USA > New York > History of the state of New York, political and governmental, Vol. V > Part 7
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The Democrats met in national convention at Balti- more on July 9 and, realizing the hopelessness of running a ticket of their own, with little demur ratified the candidates of the Liberal Republicans; thus accepting as their leader the man whom down to that day they had most of all reviled and detested and who had been their bitterest foe and most scathing critic in the American press. They also adopted without change, save of party name, the platform of the Liberals. This provoked a revolt of many Democrats, who held another convention at Louisville, Kentucky, and nominated Charles O'Conor of New York for President and John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts for Vice-President on a platform of State rights, strict construction of the Constitution, and a tariff for reve- nue only.
Amid all these criticisms and attacks from varied sources the Republican party pursued the steadfast tenor of its way. It met in convention at Philadelphia on June 5, unanimously renominated President Grant, and named Henry Wilson of Massachusetts for Vice- President. The platform recounted the achievements of the party during its eleven years' control of the na- tional government. It pledged the party to a compre- hensive scheme of progressive and constructive states- manship, including civil service reform; reservation of public lands for homesteads for actual settlers ; a tariff for revenue so adjusted as to aid in securing remuner- ative wages for American workingmen and to promote
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the industries, prosperity, and growth of the whole country ; pensions for soldiers and sailors; the main- tenance of the rights of American citizens abroad, naturalized as well as native; abolition of the much- abused franking privilege and reduction of the rates of postage; legislation to give protection and opportunity to capital, and to labor a just share of the profits of in- dustry ; and the restoration of American shipbuilding and ocean commerce.
In this platform, for the first time in a platform of either of the great parties, appeared a cordial recog- nition of the obligations of the nation to the women of America "for their noble devotion to the cause of free- dom," an expression of satisfaction at their entrance into wider spheres of activity and usefulness, and a pledge of respectful consideration for whatever demands they might make for rights as citizens.
Various other conventions were held that year of minor parties and factions, serving chiefly to illustrate the futility of such movements. Among them were those of the Prohibition party, the Labor Reform party, and the Liberal Colored Republicans.
Greeley carried Maryland, Georgia, Texas, Mis- souri, Kentucky, and Tennessee, with 66 Electoral votes, and received 2,834,079 popular votes. He died before the meeting of the Electoral College, and 63 of his votes were divided among other candidates, while three, from Georgia, were rejected as void be- cause they had been cast for him notwithstanding his decease. The votes of Arkansas (6) and Louisiana (8) were rejected by Congress. Grant carried all
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other States with 286 Electoral votes and received 3,597,070 popular votes. The "Straight-out" Demo- crats polled only 30,297 votes for Mr. O'Conor, and the Prohibition candidate got 5,627 votes. A strongly Republican Congress was elected at the same time.
Following this election the Forty-second Congress continued to the end of its term its work of constructive legislation. It abolished the franking privilege for members of Congress, which has since been restored; and it established the inestimably valuable Life Saving Service on the Atlantic coast. It also, early in Febru- ary, 1873, took the very important action of discontinu- ing after April 1 the coinage of the standard silver dollar, confining silver coinage to subsidiary coins and to "trade dollars" for use chiefly in Asiatic commerce and not legal tender in the United States. This was the first step in the protracted controversy over the "silver question," which did not, however, become acute until a number of years later, when it convulsed the nation in two campaigns.
The Forty-third Congress, in Grant's second term, continued the good work. It abolished all duties on tea and coffee, and made great reductions of import duties. It provided for the sale of public lands con- taining coal to encourage mining ; passed stringent laws for the protection of animals from cruelty while being transported on railroads or otherwise; required National banks to restore their capital when impaired ; and encouraged the growth of timber on the treeless western plains. It authorized the establishment of public marine schools for instruction in navigation and
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seamanship to encourage the American shipping indus- try. Then, near the end of its term, the Senate in December, 1874, and the House in January, 1875, enacted a bill, which President Grant signed on Janu- ary 14, providing, as hereinbefore stated, for the resumption of specie payments on January 1, 1879. In both Senate and House every Republican voted for this measure and every Democrat voted against it. One of the last important acts of this Republican Congress was the appropriation of $5,200,000 for the construc- tion of jetties for the improvement of navigation at the mouth of the Mississippi River, an act of immense value to the commerce of the central part of the United States and of national importance.
Despite this record of usefulness, a serious financial panic, accompanied with widespread business depres- sion in 1873, caused such political reaction that in the fall of 1874 the Democrats made great gains and elected a strong majority in the House of Representatives of the Forty-fourth Congress-their first majority in that body since 1859. The Republicans, however, retained a majority in the Senate.
CHAPTER X PROMOTING AMERICAN INDUSTRY
W ITH the return of a Democratic majority in the House of Representatives which met in 1875, the period of Republican control of the government ended, and thereafter authority and respon- sibility were divided between the two parties with the natural result of greatly diminished efficiency. The President continued his prudently progressive Repub- lican policies, establishing in September, 1875, the sys- tem of fast mail trains which effected so great an im- provement in the mail service ; and later in the same year making a noteworthy recommendation for universal secular and compulsory education. He was, however, largely dependent upon Congress for support, and the two houses were seldom able to agree save on the most necessary routine matters. The Republican Senate was generally able, however, to thwart the reactionary proposals of the Democratic House, and to maintain the governmental policies which had proved so bene- ficial to the country.
A noteworthy enterprise of the Grant administration was the giving of national patronage to the World's Fair at Philadelphia, with which the one hundredth anniversary of the Declaration of Independence was commemorated. This exhibition of the industry, com-
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merce, and art of all nations was the most extensive ever thus far held in the world, and it had an effect of inestimable value in acquainting America and the rest of the world with each other and in stimulating our domestic industry and foreign commerce.
Meantime the question of the tariff, of protection or free trade, increased in importance and became more and more a direct issue between the two parties, the great mass of Republicans inclining toward a tariff for the protection of American industry and the great mass of Democrats toward a "revenue tariff" or free trade. In 1872 the Republican platform had declared plainly for a tariff which, while of course primarily for revenue, should be so adjusted as to favor American interests. The Liberal Republican and Democratic platform evaded the issue by remitting it to Congress for its determination-an equivocal course which was necessary because the majority of the Demo- crats were pronounced free traders, while their candi- date, Mr. Greeley, was an extreme protectionist. In the platforms of 1876 more definite stands were taken. The Republicans declared that tariff duties, levied for the primary purpose of revenue, "should be adjusted to promote the interests of American labor and advance the prosperity of the whole country." The Democrats denounced the protective tariff as "a masterpiece of injustice, inequality, and false pretense," and demanded that "all custom house taxation shall be only for revenue."
In that year the Republicans, after a spirited contest among various candidates, nominated Rutherford B.
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Hayes of Ohio for President and William A. Wheeler of New York for Vice-President on a platform which, beside the tariff plank, confirmed the results of the war and demanded resumption of specie payments, protec- tion of the free public school system, the reservation of public lands for free homes for the people, the protec- tion of American citizens impartially, whether native or naturalized, and the suppression of polygamy as a "relic of barbarism." It also recognized with approval the substantial advances made by various Republican State Legislatures toward the establishment of equal citizenship rights for women, and repeated the former pledge of respectful consideration for all demands for the further extension of those rights. The Democrats nominated Samuel J. Tilden of New York for Presi- dent and Thomas A. Hendricks of Indiana for Vice- President on a platform which denounced practically everything that the Republican government had been responsible for, especially its fiscal policy, and de- manded the repeal of the act for the resumption of specie payments.
The ensuing campaign was comparatively spiritless. In a number of States gross frauds were committed, both in the voting and in the counting of votes and making of returns, and in consequence the result of the election was disputed. The controversy was made the worse by the lack of legislation for the canvassing of the Electoral votes and declaration of the result. A compromise was finally arrived at between the Repub- lican Senate and the Democratic House, under which a special Electoral commission was constituted, con-
SERENO ELISHA PAYNE
Sereno Elisha Payne, congressman; born at Hamilton, N. Y., June 28, 1843; graduated from University of Rochester, 1864; admitted to the bar, 1866; practiced at Auburn, N. Y .; city clerk of Auburn, 1868-1871; supervisor, 1871-1872; district attorney Cayuga county 1873-1879; president of the board of education, Auburn, 1879-1882; member of congress from 1883 to 1887 and from 1889 until his death, which occurred at Auburn, N. Y., December 10, 1914.
LOUIS F. PAYN
Louis F. Payn, superintendent of insurance; born at Chat- ham, Columbia county, January 27, 1835; was deputy sheriff of the county on his 21st birthday; appointed harbor master at New York by Governor Reuben E. Fenton in 1867; resisted suc- cessfully efforts of the faction headed by Roscoe Conkling to depose him as county leader, but supported Conkling at presi- dential candidate in 1876, voting for Blaine when Conkling's nomination was found impossible; appointed by President Grant United States marshal, February 1877, and served until March 1881, when the senate failed to confirm his reappointment by President Garfield; appointed by Governor Black state super- intendent of insurance February 2, 1897 and served until Janu- ary 31, 1900.
LEMUEL ELY QUIGG
Lemuel Ely Quigg, congressman; born in Cecil county, Md., February 12, 1863; attended the public schools of Wilmington, Del .; moved to New York City when 17 years of age and engaged in newspaper work; after a year of service as reporter on the New York Times obtained control of the Flushing, L. I., Times and conducted that paper for several years; joined the editorial staff of the New York Tribune in 1885; elected to the 53d congress to fill vacancy caused by the resignation of John R. Fellows; reelected to congress and served from February 14, 1894 to March 3, 1899; delegate to state constitutional convention of 1915; died in New York City, July 2, 1919.
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sisting of five Senators, five Representatives, and five Justices of the Supreme Court to pass upon the whole matter and declare the result of the election. This commission contained eight Republicans and seven Democrats. After long and painstaking consideration, it finally decided that Hayes and Wheeler had received 185 and Tilden and Hendricks 184 Electoral votes, and that the former were therefore elected. Although bitterly protested against by Democrats, this decision was loyally acquiesced in, and its substantial justice has been strongly confirmed by the deliberate judgment of posterity. It may be added that of the popular vote the Democratic ticket received about 4,300,000 and the Republican ticket about 4,035,000 votes. The Green- back party, seeking payment of the national debt with irredeemable paper money, polled 81,740 votes for Peter Cooper of New York, and the Prohibitionists 9,522 for Green Clay Smith of Kentucky.
Soon after his installation as President, Mr. Hayes withdrew the Federal troops from the southern States, which had been used to protect negroes in their right to vote, and in consequence the negro vote was almost entirely suppressed by terrorism, force, and fraud, and the governments of the southern States and their dele- gations to Congress became and long remained solidly Democratic. In the first half of Hayes's term the Senate was Republican and the House Democratic, and in the second half, from 1879 to 1881, both were Demo- cratic. In these circumstances there was and could be little profitable legislation. The Senate and President at first, and afterward the President alone, prevented
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the Democrats from repealing the Resumption act or destroying the protective tariff system, while the Democrats of the House in a bitter controversy over the Federal Elections law did much to embarrass the Pres- ident by withholding necessary appropriations and by employing other annoying devices. Following the great Republican triumph in the successful resumption of specie payments at the beginning of 1879, the State elections of that year showed that the Republican party retained the confidence of its members. The adminis- tration of President Hayes was clean, efficient, and progressive, despite the obstacles offered by Democratic obstructionists. The Republican party was united and encouraged and the whole nation was prosperous.
In 1880 the Republicans adopted a platform reaffirming their established principles, especially the maintenance of constitutional authority, the promotion of popular education, a tariff discriminating in favor of American labor, no further grants of public lands to corporations, suppression of polygamy, protection to American citizens, and improvements of rivers and harbors for the benefit of commerce. It also called for such action, through treaty-making or legislation, as would protect the United States from the evils of unre- stricted Mongolian immigration. On this platform James A. Garfield of Ohio and Chester A. Arthur of New York were nominated for President and Vice- President. There was a strong movement in the convention for the renomination of President Grant, but it failed and the whole party harmoniously entered the campaign for the election of Garfield.
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The Democratic convention adopted a platform denouncing the election and seating of President Hayes as a fraud and Mr. Hayes personally as a criminal usurper; demanding "honest money consisting of gold and silver, and paper convertible into coin on demand"; and "a tariff for revenue only." Its money plank was obviously an acceptance of the identical Republican principles which the Democrats had formerly opposed and denounced, and in various other details the plat- form substantially agreed with that of the Republicans. The chief difference was in respect to the tariff, which thus for the first time became the paramount issue of the campaign. On this platform the Democrats nominated General Winfield Scott Hancock of Pennsylvania and William H. English of Indiana.
The campaign was waged with great vigor, chiefly upon the tariff issue. The Republicans unequivocally advocated maintenance of the policy of protection to American industry, though of course with such modifi- cations from time to time as circumstances might require, and they charged the Democratic demand for a "tariff for revenue only" with being tantamount to free trade. To this the Democrats could make no effective reply. Their candidate, General Hancock, a gallant soldier but quite unversed in statecraft, aggravated the case by trying to dismiss the tariff as an issue of only local interest. The result was that despite the arbitrary suppression of the Republican vote throughout the south, the Republican ticket was hand- somely elected, receiving 214 Electoral and 4,449,053 popular votes, to the Democrats' 155 Electoral and
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4,442,035 popular votes. The Greenback party, favor- ing "fiat" money and abolition of national banknotes, polled 307,426 votes for James B. Weaver of Iowa and the Prohibitionists 12,576 for Neal Dow of Maine.
With a Republican President and Republican con- trol of Congress in 1881 the work of constructive and progressive legislation was resumed. A Tariff com- mission was appointed to study scientifically the whole question of duties on imports, to divorce the question from party politics, and to report a new schedule suited to the changed conditions of the country. It was obvious that the revenue needs of the war times were now past and that many of the industries which had been created and fostered by the protective system had become able to maintain themselves under lower rates of duty. The commission accordingly recommended an average reduction of duties of about 20 per cent. This report was considerably modified by Congress, but the new Tariff law enacted in 1883 did provide for some reduction of rates and an increase of the free list as well as a marked reduction of internal taxation. This refusal of Congress to carry out all the recommen- dations of the commission was due largely to the fact that the country did not generally desire any radical change in the tariff system. There was general pros- perity, and it was felt that that prosperity in manufac- turing, in commerce, and in agriculture was almost inseparably connected with the system of protection. Naturally there was reluctance to disturb it. President Garfield was shot four months after the beginning of his term, and was succeeded by Mr. Arthur, who con-
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tinued the tariff and other policies that had already been entered upon, and especially promoted the merit system in the civil service and the rebuilding of the American navy.
The Democrats regained control of the House of Representatives in 1883 and in 1884 passed a "hori- zontal reduction" Tariff bill, arbitrarily reducing duties without any pretense at scientific discrimination. This was rejected by the Republican Senate, as was also another "revenue tariff" bill in 1888, and no further changes were made until the Republicans again secured control of all departments of the government.
CHAPTER XI TARIFF CONTROVERSIES
T HE administrations of Garfield and Arthur, from 1881 to 1885, were marked with comparatively little party rivalry, but the important laws enacted were Republican measures and were often passed by that party in the face of strong Democratic opposition. For example, the Civil Service Reform bill, which became law on January 16, 1883, and which fully established the merit system in the public service on its present foundation, although it bore the name of a Democratic statesman was supported chiefly by Repub- licans and was opposed by practically none but Demo- crats. Thus in the Senate all the five votes against it were cast by Democrats, while in the House 101 Repub- licans, 49 Democrats, and 5 Independents voted for it, and only 7 Republicans but 39 Democrats and one Inde- pendent against it. There were enacted by the Repub- lican government, also, laws for the suppression of polygamy and for the regulation of Chinese immi- gration.
The Presidential campaign of 1884 was participated in by the usual number of ephemeral minor parties. There were two Prohibition conventions, a Greenback convention, an Anti-Monopoly convention, and an Equal Rights or Woman Suffrage convention which
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last nominated Mrs. Belva A. Lockwood for President. The Democratic convention nominated Grover Cleve- land of New York and Thomas A. Hendricks of Indiana, on a platform devoted largely to denunciation of the Republican party but also to the adoption of many of its policies. On the question of the tariff it was verbosely non-committal. The Republican conven- tion nominated James G. Blaine of Maine for Presi- dent and John A. Logan of Illinois for Vice-President. Its platform was eminently explicit and progressive. It took strong ground for Federal regulation of inter- state commerce, a national Bureau of Labor, the Eight Hour law, civil service reform, restriction of Chinese immigration, forfeiture of lapsed land grants and reservation of public lands for actual settlers, main- tenance of the Monroe doctrine, and restoration of the American navy and commercial marine. The salient plank was, however, that relating to the tariff, which denounced the Democratic "tariff for revenue only" doctrine and demanded that "in raising the requisite revenues for the government duties shall be so levied as to afford security to our diversified industries and protection to the rights and wages of the laborer, to the end that active and intelligent labor, as well as capital, may have its just reward, and the laboring man his full share in the national prosperity."
The campaign was marked with much animation and energy, but unfortunately on both sides with regrettable personalities. A local quarrel in the Republican party in the State of New York caused some disaffection, and the result was that the Democrats carried that State by
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an insignificant plurality and thus won the election, securing the Presidency for the first time since the Buchanan administration of 1857-61. The Republi- cans secured 182 Electoral and polled 4,849,680 popular votes ; the Democrats 219 Electoral and 4,912,696 pop- ular votes ; the Greenback and Anti-Monopoly vote for Benjamin F. Butler was 133,824; and the Prohibition- ists polled 151,830 votes.
During this Democratic administration the Senate remained Republican by a small majority, while the House was strongly Democratic. There was thus no opportunity for partisan legislation. The House in 1888 passed a bill abolishing or reducing many duties but retained high protection on sugar, rice, and other articles in which Democratic States were interested, but it was rejected by the Senate. The incident served, however, to assist in making the tariff the foremost issue in the next Presidential campaign in 1888. President Cleveland in 1887 devoted his annual message entirely to a plea for revision of the tariff in the direction of free trade, and the Republicans promptly responded to the challenge. In their platform in 1888 the Democrats inveighed at great length against the Republican policy and recommended the enactment of the Tariff bill then pending in Congress which, as already stated, the Senate rejected. They renominated Mr. Cleveland for President with Allen G. Thurman of Ohio for Vice-President.
The Republican convention adopted an aggressively protectionist platform, saying: "We are uncompro- misingly in favor of the American system of protection.
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We protest against its destruction as proposed by the President and his party. We favor the entire repeal of internal revenue taxes rather than the sur- render of any part of our protective system at the joint behests of the whiskey trusts and the agents of foreign manufacturers." It also condemned all combinations of capital, organized as trusts or otherwise, for the arbitrary control of trade, and recommended legislation to prevent such schemes. Upon this platform it nom- inated Benjamin Harrison of Indiana for President and Levi P. Morton of New York for Vice-President.
Conventions were also held by the Prohibition, Union Labor, United Labor, American, and Equal Rights parties, and candidates were nominated by them. But all the interest of the campaign centered upon the tariff fight between the Republicans and Democrats. That question was paramount in the candidates' letters of acceptance, and in the speech-making and the press. The result was a sweeping Republican victory. The Democrats carried the solid south, the border States, Connecticut, and New Jersey with 168 Electoral and 5,540,050 popular votes. The Republicans carried all the other States with 233 Electoral and 5,444,337 pop- ular votes. The Prohibitionists polled 250,125 votes, the Union Labor party 146,897, the United Labor party 2,808, and the American party 1,591. The Republicans retained control of the Senate and secured the House by a substantial majority. But the second House in that administration, elected in 1890, was overwhelmingly won by the Democrats.
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