USA > New York > History of the state of New York, political and governmental, Vol. V > Part 23
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1Congressional Record, June 8, 1917.
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ence in opposing the outright award of Fiume to Italy and insisting upon due consideration of certain phases of the Adriatic question, the Italian-Americans unit- edly espoused the cause of his Republican enemies. The leading Italian language newspaper of the United States, Il Progresso Italo-Americano, of New York City, said : "Not to vote for the adversary of Mr. Cox- the legatee of Wilson-is a betrayal of the Mother Country. Let Italians bear this well in mind and con- sider the day of the Presidential election as a day of sacred and imperative revenge."1
All the active promoters of "pro-Germanism"-ac- cording to the common understanding of that cult be- fore, during, and after the war-were strenuously against Cox and Roosevelt and for Harding and Cool- idge. A "Committee of Ninety-six" was formed, repre- senting every existing German organization in the coun- try, to throw the solid German support to Harding ; and it was stated by George Sylvester Viereck, the leading spirit of the committee, that the number of votes ex- pected to be controlled was between five and six millions.2
In the respect of the concentration of large groups of naturalized citizens in favor of a single political party for the avowed purpose of displaying attachment to for- eign countries, the campaign of 1920 was unique in our history.
1Translation from the New York Evening Post, October 29, 1920.
2New York Times, September 5, 1920. The resolutions of the German Committee of Ninety-six expressed the strongest "opposition to the League of Nations and the perfidious foreign policy of the present [Wilson] adminis- tration."
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THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY
The Democratic party from its very origin has been noted for its liberal spirit toward the foreign-born of all stocks represented in the composite citizenship of the country. It has welcomed them without discrimination, has sought to give them the best advantages of our civi- lization and institutions, and in its influence with them has, for their own chiefest good as well as the common good of all the people, taken an especial interest in their becoming and being Americans and Americans only. Discriminatory action against the Democratic party by elements of the foreign-born electorate is a singular thing to record-but the campaign of 1920 was singular in every respect from the necessary operation of the spirit with which it was conducted by the Republican party and from the excellently well understood adapta- tion of that organization, for the occasion, to voters of all views, including great numbers (so great as to have constituted in the aggregate probably the major part of Mr. Harding's phenomenal plurality in the nation) who very distinctly were not for "America first."
It would of course be beside the subject to speculate as to the possibility of a continued action of foreign elements of the electorate in the interest and for the control of the Republican party. Certainly such an eventuality cannot be desired by Republican leaders. Heretofore the most serious handicap of the Repub- lican organization has been its reputation for being sustained primarily by great group votes-specifically the group votes of, first, the special favored "interests," and second, the colored citizens. While the possession of these particular group votes has afforded it all the
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net advantage that it has at any time enjoyed for the half-century period dating from 1870, the fact of that substantially solid possession, as noted and meditated upon by people outside the groups in question, has uniformly operated to its injury; and although it has generally won Presidential elections notwithstanding, its successes have been at the constant cost of a reputation for dependence upon and subjection to class and specialized favor. Consequently there are few States of the north that have not frequently passed out of its control, while the whole south, from the sheer necessity of local circumstances and a deep sense of the special inflictions that would necessarily attend un- bridled Republican power, has rejected it utterly. The people at large are and always will be sturdily resentful of attempts to discriminate against a great party on the mere ground of its non-conformity to the demands of solidified special groups that conflict inevitably with the claims of other citizens at least equally to be considered ; and as a matter of expediency alone the Republican party could ill afford to take over, on the basis of recip- rocal acceptation and service, any group of voters ani- mated by superior devotion to a foreign country-for such an acquisition would partake more of the nature of a liability than an asset. Moreover, no Democrat dis- putes for a moment either the exclusive American patri- otism of the Republican party or its incapability, equally with the Democratic party, of acting, when charged with the responsibility of power, for even inci- dental foreign interest of any kind from the despicable incentive of an equivalent in votes. Foreign policy has
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never yet been a matter of permanent difference between the parties in their ultimately responsible capacities and never will be, whatever the passions and persuasions of the passing election times.
A brilliant speaking campaign was made by Gover- nor Cox and Mr. Roosevelt, with the whole-hearted cooperation of the Democratic party, which never was more united or energetic. On the dominant issue of the League of Nations valuable assistance was received from many former supporters of the Republican and Progressive parties, distinguished educators, clergymen, and reformers, and numerous organized agencies repre- senting the moral and forward-looking sentiment of the country. The eminent career of Mr. Cox in the Gov- ernorship of Ohio for three terms and previously in Congress, his consistent identification with the cause of Progressive Democracy for many years, the impressive record of the results achieved in that cause under his leadership, and his unqualified advocacy of the great policies of the national administration and powerful maintenance of the same policies for the future, gave him the unquestioned advantage of affirmative and log- ical position in the campaign, which was the more de- cidedly marked by the evasive course of the Republicans throughout except in the respects of abusive attacks on President Wilson and mere negations as to questions of principle. The resulting votes for the Democratic party were understanding and positive votes, and will so remain to the pride of every man and woman by whom they were cast.
Concerning the subjects of labor and progressive in-
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terests generally, the position of the Democratic party declared by its San Francisco platform and urged by its candidates was in harmony with the liberal ideas of the times as exemplified by the uniform spirit and acts of Mr. Wilson's two administrations. These subjects were mainly given but perfunctory attention by the Republi- cans, agreeably to their program of winning the election as the only one seriously to be considered. But the re- actionary forces were in full control of the Republican party, as indeed had been perfectly manifest from the transactions of the national convention at Chicago and particularly from the selection of Mr. Harding as the nominee.
Early in the campaign Governor Cox in his speeches presented evidence that the Republicans were system- atically raising enormous sums of money to influence its result-his calculation showing that an aggregate of not less than $8,000,000 was contemplated. On March 1, 1921, there was filed at Washington a report by a special Senate committee appointed to investigate the expenditures of the two parties during the Presidential contest, which showed the following totals: Republi- cans, $8,100,739; Democrats, $2,237,770.1
The Electoral vote of the nation was: Harding, 404; Cox, 127. Cox carried the States of Alabama, Arkansas,
1In addition to the campaign expenditures, the sums paid in the pre-con- vention contests to promote the interests of the various Presidential candidates were set forth, the totals being: Republicans, $2,857,551; Democrats, $120,482. The Senate committee-representing, of course, both political parties-said in the report: "The committee have discussed remedies to limit the amount of campaign expenditures, for they feel that the expenditure of these vast sums is a present and growing menace to the nation."
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THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY
Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas, and Virginia. The popular vote was: Harding, 16,152,200; Cox, 9,147,353; Debs (Socialist), 919,799; Christensen (Farmer-Labor), 265,411; Watkins (Prohibition), 189,408; W. W. Cox (Socialist Labor), 31,175; Ma- cauley (Single Tax), 5,837.
During the first few weeks after the national conven- tions of the two parties occurred the final struggle to secure the necessary thirty-sixth State for ratification of the Nineteenth amendment to the Federal Constitution, granting enfranchisement to women on the same terms as men. Efforts to accomplish the result proved unsuc- cessful in the Republican States that up to that time had failed to ratify. On August 18 the victory was won by the favorable action of the Legislature of the Demo- cratic State of Tennessee.
The certainty of early complete triumph for Woman Suffrage dates from the New York State election of 1917, at which the vote on the Suffrage amendment to the State Constitution was: yes, 703,129; no, 600,776; majority yes, 102,353.1 But the amendment would have failed if its fate had been left to the "up-State" counties of inveterate Republicanism. The great majority of 103,863 in the rock-ribbed Democratic city of New York carried it, every borough of the city voting favor- ably. After the New York result nobody of the least political acumen doubted the success of the movement nationally within a very brief period.
1New York Red Book, 1918, p. 470.
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One of the outstanding facts of the Presidential cam- paign on the Democratic side was the whole-hearted re- ception of the women on terms of complete political equality. In the national convention of the party at San Francisco the women delegates and alternates were very numerous. The national committee was organized on the basis of an equal representation of women in its membership. President Wilson and Governor Cox gave unqualified and energetic support to the efforts to secure the final State for ratification of the Woman Suffrage amendment.
When the suffrage provision on behalf of the colored race was added to the Federal Constitution (1870), the movement for Woman Suffrage had long been in pro- gress, and appeals were made for extending the vote to women as well as to the freedmen. No action was taken; and although the Republicans at many times subsequently had full power, both nationally and in the States, to grant the requests of the women, it was not until after the great development of progressiveness among the people, springing from the advanced demands of the Democracy on public questions, that the women's cause began to show real progress.
The Republicans base very much of their expectation of woman's support upon their ingenuous belief in their own "superiority," especially in the class respect-a be- lief that recalls the old pretensions of the "important" Federalists. No "superior" pretension is made by the Democratic party. It is content to leave its cause to the independent scrutiny and consideration of women, as of all citizens, upon the merits of its record of one hun-
1
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THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY
dred and thirty years of identification with the ordinary interests of the people, intimate sympathy with them in their aspirations, and conscientious and consistent per- formance accordingly.
In relation to the course of women as an equal ele- ment of the national electorate, one prediction may be made with absolute certainty. They will be for things affirmative and for results that will last.
Respecting the forward spirit of the times, the Re- publican party of standpatism and special interest is wholly negative in its attitude and proposals, and the things that it seeks are the things that do not last. It recognizes no change from the "good old days of Mark Hanna," when the great power that the party held was assumed to be for the primary object of negativing every progressive demand. It forgets the revolt of its liberal constituency against its narrow leaders, and remembers only that the absolute authority of those leaders as to real Republican policy has never been successfully dis- puted.
The future of the country is with the progressives of both parties. In the Republican party progressive senti- ment is sincere and strong, but is in subjection to the forces of privilege. In the Democratic party it controls wholly, with a noble record of achievement and a pro- gram for consistent and positive continuance.
October, 1921.
TAMMANY:
A GLANCE AT SOME OF ITS REPRESENTATIVE ACTIVITIES, AND A BRIEF DISCUSSION OF ITS POLITICAL CHARACTER
By WILLIS HOLLY
IN CONGRESS
(THE UNANIMOUS| DECLARATIONI JOF THE TOURTEENS
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FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES
PROTECTION OF DI
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THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE; engrossed copy, whose frame tops the door casing and nearly reaches the lofty ceiling in the office of Tammany Hall. One of the most notable examples of pen work in the country. By William V. Peacon.
A
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- 178
JTAMMANY SOCIETY
E PLOP BUEN NUN
THE GRAND SACHEM'S DESK; view in the council chamber in the Great Wigwam. The liberty cap, torches, tomahawk and the standards are used in the initiation ceremonies,
TINGAGEMELLE
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TAMMANY REGIMENT TABLET; view in the executive committee room, Tammany Hall.
INTRODUCTION
T AMMANY HALL, as it is known colloquially, is really a duality and consists of a Society insti- tuted with patriotic and benevolent purposes and an organization which is avowedly political and parti- san. At this writing (1921) the Society is one hundred and thirty-two years old in its present shape, not count- ing some four years in which it was in the formative stages, though functioning. For nearly all that time it has been the backbone of a political and partisan force in the city of New York upon the foundation of prin- ciples from which it has never deviated; and very often its influence has reached into State and national affairs to an extent that is phenomenal when its purely local character and membership are considered.
In its early days, as was also true throughout the country during the first administration of President Washington, there was no cleavage on party lines to separate the sons of Tammany. Recruited as they were from the ranks of American patriots as opposed to the royalists and tories, they were so thoroughly in accord on the great questions of the times that there was no room for differences on other matters. But in Tam- many, as in the States, party divisions began to appear in 1791, when the conflicting doctrines of Hamilton and Jefferson set against each other those who believed that
357
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POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
the aristocrats and the wealthy should control the gov- ernment and those who held for popular rule and equal rights. The tenets and the membership obligations of the Tammany Society were in perfect accord with the views of the Democratic-Republicans, as the Anti- Federalists were then styled. And so fully was this recognized by the majority of the members that all the actions of the body became more and more clearly Jeffersonian and the Federalist element gradually faded out of the membership. The Society reflected in its intensest form the fervor of public interest that was shown in the French Revolution. When Democratic societies dedicated to the equal rights of men were started in 1794 all over the land under the inspiration of Citizen Genet's message of the new conditions in France, it was found that the membership in New York was almost identical with that of the Tammany So- ciety. This gradual assumption of a political complex- ion and this first affiliation with partisanship are of a piece with Tammany's partisan position to-day, and an echo of its early utterances is found in its continued practice of advertising its ticket as Democratic- Repub- lican nominations.
It is not the purpose of this article to present a chronological history of Tammany, but only to touch upon some phases, mostly in an epitomizing and gen- eralizing way. Such a manner of treatment certainly should not lend itself to the adulation of the zealots who insist vigorously that Tammany is all good. Neither should undue heed be given to the disparagement of those who just as sturdily declare that there is no good
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in Tammany. Yet it is with every propriety that the question should be raised whether the indiscriminate, all-inclusive denunciation and absolute finality of con- demnation of the organization in campaign times does not inexcusably and unnecessarily damage the city of New York in the eyes of the rest of the country to an extent that is not justified by the purpose of putting out one set of office-holders and replacing them with an- other, even in the name of reform. It can be veraciously recorded that there are many honest and well-meaning citizens deeply attached to their city and taking pride in it who deplore a policy of abuse and defamation for political purposes and who believe that it should be treated as a great wrong when it involves a violation of the commandment, "Thou shalt not bear false witness."
Nearly fifty years have elapsed since the downfall of the Tweed ring closed a chapter in the annals of New York which is a reproach to the city and a blot of infamy on Tammany's record. Its most disgraceful feature, not forgetting the sordid thievery of millions, was the debauchery of justice-the debasement of the bench-revealed with the other disclosures of shame. No such condition has existed since. No such condi- tion exists to-day. For campaign uses, however, Tam- many men complain, this condition still lives in the minds of irresponsible and reckless apostles of defama- tion.
Recently a Citizens' Committee, in behalf of a judi- cial candidate whose reelection they favored, adver- tised this bald and bold statement: "Judge -- has
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POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
many times stood against those who would rob the city, and for this the Tammany leaders denied him a re- nomination." Men of affairs and men of intelligence such as those who composed that committee ought to or must know that the charge could not possibly be true. There is no way that those who might wish to rob the city could be either helped or hindered by a Supreme Court Judge, or who could escape the vigilance of the press and be left to be discovered by an ephemeral campaign organization. There is certainly no Tam- many-controlled press in New York; the press of the In- city is rather aggressively hostile to Tammany. deed, the Judge referred to would have been the first to disclaim the possibility of the thing charged if any attempt had been made to hold him responsible for the statement. Otherwise, as the Tammany men point out, he would have put himself in a very equivocal posi- tion. Either he would be making the claim that he suffered an experience that was individual and peculiar to himself-which would invite the belief that he was suspected of susceptibility to improper influences, a suspicion so firmly held that he had to repel the sug- gestion many times,-or he would be making a reflec- tion upon the majority of the Supreme Court bench, as most of the Judges were, like himself, elected on a Tammany nomination. The implication would be in- escapable that all these were subject to importunities to stand out of the way of those who would rob the city, and he would leave it entirely to conjecture whether they, or any of them, stood with his Spartan courage against the temptation. Worse, much worse,
JOHN PINTARD
John Pintard, philanthropist and "father of historical societies in America"; born in New York City, May 18, 1759; entered Princeton college but left it in 1776 to serve in the American army when the British occupied New York, returning to take his degree the same year; as clerk for his uncle, Louis Pintard, commissary of American prisoners, he became convinced of the importance of conserving printed and written records of public events; alderman New York City, 1789; member of assembly, 1791; founder of the Massachusetts historical society, by efforts in interesting prominent citizens of Boston, 1793; 1791 estab- lished a museum in connection with the Tammany society, of which he was the first sagamore; first city inspector New York City, 1804; organized the first savings bank in New York City, 1819; died in New York City, June 21, 1844.
JOSIAH OGDEN HOFFMAN, 3D
Josiah Ogden Hoffman, 3d, Grand Sachem of the Tammany society of New York (1791-1792) ; born in New York City, 1767; member of state assembly, 1792-1794; attorney general of New York state, 1795-1802; recorder of City of New York, 1809-1810; judge of supreme court from 1810 to the time of his death; died in New York City January 24, 1837.
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he would put all of them who were not so near the age of retirement as to interfere with their considera- tion for renomination to be suspected of a corrupt sub- serviency to the leaders of Tammany. Such a condition could not be hidden from the bar and the press for sensational campaigners to unearth and reveal. The campaign managers of the regular ticket considered the story so ridiculous that they paid no attention to it, and the prompt abandonment of its use as campaign powder proved that it was recognized as an abortive effort, even by the amateurs who put it afloat. Yet the fiction may have found credence in some quarters of the world, and that possibility is a matter of real concern to those of every party who have civic pride.
In connection with this oblique effort to influence the election, it is interesting to reflect that the result was really decided by the votes of naturalized citizens on questions entirely unrelated to the city judiciary or its municipal administration. New York as a melting pot has done wonders, but it seems to have been fed raw material too rapidly for complete amalgamation. The Democratic candidates in 1919 for President of the Board of Aldermen, President of the Borough of Manhattan, and Justice of the Supreme Court were defeated because so many voters with Irish, Italian, or German sympathies were disgruntled against President Wilson. The city election hinged on government in Ire- land, the Adriatic question, and other matters that the officials would never have anything to do with. There is food for thought in this.
Campaign practices based upon the calculated effect
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of willful misrepresentation are bad. enough, but what shall be said of a resort to such tactics in cold blood when far removed from the turmoil and the heat of election time? To plan such an activity, careless of individual good repute, reckless of community good name, indifferent to civic fame, and blind to its con- comitant features of encouragement to disorder and its devotees, is difficult to excuse by professions or pre- tenses of good intention. The Rosenthal grand jury inquiry and the coincident Aldermanic committee in- vestigation of the Police department seem to be put in this category by their developments or lack of develop- ments. These inquisitions were aimed at the adminis- tration of Mayor Gaynor, and they were obviously inspired by the expectation that Tammany would nom- inate him for a second term. No voice could be raised against them as investigations if undertaken in good faith and for the purpose of finding out what influences were responsible for the dastardly murder and its dis- quieting suggestion of worse than police laxity, and with the intention of doing something corrective and constructive with the information secured.
The progress of the double inquiry did not give much indication of this requisite of good faith or much promise that anything of benefit would come from it. It was announced and published, however, day after day, that the inquisitors were on the eve of astound- ing disclosures, that the thugs and gamblers were tumbling over each other in their eagerness to turn State's evidence, and that a procession of Tammany men. members as well as leaders, would soon be started
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