History of the city of Toledo and Lucas County, Ohio, Part 9

Author: Waggoner, Clark, 1820-1903
Publication date: 1888
Publisher: New York and Toledo : Munsell & Company
Number of Pages: 1408


USA > Ohio > Lucas County > Toledo > History of the city of Toledo and Lucas County, Ohio > Part 9


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Of Captain Wm. Wells's birthplace and parent- age, we have no record. He was captured at the age of 12 years, when he was an inmate of the family of HIon. Nathaniel Pope, in Kentucky, by the Miami tribe, and going through the formal adoption, lived to manhood among them. His Indian name was Black Snake. He became quite an influential man among them, and married a sister of the celebrated Chief, Little Turtle. He fought by the side of his Chief in the contests with Generals Harmar and St. Clair. Afterward, in times of calin reflection, with dim memories still of his childhood home, of brothers and playmates, he seems to have been harassed with the thought that among the slain, by his own hand, may have been his kindred. The approach of Wayne's army, in 1794, stirred anew conflicting emotions,


based upon indistinct recollections of early ties, of country and kindred on the one hand, and existing attachments of wife and children on the other. He resolved to make his history known. With true Indian characteristics, the secret purpose of leaving his adopted nation was, according to reliable tradi- tion, made known in this manner: Taking with him the War Chief, Little Turtle, to a favorite spot on the banks of the Maumee, Wells said : " I leave now your nation for my own people. We have long been friends. We are friends yet, until the sun reaches a certain height [which he indicated]. From that time we are enemies. Then, if you wish to kill me, you may. If I want to kill you, 1 may." At the appointed hour, crossing the river, Captain Wells disappeared in the forest, taking an easterly direction to strike the trail of Wayne's army. Obtaining an interview with General Wayne, he became ever afterward the faith- Ful friend of the Americans.


He was made Captain of the spies connected with Wayne's army. His adventures in that capacity are sufficiently detailed by Mr. McBride. After the treaty of Greenville, and the establishment of peace, he was joined by his wife and family, and settled at the " Old Orchard " a short distance from the con- fluence of the St. Mary's and St. Joseph, on the banks of a small stream there, afterward called "Spy Run," and which still bears that name. The Government subsequently granted him a pre-emption of some 320 acres of land, including his improvement, the Okl Orchard, etc. Wells afterward also became, by ap- pointment of the Government, Indian Agent here (Fort Wayne), in which capacity he served several years.


By his first wife, Captain Wells had four children-three daughters and one son. The former became Mrs. Judge Wolcott of Maumee City (South Toledo), and Mrs. Turner and Mrs. Hackley, of Fort Wayne. Mr. Williams, referring to the latter two ladies, says :


Of the first members of this Church, fwo were half Indian, who had before (in 1820) joined the Baptist Church, under the labors of Rev. Mr. McCoy, a Missionary to the Indians at this post ( Fort Wayne). They were educated in Kentucky, and are yet kindly remembered by some in the Church and community as ladies of refinement and intelligent piety.


The son, Wayne Wells, died while yet a young man, while crossing Lake Erie, in 1823. For his second wife, Captain Wells married a second sister of the Indian Chief. Little Turtle, having with her a daughter, Jane, who married Matthew Griggs, a pioneer of Fort Wayne, and settled at Peru, Indiana. For a time Captain Wells had command of a small force of spies in Wayne's service. Among them were Robert McClellan, made famous through Irving's " Astoria," and Henry Miller. The former was


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HISTORY OF TOLEDO AND LUCAS COUNTY.


an athlete without an equal in agility and en- durance. He had leaped over a covered wagon, requiring a rise of eight and one-half feet. Miller, with his brother Christopher, while young had been made captives by Indians and adopted by an Indian family. When 24 years of'age, Henry made his escape to the Whites, but was unable to induce his brother to go with him. In June, 1794, while his headquarters were at Fort Greenville, General Wayne dis- patched Wells, Miller and two others (Hick- man and Thorp) to bring into eamp an Indian, as prisoner, with the hope through him of obtaining information as to the intentions of the enemy. For such purpose Miller entered the Indian country, crossing the St. Mary's and thence to the Au Glaize; following up that stream they discovered a smoke. Dismount- ing they made examination and soon found three Indians camped on high ground. Soon Wells approached unobserved quite to the party, whom they found roasting their venison by a fire. By arrangement Wells and Miller cach were to select a victim-one taking the Indian at the left, and the other the one at the right, with Mcclellan to run and capture the third. The two shots were effective, and Mc- Clellan sprang after the remaining Indian, who made all possible speed down the River; but finding himself likely to be over- taken, he sprang from the bank into the stream, 20 feet down, sinking into the soft mud at the bottom, which held him firmly in its grasp. McClellan made a like spring, landing near the Indian, whom after a severe struggle, he was soon enabled to subject to his control. With the assistance of Wells and Miller, the captive was taken from the water. Hle was sulky, refusing to speak. When washed of the mire, he was found to be a white man. Taking their course for Greenville, the prisoner for a time continued silent and sullen. It finally occurred to Miller that the captive might be his own brother, and to test that point, he rode up and called him by his Indian name. This startled him, and he inquired how his name came to be known. The mys- tery was soon explained. The prisoner was Christopher Miller. The case was a remarka- ble one, and his extraordinary escape from the fate of his two associates, by being between them, made a strong impression on his mind. Finally, after agreeing not to rejoin the In-


dians, but to remain with the Whites, he was released, and soon joined Wayne's force and did good service during the balance of the War. One more incident in Captain Wells's service may be given here. On one of his ex- peditions through the Indian country, and when on the bank of the St. Mary's, he discov- ered an Indian family coming up the River in a canoe. Dismounting, he concealed his men, and then went to the bank, and called the In- dians to come over. Suspecting no danger, they crossed to where he was. As the canoe touched the shore, Miller heard the clicks of his men's rifles, preparatory to shooting the Indians. What was his surprise, to find the party to consist of his Indian father and mother, by adoption, and their children ! Saying to his men that the family before them " having fed him when he was hungry, clothed him when he was naked, and nursed him when sick ; and in every respect been as kind and affectionate to him as they were to their own children," they must not suffer in any way at his hands. Accepting such ground for lenity, the party approached the canoe, and shook hands with its alarmed inmates in the most friendly manner. While Wayne was at Fort Defiance, in August, 1794, Wells was sent to bring in another prisoner, with a view to in- formation from the enemy. For such purpose he followed cautiously down the Maumee, until he came opposite the subsequent site of Fort Meigs, and about two miles above Fort Miami (then called Fort Campbell, after its British commander). At this point was an Indian Village, into which Wells and party rode, as if from the Fort. In the dress of the Indian, they were received and treated as friendly. Passing through the Village, the party met an Indian man and woman, whom they made pris- oners, and with them set off for Defiance. On their way, they fell in with an Indian encamp- ment, which they approached, hoping for in- formation. The Indians were communicative, giving all they had heard about Wayne's move- ments and the probabilities of a battle. At length an Indian some distance from them, in an undertone and another tongue, said ho sus- pected the visitors were spies. Wells heard this, and at once gave the signal. when the party fired their ritles at the Indians about them, and immediately put spurs to their horses. The Indians promptly fired on them,


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CAPTAIN WILLIAM WELLS.


one ball wounding MeClellan in the shoulder, and another breaking Wells's arm. Taking their prisoners, the party resumed their march to Fort Defiance, where the captives were duly examined, and the wounded cared for The battle of Fallen Timbers soon thereafter closed hostilities with the Indians, and Captain Wells and his intrepid command found no further service of the kind in which they had so dis- tinguished themselves.


In the War of 1812-15, Captain Wells was in command of Fort Wayne. It is stated, that upon hearing of IIntl's order for the evacuation of Fort Dearborn, he made a rapid march to reinforce Captain Heald ; to the end, that that position might be held as a protection to Fort Wayne and the Maumee Valley. But he was too late by a few hours. On the 15th of Au- gust, the little force at the Fort, accompanied by Captain Wells and his Miamis, left the Fort and moved along the shore to Sand llills, where they were attacked by 500 Pottawato- mies. At the beginning of the conflict, Wells


was with the wife of Captain Heald (a niece of his). Turning to her, he said : " We have not the slightest chance for life. We must part to meet no more in this world. God bless you," and dashed into the fight. After the most des- perate contest, he was wounded, taken prisoner and reserved for torture. To save himself from such fate, he sought to provoke his eap- tors with insulting epithets, calling them Per- so-tum (the name for a Squaw), the most op- probrious term in the Indian tongue, when applied to males. The result was his instant death with a tomahawk, and the tearing of his heart from his body, and the eating of a por- tion of it while yet warm by the assassin.


These details of Captain Wells's record, be- sides the interest given them by his identifica- tion with the Maumee Valley, are valuable, as giving in brief space something of Indian life and Indian connection with the carly history of this region. To all this, is added the rela- tion borne by that intrepid hero to one of the prominent families of Lucas County.


CHAPTER II.


THE WAR OF 1812 WITH ENGLAND. IFULL'S SURRENDER. - THE RIVER RAISIN MASSACRE. SIEGE OF FORT MEIGS. - DEFENSE OF FORT STEPHENSON. - THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE. THE BATTLE OF THE THAMES. - THE END IN THE NORTHWEST.


ATO section of the country was made the scene or was called to suffer more severely the unfortunate ineidents and consequences of the War of 1812-15 between the United States and Great Britain, than was the Maumee Val- ley. This fact, no doubt, was largely due to the geographical proximity of this region to the British possessions in Canada; but was even more a result of long-existing and bitter feeling engendered by conflicting interests of trade, and the presence of Indian tribes cun- ningly employed by the British authorities in resisting the advance of civilization and law under the Government of the United States. The profit of traffic with these savages, so long contended for, had lost little of its temptation to the shameful policy of British traders, backed by British power. Considerations of military strategy also operated to the same end. The possession of the Lakes, and especially of Lake Erie and the country about it, was an end too important to be overlooked. Ilence, the first object of the British Government, upon the dec- laration of War, would be to seize these positions of advantage; and in doing so, the ways and means were matters of subordinate consider- ation. Lacking the Military and Naval forces requisite for that purpose, they would not hesitate to supplement such limited means, by employing the services of the Indian tribes and bands within the reach of their unscrupulous machinations. All this was too well understood by the United States Government, and by the settlers specially concerned, to be overlooked.


For several months previous to the deelar- ation of War by Congress, the matter of preparation for that event, was seriously dis- cussed and strongly urged. Such provision would have included the means requisite for seizing full command of the Lakes, the conquest of Upper Canada (now Ontario), and securing the favor-at least, the neutrality-of the Indian tribes most likely to become allies of the British. Such steps were repeatedly rec-


ommended by Governor Hull of Michigan Territory, in March, and again in April, 1812; and by Gen. Armstrong, in Jannary, 1812. These recommendations included both Naval and Military means. The War Department, however, in its provisions, limited itself to 2,000 soldiers, and refused to increase its force to 3,000 men, when urged so to do by General Hull.


No definite movement was made toward the highly important strategie ends named, until June 1st. 1812. At this date, General Hull, at the head of a force which he well knew to be inadequate for the objects sought, left Dayton, for the Maumee River, as his first stopping place. The force was known as the " North- western Army." From Cincinnati marched a Regiment under Col. James Findlay. Two other Regiments of Ohio Volunteers, under Cols. Duncan McArthur and Lewis Cass, joined the command at Urbana. The march occupied the entire month, and was attended by a degree of toil and privation rarely experienced by military commands. He had roads to cut and bridges to make through an unbroken forest of unsurpassed denseness, and block-houses to build at different points. A communication to General Hull from the War Department of date of May 18th, which reached him on the 24th, gave no indication that war was likely to be declared, or that there was special urgency for haste in the movement of his forces. And this, while Senator Thomas Worthington was writing from Washington warnings of the ap- proaching declaration of hostility by Congress ; which caution, at the time, is said to have been communicated to General Hull by Colonel Duncan MeArthur. So thoroughly was the latter officer impressed with such information, that he refused to trust his baggage in the vessel employed for sending stores and sick soldiers from the Manmee to Detroit. General Hull treated all reports of impending War, as unworthy of credence, assuming, with some


[52]


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ICLES SURRENDER


justice, that were such event immediately probable, the War Department would not have failed to advise him of the fact in time for proper action on his part.


On the day General Hull left Dayton for his march North, President Madison sent to the Senate his message recommending a declara- tion of War with Great Britain. Two days later, Senator Calhoun, from the proper Com- mittee, made a report approving such step; and on the 19th the important declaration was made by Congress in secret session. It was on the day previous to this final action, and 17 days after the President recommended the same, that the Secretary of War forwarded to General Hull the letter received by that officer on the 24th, in which no reference was made to even a probability of early hostilities. It seems that dispatches were forwarded for Gen- eral Hull on the 19th of June, by ordinary course of mail, to Cleveland, reaching there on the 29th. By direction, the Cleveland Post- master dispatched a messenger with this letter to General Hull, who received it July 2d, making the time of its passage 13 days. The British commander at Malden received infor- mation on the 1st of July, of the declaration of War. It thus reached him one day ahead of General Hull's intelligence, coming tia Fort Erie and the Northern shore of Lake Erie, by express, the distance being 100 miles greater than was traveled by that officer's advices. It was stated, that so certain was the British commander at Fort Malden that the Americans were first informed of the declaration of War, that he delayed his movement for the capture of Detroit. While General Hull was thus left to the delay of uncertain transmission of intel- ligence on which the success of his important campaign rested, letters franked by the Secre- tary of the Treasury and containing notice of what had taken place, were sent to the British post at St. Joseph, near the Northwestern shore of Lake Huron, and to Malden, reaching the latter place June 28th, or four days before the War .Department's notice was received by General Hull.


The American forces made their way, unop- posed, to Detroit, crossed the River to Sand- wich, July 12th, preparatory to movements for the capture of Malden and the conquest of Upper Canada. General Hull's lack of fitness for his position was here manifested in the


irresolution and hesitation in his action, due chiefly to a sense of the weakness of his forces. To such source of embarrassment was added the impatience of his command for an advance. For the space of 26 days-from July 12th to August 7th-he remained practically idle, awaiting intelligence of a contemplated move- ment on the Niagara frontier, which did not take place, the result of such non-action at that point being the rapid transfer of British troops from the Niagara to the Detroit River. The cause of such failure, was found in the failure of General Dearborn to make a diversion at Niagara and Kingston, in Hull's favor, the former having, instead, made an armistice with the British commander, thereby permitting the diversion of a portion of the latter's forces for the support of Colonel Proctor at Malden. The result was, that on the 16th of August, without a serions attempt to accomplish the great purpose and end of his commission, Gen- eral Hull disgracefully surrendered Detroit, the chief strategic point on the boundary of the two countries, together with 1,400 brave and true men, long eager for battle, to a force consisting of 300 British troops, 400 Canadian Militia (disguised in red coats, the uniform of British soldiers), and less than 100 Indians; or about one-half the number of his own com- mand. Whatever the prevailing cause of his fatal inaction, there can be no possible justifi- cation or excuse therefor. It matters little, whether he was possessed by absolute cowardice -by fears that his own troops would be unfair with him-by apprehension for the personal safety of his daughter and grandchildren as captives of the Indians-or by a weakness the result of habits of intemperance - whether either or all of these led to his fatal imbecility in action, his grave offense against his country remained the same. That he was not duly forearmed for his campaign, in either proper force or timely information of the exigency of the crisis, could properly have been pleaded in justification of failure in any earnest movement he might have made toward the execution of his charge. But no possible excuse could be found for his failure to undertake anything in that direction. He could have been in no sense responsible for results; but he was in the highest degree responsible for proper effort toward desirable results. Other commanders, throughout the history of wars, have, like him,


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HISTORY OF TOLEDO AND LUCAS COUNTY.


suffered from lack of adequate support ; and many of the most brilliant records of com- manders have been made in the face of such want. In illustration of this fact, it is necessary only to cite the memorable defense of Fort Stephenson. by Major Croghan and his little band, against the very forces to whom General Hull had surrendered his superior command .*


Lake Erie was at that time wholly com- manded by the British tleet, and no route open for supplies to the United States forces in this region, save that through the Black Swamp and other forests of Northwestern and Central Ohio; to which were added the serious peril and annoyance arising from the presence in these forests of hostile Indians, requiring a strong military guard for every train of wagons and pack-horses. A few days after its date, the following note was received by Governor Meigs, at Chillicothe, to wit :


DETROIT, July 12, 1812.


Dear Sir :- The Army arrived here on the 5th. 1 have now only time to state to you, that we are very deficient in provisions, and 1 have authorized Mr. l'iatt to furnish a supply for two months.


The communication must be preserved by your Militia, or this Army will perish for want of provis- ions. We have the fullest confidence that you will do all in your power to prevent so distressing a cal- amity to this patriotic Army.


I am very respectfully,


Your obedient servant,


W. IlULL. His Exeelleney, R. J. MEIGS,


Governor of Ohio.


This letter was furnished by Samuel Williams, who, at the time of its date, was connected with


Governor Meigs, and afterwards found the orig- inal copy of the same among his papers and carefully preserved it, first making it public in a narrative of Military Campaigns of 1812 and 1813, published in the Ladies' Repository, a publication of the Methodist Episcopal Church, in 1834.


The object General Hull had in writing this letter, is not entirely clear. The attendant facts furnish very slight proof of the good faith of its author. The probable end sought in sending it, was to lay foundation for the plea subsequently put forth, that the criminal surrender of his command to the British was made necessary by a lack of supplies.


A Court Martial was appointed for the trial of General Hull. It met in January, 1814, and reached a decision March 23, in pronouncing the accused guilty of the second and third charges (cowardice and neglect of duty), but acquitting him of treason. By a vote of two- thirds of the Court, he was sentenced " to be shot to death," but recommended to the mercy of the President, by whom he was pardoned and his name stricken from the Army roll. Martin Van Buren, subsequently President of the United States, was Judge Advocate in the trial. One of the specifications of the first charge of treason, was as follows:


That he traitorously contrived to convey intelli- genee of the declaration of War, of the expedition under his command, and of the number, state and condition of his Army; by hiring an unarmed vessel at the Rapids of the Miami of Lake Erie, and putting on board a trunk containing a copy of the declaration of War, his correspondence with the Sec- retary of War, etc., with the intent that they should fall into the hands of the enemy.


*The following were the terms of General Ilull's surrender :


" CAMP AT DETROIT, 16th August, 1812.


"Capitulation for the surrender of Fort Detroit, entered into between Major General Brock, commanding His Britannic Majesty's Forces, on the one part, and. Brigadier General Hull, commanding the North- western Army of the United States, on the other part. " Ist. Fort Detroit, with all the troops, regulars as well as militia, will be immediately surrendered to the British forees, under the command of Major General Brock, and will be considered prisoners of war, with the exception of such of the militia of the Michigan Territory who have not joined the army.


"2d. All public stores, arms, and all publie doeu- ments, including everything else of a publie nature, will be immediately given up.


"3d. Private persons and property of every de- scription will be respected.


"4th. ITis Excellency, Brigadier General IFull, having expressed a desire that a detachment from the State of Ohio, on its way to join his army, as well as one sent from Fort Detroit, under the command of Colonel McArthur, shall be included in the above capitulation-it is accordingly agreed to. It is, how- over, to be understood that such part of the Ohio militia as have not joined the army, will be permitted to return to their homes on condition that they will not serve during the war. Their arms, however, will be delivered up, if belonging to the public.


"5th. The Governor will march out at the hour of twelve o'clock this day, and the British forces will take immediate possession of the fort.


"Approved: "WILLIAM HULL, Brig. Gen. "Commanding the N. W. Army.


" ISAAC BROCK, Major General."


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THE RIVER RAISIN MASSACRE.


The first definite movement toward the re-conquest of Michigan from British con- trol secured through Hull's surrender, con- sisted of the advance of General Harrison's Army from the South. On the 10th of January, 1813, General Winchester, with his command, reached the Foot of the Rapids; Harrison, with the right wing, being yet at Upper San- dusky; and Tupper, with the center, at Fort McArthur. On the 13th, and again on the 16th, Winchester received messages from the inhabitants of Frenchtown, on the River Raisin, setting forth the danger to which that place was exposed from the hostility of British and Indians. This intelligence acted strongly upon the sympathies of General Winchester and his command, and on the 17th Colonel Lewis was dispatched with 550 men to the River Raisin ; followed by Colonel Allen, with 110 more. Proceeding along the borders of Maumee Bay and the Lake, then frozen, Lewis reached the point of destination on the 18th, when he at once attacked the enemy, posted in the Village, and gained possession of the same. He then sent for much needed rein- forcements and prepared, as well as he could, to strengthen his position. The situation was very critical, since he was but 18 miles from the whole British force, then lying at Malden, under Proctor. Winchester, learning of the situation, started with 250 men on the 19th, these being all he dared to withdraw from the Rapids, and reached Frenchtown on the even- ing of the 20th. Instead of taking ordinary precaution against surprise, he suffered his forces to remain on open grounds, notwith- standing he was warned of the danger of momentary attack by reinforcements from Malden. Sure enough, on the night of Jan- uary 21st, the entire British force, unobserved, arrived and placed a battery within 300 feet of Winchester's camp. Early in the morning, and before the American troops were under arms, the British opened vigorous fire into their camp, soon followed by the dread yell and whoop of the Indian allies. Partial pro- tection by garden pickets had been secured to Lewis's force ; but nothing interposed to shield the imprudent Winchester's men, who received the main attention of the combined enemy, and who soon gave way, and fled precipitately, and were mown down at fearful rate. Both Winchester and Lewis were captured. The lat-




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