organization but for the Republican party finally to abolish slavery. So the "Anti-Masonic," the "Know-Nothing," the "Constitutional Union," and other parties before the Civil War ran their little courses, caused some agitation, often mere irritation, and at all times more evil than good. They disappeared without a single enduring and beneficent achievement to their credit. In like manner there have been many similar organizations or so-called parties since the Civil War, such as Greenback, Liberal, Silver, Populist, Socialist, Socialist Labor, and Prohibition. Not one of them has ever even approximated control of the gov- ernment. Not one has ever achieved its purpose. One of the most notable and most recent examples has been that of the Prohibition party, which has existed for many years but which at the end entered into a decline and saw the very work that it had vainly striven to do performed by the two great parties against which it had indiscriminately waged its futile warfare.


With this instructive record of minor party ineffi- ciency and failure before them, American citizens would be blind indeed if they did not perceive the path of duty. That duty is to choose intelligently and on principle between the two great parties which alone are


20


POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK


capable of patriotic efficiency; to affiliate themselves loyally with the party of their deliberate choice; and to participate actively in its management and conduct. It is generally recognized to be the duty of every Ameri- can citizen to vote at elections. Similarly it is the duty of every one to participate in the primary elections of his or her party. If citizens of the republic were gen- erally to abstain from voting we should expect the affairs of the country to be neglected and abused. So if members of a party abstain from interesting themselves in its direction it is bound to suffer abuse. It is from such neglect on the part of citizens that the evils of party management have arisen.


No rational and loyal American citizen thinks of asserting his "independence" of the republic or of setting up a rival government. Even if he wishes to have changes and reforms made in the government, he seeks to make them "from the inside." Since, then, it is the established principle of the nation that its gov- ernment shall be conducted through the agency of two major parties, it becomes scarcely less incumbent upon citizens to recognize those parties, to exercise their political activities in them and through them, and, if ever they desire changes in them, to make them "from the inside." To assert independence of all party affilia- tion and to support only such party candidates and measures as may occasionally appeal to us would be only a little less illogical and reprehensible than to withhold complete allegiance to the government itself and to support it only when it particularly pleases us to do so.




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