A history of Wilkes-Barre, Luzerne County, Pennsylvania, from its first beginnings to the present time; including chapters of newly-discovered, Vol. I, Part 50

Author: Harvey, Oscar Jewell, 1851-1922; Smith, Ernest Gray
Publication date: 1909-1930
Publisher: Wilkes-Barre : Raeder Press
Number of Pages: 734


USA > Pennsylvania > Luzerne County > Wilkes-Barre > A history of Wilkes-Barre, Luzerne County, Pennsylvania, from its first beginnings to the present time; including chapters of newly-discovered, Vol. I > Part 50


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"July 26 .- Early this morning we continued our journey, accompanied by Abra- ham, Nathaniel and Moses, up the Susquehanna for eleven [sic] miles. On the way Abraham showed us the place where he intended to build his house-namely, half a mile further on, where Zinzendorf's fourth resting-place had been .** The land is elevated and near a creek. The locality has a large spring, and is not to be surpassed. The land is level and fertile. Wood abounds. There is an outcropping of limestone several miles long and one-fourth mile distant from the Susquehanna.


"In the afternoon we came to the end of Wyoming, where we were taken across the river. We came to a Minisink town, tt which consisted of eleven houses. We called upon the chief, who had told Abraham that if the Brethren should come from Gnadenhütten they should visit him. We were therefore heartily welcomed. They gave us food. Soon after most of the Indians, as well as our Brethren, went into the 'sweat-house.'}} The chief made preparations for a meeting in an empty hut, large enough for two fire- places. The chief summoned all the people. The women sat around one fire and the men around the other. I then sang a few Delaware verses and Nathaniel translated them. I said that I was very glad that they had a desire to hear something about our God, and would therefore tell them words of life. We concluded by singing a few verses, and then retired to our stopping place.


* Muddy Run, or Nanticoke Creek, described on page 55.


+ Sugar Notch Creek, described on page 220.


# On the Upper Hanover Flats, at and above the mouth of Buttonwood, or Moses', Creek (described on page 56); which stream undoubtedly received its name of "Moses" from the Mohegan Indian mentioned in Grubé's diary.


§ Count Zinzendorf, in his "Narrative" written in 1742, and previously referred to, states: "Such is their [the Indians'] repugnance to labor that, rather than engage in it, they cheerfully undergo severe privation. An Indian that is given to work, you may rely upon it, is either a child of God, or else one that has been infected with the spirit of avarice, the root of all evil, by contact with the whites. It prompts him, however, merely to provide a sufficiency of clothing and of rum ; the acquisition of wealth he never entertains."


| This was Paxinosa's village, within the bounds of the present borough of Plymouth.


"NUTIMUS, mentioned in the note on page 225.


** On the banks of Abraham's Creek, not far from the borough of Forty Fort. See page 210.


++ ASSERUGHNEY, or Adjouqua, near the base of Campbell's Ledge, and referred to on pages 187, 234 and 236.


tt The "sweat-house," or "sweat-lodge," was used by the Indians in taking steam baths for the heal- ing of diseases, and in connection with certain religious rites. The lodge, which was large enough to accommodate several persons at once, consisted of a frame work of poles and boughs covered over with earth and other materials, and having only one small opening at the bottom. Stones were heated and placed in vessels in the lodge containing decoctions of roots and herbs ; or, stones having been heated and placed in the center of the lodge, water was dashed over them, and then the Indians would crawl into the steam-filled lodge and sit there for some time.


The following description of a modern Indian sweat-house is from Grinnell's "The Story of the Iudian": "Down by one of the sweat-lodges a woman is kindling fires and heating the stones in the center of the lodge and outside. She covers the frame with robes or skins so as to keep the heat in. A bucket of water stands near the fire. Soon half a dozen young men come to the place, and, following them, an older man who carries a pipe. As they reach the lodge they drop their blankets and creep naked beneath the covering. After a little the old man is heard singing his sacred songs, and in monot- onous voice praying for the success of those who are about to start on a journey which will be full of danger. The woman passes a vessel into the sweat-house ; the water hisses as it falls on the hot stones, and steam creeps forth from the crevices in the covering. Then there is more singing, and other low- voiced mumbling prayers in different voices, and at length, after an hour, the coverings of the lodge are thrown off, the men creep out, rise, and, all wet with perspiration, and bleeding where they have cut themselves in sacrifice, file down to the stream and plunge into its cold waters. This is the medicine sweat, and the young men who have taken part in it are about to start off on the war-path."


VIEW UP THE SUSQUEHANNA FROM HONEY POT MOUNTAIN


The battle of Rampart Rocks ( see page $62, Vol. II) was fought a little way north of the rocky ridge seen in the picture opposite the western end of the bridge. From a photograph taken in August, 1903.


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"July 27 .- Early in the morning we visited Anton's father, who spoke to uis much about his spiritual affairs. After having partaken of a meal in our quarters, we bade farewell and were about to leave, but the chief asked us to remain a little longer, as he wished to summon his people again, for they desired to hear once more about our Savior. They were soon assembled. The people were attentive and quiet and responded to every sentence with a loud 'kehella !' Before the meeting a man had spoken with the Indian Brethren Abraham and Nathaniel, saying he was a poor sinner and wished to learn to know our God. We took leave of each one and continued on our way rejoicing. On the journey we heard that Joshua, the Moliican from Gnadenhütten, had come. We were surprised, but when we arrived home he had already gone, much to the regret of Abraham. As the Shawanese chief Paxinosa had returned home with his sons we went to visit him. He was very glad to see nis. Abraham said Paxinosa desired to have a meeting to-night, because he would like to hear about the Savior. About thirty Indians and the whole family of Paxinosa assembled. The men sat at one end of the hut and the women at the other, while we were in the middle. Then I preached the Gospel to tliem. Both before and after the address we sang a few Delaware verses. The youngest son of Paxinosa and another Shawanese came to us with two violins, and desired to hear our melodies. We played a little, at which they and our Brethren and Sisters were well pleased. It rained very hard during the night, and as the roof was very poor we became quite wet.


"[Sunday], July 28 .- Old Nathaniel awakened us by singing a Mohican verse. Paxinosa visited us, and I read several Delaware verses for him. He prepared his empty hut for us, so that we could speak in private with some of the Brethren and Sisters. Abraham and Sarah spoke very nicely. What grieved them the most was that they had to dispense with the Lord's Supper here. We also conversed with Nathaniel. He said, 'If only the Brethren at Gnadenhutten would again receive me.' He was very humble and penitent. We then spoke with Moses and Miriam, Adolph and Tabea, John and Deborah, and also Joachim, who said, 'I know I am a wicked man, but I cannot help myself.' By this time the lint was quite well filled. The subject of my preaching was 'Jesus accepts sinners.' The unusual attention which was shown made my heart rejoice. In the afternoon we went out on the plain* to see the old Mohican mother.t She was anxious to be baptized, but was not yet decided. She said : 'Abont twelve years ago, when Martin Mack's wife spoke to me, I felt something of the Savior in my heart. Since then I could not forget it. A year ago I was at Gnadenhütten, and although I felt I was a sinner, I went three times and asked to be baptized. However, I was not baptized, and returned to Wajomic. Ever since that time I have had a longing for the Savior. Mack promised that he would baptize me when he came in the Fall.' I asked whether she considered it proper to be baptized now, and she replied 'Yes.' I told her that the Savior would baptize her to-day and receive her as His child, at which she greatly rejoiced. She grasped our hands and said : 'Oneewe ! Oneewe !'


"When we made preparations for the baptism Saraht clothed the candidate in a white dress. When the people had assembled§ she brought her in and seated her in the center of the hut upon a pounding-block. Upon another block in front of her, which was covered with a cloth, stood the water. There were present about thirty persons, baptized and unbaptized. Paxinosa was present with his whole family. We first sang in the Delaware tongue. Then I spoke about baptism as the Savior gave me utterance. Then followed the singing of a verse, after which I offered prayer in behalf of the candi- date. I then baptized hier, giving her the name 'Marie.' Not the least disturbance was made.


"July 29 .- We had a farewell meeting. Abraham and Sarah accompanied us as far as the plain. We then crossed the plain till we arrived at the great [Nanticoke] fall, where we caught a mess of fish. At night we arrived this side of Thomas Lehmann's place, and encamped on the banks of the Susquehanna for the night. July 30 .- We rose early and had ourselves taken across the Susquehanna. With Thomas Lehmann I entered into conversation, making use of the opportunity to tell him the motive of our concern- ing ourselves so much about the Indians. He understands English well, having had much to do with the whites. We passed Waphallobank, and as it began to rain hard we built a hut of bark in which to pass the night. July 31 .- We arrived at Nescopeck, where we lodged with old Nutimus. He and his son Pantes were very friendly. In the afternoon we crossed the Susquehanna and went a distance of four miles to visit our dear old Solomon, whom we found at home with his son John Thomas. They were very glad to see us and have nis lodge with them over night. August 1 .- Early in the morning we again started for Nescopeck. Solomon kissed us at parting, and asked us to greet the folks at home. At noon we continued our journey and arrived at this side of the Deer Mountain, encamping on the banks of a creek for the night. August 2 .- We crossed the other mountains gladly and cheerfully, and at night arrived at our dear Gnadenhütten."


* "Shawnee" Flats. t The Mohegan woman mentioned on page 209.


# The wife of Abraham (Schabash) mentioned on page 238.


¿ In the cabin of Paxinosa, in the present borough of Plymouth.


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In the early Autumn of 1754 Capt. Robert Dixson (mentioned on page 251), Timothy Woodbridge, Esq. (mentioned on page 256), and two or three others representing The Susquehanna Company, caine to Wyoming to look over the lands which had been purchased in July. That these men explored the country pretty thoroughly is indicated by the statement made by Mr. Woodbridge at Albany in the Spring of 1755-that he "had traversed all those [the Wyoming region] woods." (See page 288.) The following account of the visit of these New Eng- landers was given to Conrad Weiser by Moses Tatemy (mentioned on page 202), interpreter for Teedyuscung in 1756, and is printed in "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VII : 432.


"A company of New England men came down the Susquehanna and took openly drafts of all the good spots of land, and perhaps of all. When the Indians asked why they did so they boldly answered that so many hundred families from New England would come and settle there. 'This is our land,' said the Indians settled on it. 'No,' answered the others, 'the land is none of yours ; it belongs to the Mingoes. You are only their tenants-slaves-dogs !' That thereupon the Delawares sent a large body of their people as their deputation to the Mohawks' country to protest against the New England people, or any other whites, to settle there, and to complain of the Mohawks' proceedings, and to tell them plainly that if they, the Mohawks, would not prevent the New England people from settling on Susquehanna they, the Delawares, would go over to Ohio to the French, in hopes to receive better usage from them. That the Mohawks then denied everything, and said the New England people stole there, and had no leave of them for any lands on Susquehanna, and never would sell them any ; and that neither the New England people nor any whites should ever settle there. That the deputation went home again, and they, the Delaware and Minisink Indians, being so far satisfied ; but that soon they were informed by some of the Mingoes themselves that the lands had actually been sold to the New England people, and that the Mohawks had received large considerations for them, and that the Mohawks had deceived the deputies," etc.


Loskiel states that "towards the end of 1754 the inhabitants of Gnadenhütten received the following very singular message, brought by Paxinous [Paxinosa], the old chief of the Shawanese, and Gideon Tadeuskund, who had proved unfaithful to their cause."


"The Great Head-that is, the Council of the Iroquois at Onondaga-speak the truth and lie not. They rejoice that some of the believing Indians have moved to Wyo- ming, but now they lift up the remaining Mahikans and Delawares and set them also down in Wyoming ; for there a fire is kindled for them, and there they may plant. But if they will not hear, the Great Council will come and clear their ears with a red-hot iron."


Loskiel records that Paxinosa then "turned to the missionaries, earnestly demanding of them not to hinder the Indians from removing to Wyoming. Some thought best to repair to Wyoming, while others refused to emigrate. Early in 1755 the Brethren at Bethlehem received authentic intelligence that the removal of the Gnadenhütten Indians to Wyoming did not originate in the Great Council of the Six Nations, but that only the Oneida tribe, with the Delawares and Mohegans, had formed this plan, and falsely ascribed it to the Iroquois in general. It had been likewise discovered that several persons of character in Phila- delphia joined them in endeavoring to remove the Christian Indians to Wyoming, hoping that the people of New England would thereby be prevented from taking possession of that place, to which they them- selves laid some claim."


February 11, 1755, Paxinosa, with thirteen Indians (including his wife) in his train, arrived at Bethlehem from Wyoming to demand an answer to the message he had brought on his last visit. Loskiel states that an answer was thereupon given, to this effect : "The Brethren would confer with the Iroquois themselves concerning the intended reinoval of the Indians at Gnadenhütten to Wyoming." The Shawa- nese King and his retinue prolonged their stay at Bethlehem for some


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days, and on the eve of their departure for home Paxinosa's wife (to whom he had been married for thirty-eight years, and who had just been converted to Christianity) was baptized by Bishop Spangenberg (men- tioned on page 217), receiving the name "Elizabeth." On the day fol- lowing the baptismal service the Indians set out for Wyoming, accom- panied by Christian Frederick Post (mentioned on page 216), who pro- posed to establish himself in the Valley to minister to the Indian con- verts here and entertain visiting missionaries.


April 4, 1755, Bishop Spangenberg wrote Governor Morris at Phila- delphia that an embassy of Susquehanna Indians was daily expected to arrive at Bethlehem from Wyoming on their way to Philadelphia. A few days later the Indians came, and on April 14th they were received in conference by the Provincial Council-Governor Morris being absent from the city. According to the official records* the Indians present were : "Paxinosa, King of the Shiawanese," "Tateuscung, or Honest John, Sachem of the Delawares," "Mamalatasecung,t or Abraham, a Sachem of the Mohegans," "Maseecheinen, a Sachem of the Dela- wares,"# "Tepeschawaunk, a Sachem of the Delawares,"§ "Gootamneek, a Sachem of the Mohegans," Scarooyady the "Half King," and several other Indians of lesser importance.


Teedyuscung, who, only a short time before this, had been chosen "Captain," or Chief, by the Delawares who had emigrated with him from Gnadenhütten to Wyoming and settled within the present limits of Wilkes-Barré, was the "speaker" for the embassy from Wyoming. He said, among other things :


"You sent us about a year ago by Conrad Weiser or his son a string of wampum to let us know that it was a long time since you had seen us, and that you were afraid our hearts were estranged or changed from you, and that the Chain of Friendship was grown rusty ; and to desire that when anything scared or troubled us we should make you acquainted with it ; and to assure us that you would be always glad to see us and to assist us. We are now come to acquaint you that our hearts and affections reinain still the same towards you."


The members of this embassy remained in Philadelphia some twelve days, and during that time the Council held several conferences with them. The Indians presented the authorities with strings and belts of wampum, and with a package of deer, bear and raccoon skins, and "gave the most soleinn and full assurances of their warmest affections towards the Government." Governor Morris and General Shirley having arrived in Philadelphia in the meantime another conference was held, when the Governor presented the Indians with a belt of wampum from Major General Johnson, with the request that the Wyoming Indians should not depart from their habitations, but should remain in the Valley to receive a message from their uncles, the Six Nations, and General John- son, at Onondaga, whither the latter had gone to consult with the Grand Council of the Confederacy. In his closing speech at this conference Teedynscung referred to the fact that the uncles of the Delawares had made women of them ; and then he said :


"The Covenant of Friendship made by our fathers and grandfathers with the English is bound so fast by a chain about our arms that, let happen what will, we will not break loose, but will be united and stand firmn to each other forever. As you are at


* See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VI : 360.


+ This, evidently, was his name in the Delaware tongue; "Schabash" being his name in the Mohegan language.


# It is probable that he was Chief of the Delawares occupying the village of Matchasaung, mentioned on page 213. It was either he, or his immediate successor, who was locally known as "Jacob."


§ "Tapescawen, " later the private "counselor" of Teedyuscung.


f See page 307.


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one end of the road, our uncles the Six Nations at the other, and we ourselves are seated in the middle at Wyomink, if any mischief or disturbance should arise, whether before or behind, we shall all be ready to see it and join to assist and stand by each other."


A great drought prevailed in the valley of the Susquehanna from April till July, 1755, so that there was a general scarcity of food in all the Indian towns in and near Wyoming. In May, 1755, Conrad Weiser wrote to Secretary Peters that "the Indians on Susquehanna are starving and have almost nothing to eat, because the deers are scarse"; while the Bethlehem diarists inforin us that in June of that year the Nesco- peck Indians came to Bethlehem for food, as they were "half starved." In the last-mentioned month Christian Frederick Post, at Wyoming, was so severely injured in one of his legs that an Indian runner was des- patched to Bethlehem for surgical aid. Dr. John Matthew Otto* responded, and spent about a week in Wyoming with his patient-being, without doubt, the first physician to visit, or at least to practise his pro- fession in, our valley.


In the latter part of this same month the Moravian missionaries Christian Seidel and David Zeisberger, who had returned from Onon- daga a short time before, set out on a tour of the Susquehanna Indian towns to preach to the christianized Indians. They reached Wyoming, via Shamokin, Nescopeck and Wapwallopen, about the same time that news was received here of Braddock's defeat on the Monongahela, as previously mentioned. The famine heretofore referred to was still pre- vailing in the Valley, and the first care of Seidel and Zeisberger was to relieve Post's wants and those of the Indians by going back to Shamokin for supplies. After a few days spent in the valleys of Wyoming and Lackawanna the Brethren set out for Bethlehem by way of the "War- rior's Path." Loskiel informs us that as they descended Nescopeck Mountain into Sugar Loaf Valley they wandered from the path, in con- sequence of many trees having been blown down by a recent storm. Owing to this circumstance they were preserved from certain death, for a number of Indians lay in ambush in a laurel swamp through which the path ran at the foot of the mountain, intending to tomahawk the missionaries ; but the latter, missing the path, were saved from death. They regained the path near where the borough of Conyngham now stands, and in due time reached Gnadenhütten in safety.


Chapman, in his history of Wyoming, states (page 63) :


"In the Summer of 1755 the [Susquehanna] Company having procured the consent of the Colony of Connecticut for the establishment of a settlement * * within the limits of their purchase, sent out a number of persons to Wyoming, accompanied by their sur- veyors and agents, to commence a settlement. On their arrival they found the Indians in a state of war with the English Colonies, and the news of the defeat of General Brad- dock having been received at Wyoming produced such an animating effect upon the Nanticoke tribe of Indians that the members of the new colony would probably have been detained as prisoners, had it not been for the interference of some of the principal chieftans of the Delaware Indians, and particularly of Teedyuscung. The members of the colony consequently returned to Connecticut. During the Summer the Nanticokes removed from Wyoming and united with their more powerful neighbors in persuading the Delaware Indians to unite in war against the Indians."


There are several glaring errors in this passage, mainly due, un- questionably, to the fact that Mr. Chapman obtained the greater part of his information concerning the Delawares, and the other Indians located in Wyoming at the period now under consideration, from Heckewelder,


* He was born at Meiningen in 1714, and studied medicine and surgery at Augsburg. He came to this country in the Spring of 1750 with the "Henry Jorde Colony," and settled at Bethlehem in June of the same year. For thirty years he was physician and surgeon of the Moravian settlements in Northampton County. He died at Bethlehem in August, 1786.


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who, as we have previously intimated, was strongly prejudiced in favor of the Delawares. In the first place, the Nanticokes were a peaceable people, and it was their boast that they had never warred against their white brethren .* Besides, as we have previously shown (on page 238), all the Nanticokes in Wyoming had removed to the Province of New York in April, 1753. As for Teedyuscung, as soon as he learned of the triumph of the French and Indians in the Ohio region, he became loud in his boastings and unrestrained in his vindictiveness, and was, as we shall show, one of the first Indians on the Susquehanna to break the peaceful conditions which had so long prevailed there.


Various writerst of Wyoming history, following Chapman in point of time, have stated that representatives of The Susquehanna Company repaired to Wyoming in the Summer of 1755, and, "after taking the latitude and longitude and making an examination of the country, returned home to await the issue of the pending hostilities before pro- ceeding with the project of the settlement." The records of The Sus- quehanna Company do not contain any information whatsoever on this subject ; in fact, for the period extending from May, 1755 (when the meeting mentioned on page 306, ante, was held), to February 25, 1761, there are neither minutes of meetings nor memoranda of any trans- actions recorded in the books of the Company. Judging by this fact one can say with reason, and some degree of certainty, that the affairs of the Company rested in statu quo during the time mentioned. However, it is quite certain that in the Spring or early Summer of 1755-before the defeat of General Braddock-a visit was made to Wyoming by some of the proprietors of the land company ; but it is not probable that they did anything more than to look the country over, select available or desirable places for settlements and determine upon the shortest and best route by which to make the journey to and from the Valley.


Some local writers have stated that one of the Connecticut visitors to Wyoming in 1755 was a surveyor, who learned at that time, from observations then made with his surveying instruments, that the latitude of Wyoming was 41º 14' 17". These same writers have mentioned also certain other items of information concerning the Wyoming region, which it is alleged were originally gathered and noted down in 1755 by the surveyor referred to. It may be remarked here that those particular items, as well as the latitude of Wyoming-in the figures just given- were all set forth on Lewis Evans' map published early in 1755, and referred to in the note on page 191, ante. Evans gathered his data for that map in the years 1750-'53, prior to the settling of Teedyuscung and his Delawares in Wyoming-as is plainly evident from an inspection of the map (a copy of which is in The Philadelphia Library) and a reading of certain paragraphs on page 715 of Volume II of the "Documentary History of New York State." Therefore, the only village nanied "Wyoming" known to Evans and others in 1750-'53 was Paxinosa's village, mentioned on page 230, ante, and it was that Wyoming which is indicated on Evans' map, with the latitude correctly given as 41º 14' 17." It is extremely improbable that the Connecticut surveyor who visited the Valley in 1755 would-unless by mere chance-take his ob-




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