USA > New York > History of the state of New York, political and governmental, Vol. V > Part 21
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CHAPTER XI WILSON 1912-1920
T HE Presidential campaign of 1912 was ushered in by a fierce struggle for the Republican nom- ination between President Taft and former President Roosevelt, which terminated in the success of Taft at the national convention held in Chicago (June 18-22), after the necessary resort to "steam- roller" methods in awarding seats to contesting dele- gates in the latter's interest. Vice-President Sherman was renominated. In protest against the arbitrary doings most of the Roosevelt delegates withdrew from the convention upon its organization, and following its adjournment they, with numerous sympathizers, held a meeting and launched the new Progressive party, which met in Chicago in national convention August 5-7 and nominated Roosevelt for President and Hiram W. Johnson, of California, for Vice-President, on a plat- form advocating various advanced measures-prom- inent among which was that favoring popular review of judicial decisions by means of the referendum.
Woodrow Wilson received the Presidential nomina- tion of the Democrats, forty-six ballots being taken by the convention, which met in Baltimore June 25 to
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July 3. Thomas R. Marshall was made the Vice- Presidential candidate by acclamation after two ballots.
From the time of the Republican split there was no doubt as to Democratic victory at the polls. Wilson, however, was not content to bide the assured result at leisure, but made an active speaking campaign, power- fully presenting the matters at issue. While treating specific questions, particularly those of tariff, business, human interests, etc., with frankness and lucidity, his addresses were of chief note for the promise of a pur- poseful program, indicating comprehensive aims.
Wilson received 435 Electoral votes; Roosevelt, 88, consisting of the full votes of Michigan, Minnesota, Pennsylvania, and South Dakota, and 11 of the 13 in California; Taft, 8, furnished by Utah and Vermont. The popular vote was: Wilson, 6,286,214; Roosevelt, 4,126,120; Taft, 3,483,922; Debs (Socialist), 897,071; Chafin (Prohibition), 208,928; Reimer (Socialist Labor), 29,079. On account of the peculiar nature and circumstances of the contest, with Democratic triumph a foregone conclusion and an active yet only extemporized third party in the field, the popular figures were valueless for the purpose of basic party comparison. Not so the results on members of the House and Senate. The new (Sixty-third) Congress was politically divided as follows: House-291 Democrats, 127 Republicans, 9 Progressives, 7 Pro- gressive-Republicans, and 1 Independent; Senate- 51 Democrats, 44 Republicans, and 1 Prohibitionist. It was manifest that the Roosevelt popular vote was primarily personal, and that as a factor for the future
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the Progressive party was insignificant compared to the old Standpat organization.
Corresponding to the national result was the general Democratic success on State tickets. Twenty-one of the thirty-five Governors elected were Democrats. One of these was James M. Cox in Ohio.
The Democratic purpose of instituting and carrying out a comprehensive program, as declared by Mr. Wilson in the canvass, was undertaken without delay, prosecuted with system, diligence, and unprecedented party unity, and for both its magnitude and detailed benefits showed a wonderful record of achievement. There is in American history no other record of valuable party performance within a similar space of time that will bear comparison with it.1 April 7, 1913, a special session of Congress convened pursuant to the President's call, and began the great constructive work by framing and enacting the Underwood-Simmons Tariff law, a measure which fully met the Democratic promises to the people and was distinguished for eco- nomic soundness and great fairness. The first Income Tax law under the newly adopted Sixteenth amendment to the Constitution2 was passed; and the great Federal
1George Harvey, in an article on "Six Months of Wilson" (North Ameri- can Review, November, 1913) said: "All that has been predicted of the effectiveness of Woodrow Wilson has been realized. No President of the United States has demonstrated greater capacity for true leadership. None, barring Lincoln, was confronted at the outset by a larger number of perplex- ing problems. None has met his difficulties with more sagacity or resolved them more skillfully."
2Also early in Wilson's first term the Seventeenth amendment, providing for the election of United States Senators by the people, became effective. It
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Reserve system of banking and currency was formu- lated at the special session and established as law at the regular session, the act being signed by the President December 23, 1913. Next came the Federal Trade commission law, in the interest of fair methods in trade competition ; and the Clayton Anti-Trust law, based on just restraints with real meaning and force back of them, as well as on vital principles affecting labor, and especially on the truth that the labor of a human being is not to be regarded merely as a commodity or an article of commerce-or, as more pithily expressed by the Democratic platform of 1920, "Labor is not a commodity ; it is human." The President's cabinet was enlarged by the organization of the Department of Labor, and the first Secretary of Labor was appointed (1913).
Among the numerous other domestic measures of the government under President Wilson, primarily con- nected with the Democratic party program and there- fore separated from the exigent conditions attending the war in Europe and our later participation in it, are to be mentioned new acts on rural credit, child labor, agricultural education, highway improvement, and seamen's protection, and revisions of the statutes relat- ing to public lands, conservation, and reclamation. At an early period of Democratic control a farm loan sys- tem with land mortgage banks was created, and follow- ing that important work attention was given to other
was mainly due to the demands and activities of the Democrats that both the Sixteenth and Seventeenth amendments were proposed to the States and ratified by the required number.
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matters for the welfare of the agricultural interests, one of the conspicuous results being the Smith-Lever Agri- cultural Extension act. With a view to removing the tariff question so far as possible from politics by com- mitting its details to the dispassionate consideration and advice of experts, the non-partisan Tariff commission was established (1917).
Some of the most important governmental decisions and acts in the eight years of Wilson's Presidency were concerned with our external relations and interests in connections altogether apart from the World War. The Mexican question, never more difficult or serious than during the two Wilson administrations, was dealt with on discriminating principles and in a spirit of enlight- ened forbearance which time and events have approved. The law exempting American coastwise shipping from tolls in the Panama canal was repealed because it vio- lated the provision of the Hay-Pauncefote treaty that the canal should be open to the vessels of all nations on "terms of entire equality." A treaty was negotiated for the just settlement of the claims of Colombia, but on account of Republican opposition in the Senate it failed of ratification. In order to remedy anarchic conditions in Hayti and the Dominican Republic the administra- tive affairs of those countries were taken over by the United States. Great progress was shown in the peace- ful development of the Philippine Islands. The im- portant Virgin Islands, in the West Indies, were ac- quired by purchase from Denmark. The "dollar di- plomacy" of the Taft administration governing our dealings with certain backward peoples, particularly
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those of Central America and China, was terminated. Treaties pledging and requiring arbitration of differ- ences before resorting to war were entered into with many countries.
In 1914 the country's endorsement was given the administration at the Congressional elections, 232 Democrats being returned against 194 Republicans, 7 Progressives, 1 Independent, and 1 Socialist. Seats were gained by the Democrats in the Senate.
Wilson and Marshall were renominated, both by acclamation, by the Democratic national convention of 1916, held in St. Louis June 14-16.
The Republicans (Chicago, June 7-10) chose as their candidates Charles E. Hughes, of New York, and Charles W. Fairbanks, of Indiana. Theodore Roose- velt was nominated by the Progressives, who met in Chicago at the same time as the Republicans, and for the Vice-Presidency they named John M. Parker, of Louisiana. Mr. Roosevelt declined, advising his fol- lowers to support the Republican ticket. The Pro- gressive national committee decided not to substitute anyone in his place, whereupon the party, which had begun its career so ambitiously in 1912, came to an end.
In the contest of 1916 many new and confusing ele- ments and questions were involved. Sympathies and considerations for and against the administration were largely determined by varying individual views con- cerning its treatment of the problems of the World War. The subject, on account of the President's tremendous responsibilities, the gravity of the situation for the United States in every aspect, and the solemnity
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of the question as to our future duty, had no relation to party ; it belonged solely to the sphere of earnest and conscientious thought-except as influenced in certain quarters by the sinister influences of anti-Ally hate and conspiracy, with the substantial result of disloyalty in the circumstances, to which President Wilson referred in his noble retort to O'Leary. There was much intem- perate declamation by individuals, but both parties, to their honor, abstained from making any issue as against each other respecting the delicate matter that depended altogether on future events. Mr. Hughes, the Repub- lican candidate, bore himself with eminent dignity, seeking no unfair advantage, and thereby afforded little satisfaction to the more pronounced foes of the Allies, although unquestionably they gave him their votes in the main on the principle of anything to beat Wilson.
Wilson had 277 Electoral votes, Hughes 254; the deciding State was California (with 13 Electors), in which the result was considered doubtful for two days, when Wilson was seen to have a plurality of about 4,000. Notwithstanding heavy Hughes pluralities in several of the great eastern States, Wilson's national plurality was nearly 600,000. Thirty States went for Wilson (including eleven of the twelve where women were admitted to the suffrage), and eighteen decided for Hughes.
Wilson States :- Alabama, Arizona, Arkansas, Cali- fornia, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Mexico, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Okla-
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homa, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vir- ginia, Washington, and Wyoming; in addition, 1 Elector in West Virginia.
Hughes States :- Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Maine, Massachussetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New Jersey, New York, Oregon, Pennsyl- vania, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Vermont, West Virginia (7 Electors of the 8), and Wisconsin.
Popular vote of the nation :- Wilson, 9,129,606; Hughes, 8,538,221 ; Benson (Socialist), 585,113; Hanly (Prohibition), 220,506; Progressive Electors, 41,894; Reimer (Socialist Labor), 13,403.
During the first twenty months of President Wilson's second term the country had no politics in the party sense. No issue, consideration, or calculation of party -in the respect, at least, of essential division between the Democrats and Republicans-was concerned in any of the matters leading up to the declaration of war on Germany (April 6, 1917) or connected with the war's prosecution.
There had been a carping spirit in relation to "insuf- ficient preparedness"-as if preparedness of the huge sort that alone would be of use were simply a matter of logical and automatic performance by the government during a state of peace and moreover without the indis- pensable authority of a policy actually anticipatory of war having been favored by the country, or by either of its responsible political parties, in the Presidential campaign or subsequently pending the development of events. Anticipation of war in the manner of personal conviction of its coming was easy for all of us; but to
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go to Congress and the people with a program of official war arrangement and the necessary colossal expense would have been a seriously different proposition under the peace conditions and policy.
But when the war came it was found that the admin- istration was ready with matured plans, wise measures, a coordinated program, and a most extensive and powerful organization. Moreover, the war, from the government's standpoint, was to be no little war, no mere comfortable war principally for the supply of the Allies and quite passive militarily on our part until the Germans should come over to invade us. It should be a war of absolute and entire national consecration, to which all our resources should be devoted not only, but all the mighty offensive power of our fighting men. In powerful and enthralling addresses Wilson pledged it, and every act of the government corresponded to his resolute spirit and immense energy. We did not wait to discuss the draft as Britain in deadly peril had done, but voted it at once under the Selective Service law, one of the truest democratic measures ever adopted. Wisely planned measures covering every possible phase of war and related activity were continually brought forward, adopted with the applause of the whole country, and administered (very often for pay of a dollar a year) by the ablest men and women. The people cooperated with exalted emotion, abounding zeal, and noble sacri- fice. The boys thronged to the recruiting offices to have the honor of voluntary service.
In mid-autumn of 1918 the war was won. It remained only for the Allies and the United States as their
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associate to make preliminary stipulations to the Ger- mans and enact peace. The President had far-seeing views respecting the basis of peace, views that all the world knew. They centered in the principle of a peace to end war. He fully understood that there would be fundamental conflicts of interest and opinion at the Peace conference, and that questions of the greatest im- portance would arise in the United States. In his work as the nation's leader it would be of the first consequence to have the agency of a party majority in the House and Senate, an agency without which, under our system of government, there never can be assurance of the success- ful functioning of administrative policy ; and he there- fore requested the people to choose a Democratic Con- gress at the elections in November. This was refused, and both houses passed out of Democratic control. The subsequent results have well justified his appeal.
The vote of 1918 was not on any defined question of the policies and measures to follow the war. There obtained at that time no war or peace question dividing the parties. It remained for the Republican party to make one.
Soon after the signing of the armistice (November 11, 1918), President Wilson announced his decision to participate in the Peace conference in Paris on behalf of the government of the United States. In the official announcement it was stated that he considered his pres- ence necessary "in order to obviate the manifest disad- vantages of discussion by cable in determining the greater outlines of the final treaty, about which he must necessarily be consulted." He purposed to assume and
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exercise personally and on the spot his full constitu- tional duty as the Executive of his country. Charged with the obligation of negotiating treaties (an obliga- tion which, so far as the initiatory and immediately de- terminate steps were concerned, rested upon him alone), and animated with the most intense conviction as to the indispensable nature of the "greater outlines" that should distinguish the final treaty for the future peace of the world and the good of all humanity, he deemed it incumbent on him to perform the labors directly in- stead of delegating his authority. His position before the world indeed required that decision and action. It had been thoroughly agreed by the Allies that the peace should be based on the principles of President Wilson, and he had been the world's spokesman to Germany. The principles of President Wilson were the principles of American democracy, and were universally known to have their concrete expression for the coming great oc- casion in the proposition of an effective League of Na- tions-a proposition as to which there had arisen not the slightest dissent.
Sailing from the United States on the 4th of Decem- ber he arrived at Brest on the 13th, and the next day in Paris delivered an address to a deputation that waited on him in which he said: "This has indeed been a people's war. It has been waged against absolutism and militarism, and these enemies of liberty must from this time forth be shut out from the possibility of working their cruel will upon mankind. In my judgment it is not sufficient to establish this principle. It is necessary that it should be supported by a cooperation of the
NORMAN EDWARD MACK
Norman Edward Mack, publisher and political leader; born July 24, 1858; educated in the public schools; established in Buffalo the Sunday Times in 1879 and Daily Times in 1883, of which he has since been both editor and publisher; has repre- sented his party in local and state conventions for over 35 years ; attended first national convention as delegate in 1892; elected six times as member of democratic national committee and when present term expires will have held the position of national committeeman for 24 years; elected chairman of the national committee in 1908 and served four years and retired after con- ducting the affairs of the party during the national convention at Baltimore in 1912; held the position of chairman of the national committee, member of the national committee and chairman of the democratic state committee in 1911 and 1912; appointed New York state member of Panama Pacific Exposition commission in 1912 by Governor John A. Dix, and elected chairman and held that position until the expiration of the commission in 1915 during which time he spent a year in San Francisco.
WILLIAM CHURCH OSBORN
William Church Osborn, lawyer; born Chicago, Ill. Decem- ber 21, 1862; graduated from Princeton, 1883, Harvard law school, 1889; practiced law in New York City since 1889; delegate to New York state constitutional convention, 1894; legal member New York state commission in lunacy, 1899; legal advisor to Governor Dix, 1911; chairman market com- mittee of state food investigating commission, 1912; chairman democratic state committee, 1914-1916; candidate for democratic nomination for governor against Alfred E. Smith in democratic primaries, 1918; resident of Garrison, Putnam county.
THOMAS FRANCIS CONWAY
Thomas Francis Conway, lieutenant governor; born at Ches- terfield, Essex county, May 4, 1862; graduated from Keeseville academy, 1878; taught district schools and studied law; ad- mitted to the bar, 1885; practiced at Keeseville, 1885-1890 and then moved to Plattsburg and entered the firm of Weed, Smith & Conway, later Conway & Weed; has practiced for many years in New York City; was delegate to democratic national conven- tions 1896 and 1900; candidate for attorney general on demo- cratic state ticket, 1898 and 1900; elected lieutenant governor, 1910.
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nations which shall be based upon fixed and definite covenants and which shall be made certain of effective action through the instrumentality of a League of Na- tions. I believe this to be the conviction of all thought- ful and liberal men."
The Peace conference held its first session on the 18th of January, 1919, the opening address being made by the President of France, Raymond Poincaré. It is well to recall the weighty and unequivocal words with which M. Poincaré defined for the whole Allied world the chief predetermined object of the assemblage-as follows :
"You will, in conformity with the fourteenth of the propositions [President Wilson's Fourteen Points] unanimously adopted by the great Allied powers, estab- lish a general League of Nations which will be the supreme guarantee against any fresh assault upon the rights of peoples. You do not intend this international association to be directed against anybody in the future. It will not of a set purpose shut out anybody, but, hav- ing been organized by the nations that have sacrificed themselves in the defense of right, it will receive from them its statutes and fixed rules.
"It will lay down conditions concerning present or future adherence, and as it is to have for its essential aim the prevention as far as possible of the renewal of wars it will above all seek to gain respect for the peace which you will have established and will find it less difficult to maintain in proportion as this peace will in itself imply the greater realities of justice and safer guarantees of stability.
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"By establishing this new order of things you will meet the aspirations of humanity which, after the fear- ful convulsions of the blood-stained years, ardently wishes to feel itself protected against the ever possible revival of primitive savagery. An immortal glory will attach to the names of the nations and the men who have desired to cooperate in this grand work in faith and brotherhood and who have taken pains to eliminate from the future peace causes of disturbance and in- stability."
In exact conformity to the decision and plan thus authoritatively declared, the covenant of the League of Nations was formulated by the representatives of the principal powers and, after amendment, was embodied in the treaty of Versailles with Germany. The same covenant was later incorporated in other treaties. Its objects are stated in the preamble in these noble words : "To promote international cooperation and to achieve international peace and security by the acceptance of obligations not to resort to war; by the presciption of open, just, and honorable relations between nations ; by the firm establishment of the understandings of interna- tional law as the actual rule of conduct among govern- ments ; and by the maintenance of justice and a scrupu- lous respect for all treaty obligations in the dealings of organized peoples with one another."
Pending the development of the settlements of the Peace conference-indeed, as early as a single month after the opening of that body, when the many questions of the peace were still under only preliminary consider- ation,-several of the controlling Republican members
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of the United States Senate began a determined attack on the proposed League, alleging that its constitution amounted to a surrender of the rights and sovereignty of the United States. Speeches in condemnation of the League were delivered in the Senate by Mr. Poindexter (Washington) on February 19, Mr. Borah (Idaho) on February 21, Mr. Lodge (Massachusetts) on February 28, and Mr. Knox (Pennsylvania) on March 1; follow- ing which thirty-nine Republican Senators signed a statement declaring : "While it is the sincere desire that the nations of the world should unite to promote peace and general disarmament, the constitution of the League of Nations in the form now proposed should not be accepted by the United States."
Meantime President Wilson had returned for a brief period, and by his invitation a number of the Senators called on him and gave him their views. On March 13 he was back in Paris, where with his colleagues of the other nations he resumed the arduous and delicate task of developing and perfecting the treaty. Serious oppo- sition in the conference to the League covenant ceased ; in particular, M. Clemenceau, representing France, who originally had doubted the efficacy of the League as a means for assuring security to his country, now changed his opinion and heartily favored the covenant.1 Aside from the plaints of the American Senatorial combine and the Wilson-hating Republican press, the only utterances of dissatisfaction were from the defeated Germans, who were inveterately antagonistic
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