USA > Pennsylvania > Luzerne County > Wilkes-Barre > A history of Wilkes-Barre, Luzerne County, Pennsylvania, from its first beginnings to the present time; including chapters of newly-discovered, Vol. I > Part 26
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The third son of Shikellimy was Tahgayuta, or James Logan, especially distinguished in American annals as "Logan, the Mingo chief." (Relative to the use of the term "Mingo," generally, see page 106.) Logan was born at Shikellimy's Town, previously mentioned, probably about 1728 or '29, and as his father entertained a high regard for the Hon. James Logan-imentioned on page 179-the son was named for him. Young Logan removed with his father's family to Shamokin, where, later, he married a wife from the Shawanese tribe. Some time afterwards he settled near a large spring, now bearing his name, in the Kishicoquillas Valley, six miles from Lewistown, Pennsylvania. There he resided until 1771, when he removed to the West and located on the Ohio River, at the mouth of Yellow Creek, about thirty miles above the present city of Wheeling. Here he was joined by his relatives and some Cayugas from the locality of Shamokin, who recognized him as chief. The Iroquois on the Ohio, then and later, were known as Mingoes.
In the Spring of 1774, just prior to what is known in history as Cresap's War, carried on against Shaw- anese, Delawares and Mingoes on the Ohio, the whole of Logan's family-his wife, his children and his sister-were murdered in cold blood in Logan's cabin during his absence on a hunting expedition. This cowardly deed was done, without provocation, by some miscreants who had stolen away from Cresap's camp. Naturally the vengeance of Logan was provoked, and in the war which soon ensued he fought fiercely as a leader and took many scalps. In the Autumn of 1774 a severe and stubbornly con- tested battle was fought with the Indians on the Scioto River, resulting in large losses on both sides. But the Indians were defeated and sued for peace, and shortly afterwards many representatives from among the Shawanese and Delawares were gathered together in Lord Dunmore's camp, and a treaty of amity was concluded.
The Mingoes, influenced by Logan, refused to attend or take part in any way in this conference. Lord Dunmore sent as an envoy to Logan John Gibson-afterwards a General in the Revolutionary War -who had been a prisoner among the Indians and knew their language. He met Logan, who sent back an answer to Lord Dunmore. Upon his return to Camp Charlotte Gibson wrote out this answer, or speech, for Lord Dunmore, and later in the year it was published in certain newspapers, and attracted much comment ; but remarkable popularity was secured for it by Thomas Jefferson, when, some years later, he published it with notes and comments in his "Notes on Virginia," as illustrating Indian character and genins. This speech has probably been translated into almost every language of tlie civilized world. Its opening sentence is as follows : "I appeal to any white man if he ever entered Logan's cabin hungry, and he gave him not to eat ; if he ever came cold and naked, and he clothed him not." For the remainder of
the speech see Stone's "Poetry and History of Wyoming," page 382.
* See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records, " IV : 570.
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'Ye men ! what are ye about? Why do ye beat each other ? We are almost afraid. Consider that your wives and children must perish unless ye desist.' The men shall then obey the woman.'
"The Delawares add that, not immediately perceiving the intention of the Iroquois, they had submitted to be the woman. The Iroquois then appointed a great feast and invited the Delaware nation to it, when, in consequence of the authority given them, they made a solemn speech containing three capital points. The first was, that they declared the Delaware nation to be the woman in the following words : 'We dress you in a woman's long habit, reaching down to your feet, and adorn you with ear-rings'-meaning that they should no more take up arms. The second point was thus expressed : 'We hang a calabash filled with oil and medicines upon your arm. With the oil you shall cleanse the ears of the other nations, that they may attend to good and not to bad words ; and with the medicine you shall heal those who are walking in foolish ways, that they may return to their senses and incline their hearts to peace.' The third point, by which the Delawares were exhorted to make agriculture their future employ and means of sub- sistence, was thus worded : 'We deliver into your hands a plant of Indian corn, and a hoe.' Each of these points was confirmed by delivering a belt of wampum, and these belts have been carefully laid up, and their meaning frequently repeated.
"Ever since this singular treaty of peace the Iroquois have called the Delawares their cousins. * * * The Iroquois, on the contrary, assert that they conquered the Delawares, and that the latter were forced to adopt the defenceless state and appellation of a woman to avoid total ruin."
In 1712 the Delawares had long been tributary to the Five Nations, as is shown by the following incident .* In May of the year mentioned certain Delawares, including Skalitchi, their King, Sassoonan, and other chiefs, being on their way to Onondaga, called on the Governor of Penn- sylvania and showed what they bore. "They thereupon laid upon the floor thirty-two belts of wampum of various figures, and a long Indian pipe called the calumet, with a stone liead, a wooden or cane shaft and feathers fixed to it like wings, with other ornaments. This pipe, they said, upon making their submission to the Five Nations (who had sub- dued them and obliged them to be their tributaries) those Nations had given to the Delawares to be kept by them, that at all times thereafter, upon showing this pipe wherever they came they might be known to be friends and subjects of the Five Nations, and be received by them when they came amongst them." They then declared that "many years ago" they had been "made tributaries to the Mingoes, or Five Nations," and following this statement they proceeded to open out the belts lying on the floor and to explain the meaning and purpose of each. "These last twenty-four," they said, "were all sent by the women, the Indians reckoning the paying of tribute becomes none but women and children."
In June, 1728, the Pennsylvania authorities held an important con- ference in the "Great Meeting-house" at Philadelphia with Indians from the Susquehanna and Delaware regions. Shikellimy was among those who attended, as was also Sassoonan, or Alluinmapees, t King of. the Delawares. The latter gave notice during the conference "that the Minnisinks live in the Forks of Susquehanna, above Meehayomy [Wyo- ming], and that their King's name is Kindassowa." ("Pennsylvania Colonial Records," III : 326.) The forinal announcement of this fact on that important occasion inay be understood as indicating that the "Min- nisinks" had removed to the locality mentioned only a short time previ- ously. At any rate, this is the earliest recorded reference (known to the writer) to that particular locality, and is the first recorded mention made of a Delaware Indian settlement in Wyoming Valley.
* See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," II : 546, 548.
+ ALLUMMAPEES was, apparently, the name of this sachem in the Delaware tongue, and Sassoonan in the Iroquois. The meaning of the name in English is "One who is well wrapped up." Prior to his accession to the kingship of the Delawares Allummapees had been chief of the Unami, or Wanamie, clan of the tribe. (See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VII : 726.) As early as 1715 he had become
WEST PITTSTON AND CAMPBELL'S LEDGE. Viewed from Hospital Hill, Pittston, opposite the battlefield of Wyoming. From a photograph taken in July, 1904.
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The "Minnisinks" were the Delawares of the Minsi, or Monsey, clan, as mentioned on page 103 ; and by "the Forks of Susquehanna" Allummapees referred to the confluence of the Lackawanna River with the Susquehanna, as described on page 34. The site of the village in question was on the left bank of the Susquehanna between Campbell's Ledge and the month of the Lackawanna, and opposite Scovell's Island .* This village was known during a number of years as "Asserughney," or "Assarockney," and also as "Adjouqua"; but it is noted as "Solocka" on the map on page 33, as well as on the "Map of the Province of Pensil- vania" (originally published in 1756) to be found in Chapter V.
The original name of the Lackawanna was, in the Delaware tongue, "Gachanai," and in the Maqua, or Iroquois, "Hazirok," as is shown by entries in two original, unpublished diariest relating to journeys made along the upper waters of the North Branch of the Susquehanna-the one by the Moravian Bishop Cammerhoff in 1750, and the other by the Moravian missionary David Zeisberger in 1753. Dr. Beauchamp lias informed the writer that "'Solocka' looks like an Oneida word, but is probably either Delaware or Sliawanese-most likely the former, the termination 'ocka,' or 'ohki,' meaning 'land' or 'place.' The word is not Iroquois. Names are so often corrupted or abbreviated, however, that definitions must often be conjectured. In general, any Pennsylvania name containing labials may be safely called Delaware, although the absence of these does not determine it to be Iroquois. You will observe that 'Hazirok' is a creek, not a village, although any houses there would be 'at Hazirok,' according to Indian usage. If any place near the 'Hasirok' was large enough to be called a village, it would naturally be at or very near the mouth of the creek. Dropping the final syllable of 'Asserughney,' or 'Assarockney,' as is often done, would give you a good identification : 'Assarock' ='Hazirok,' which is much closer than many forms of Indian names."
Pearce states ("Annals of Luzerne County," pages 29 and 218) that the village of Asserughney was at the mouth of Gardner's Creek, about
King, upon the death of Skalitchi. In 1718 he headed the deputation of Delaware chieftans who at Philadelphia signed an absolute release to the Proprietaries for certain lands between the Delaware and Susquehanna, previously granted to William Penn1.
Shortly after the conference held at Philadelphia in June, 1728, Allummapees and a number of his Indians removed from the Delaware River to Shamokin-presumably by direction, or desire, of the Six Nations. In August, 1731, Lieutenant Governor Gordon reported to the Provincial Assembly that King Allummapees had, "in a fit of drunkenness, killed his cousin Shackatawlin.} Sam Shackatawlin, who occasionally acted as interpreter at Philadelphia-where he was looked upon by some as an oracle-was the presumptive successor of Allummapees, being his nephew. (The words "cousin" and "nephew" were used interchangeably by the Indians, just as they were used by Shakspeare, and by civilized people generally at a later period.) Allummapees was jealous of his nephew, and stabbed him to the heart with a knife. In a deed of 1732 Allummapees is described as "Sachem of the Schuylkill Indians."
In June, 1747, Conrad Weiser wrote that the Delaware Indians at Shamokin had intended to visit Philadelphia in 1746, but had been prevented by the sickness of Allummapees, who was still alive but unable to stir. "He has no successor among his relatives, " wrote Weiser, "and he will hear of none so long as he is alive ; and none of the Indians care to meddle in the affair. Shikellimy advises that the Govern- ment should name Allummapees' successor, and set him up by their authority, that at this critical timne there might be a man to apply to, since Allummapees has lost his senses and is incapable of doing any- thing." Later Weiser wrote to Richard Peters that the King "would have resigned his crown before 110w ; but as he has the keeping of the public treasure (that is to say, of the Council-bag) consisting of belts of wampum, with which he buys liquor and has been drunk for this two or three years alinost constantly, it is thought he won't die so long as there is a single wampum left in the bag."
Allummapees having, evidently, disposed of the last wampum in the Council-bag, died at Shamokin in October, 1747. His death was due chiefly to fever and ague, then prevailing to an alarming extent in the locality of Shamokin, and it is said that the old king "actually shook himself to death with the ague." In announcing to the Government the death of Allummapees Weiser said : "Lapaghuitton is allowed to be fittest to succeed hin, but he declines. He is afraid he will be envied, and consequently bewitched by some of the Indians." In April, 1748, the Onondaga Council notified Shikellimy that they would send some of their old men to Philadelphia to treat about "a proper person to succeed King Alluminapees." In September, 1748, Weiser being at Logstown, on the Ohio River in Western Pennsylvania, condoled with Delaware Indians from Beaver Creek (eight miles distant) over the loss of their "good king and our good friend and brother Olomipies."
* See pages 47 and 50.
+ Translations (likewise unpublished) of these diaries are in possession of the Rev. W. M. Beauchamp, S. T. D., of Syracuse, New York, who has kindly furnished the present writer with various extracts therefrom.
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PART OF A MAP OF PENNSYLVANIA, NEW JERSEY AND NEW YORK. BY TOB. CONR. LOTTER.
Reduced photo-engraving made for this history from a copy of the original map (in the Library of Congress) published in the latter part of 1748 or early in 1749. The Lotter family were book publishers in Augsburg, Bavaria, 1710-'85.
four miles up the river from the mouth of the Lackawanna, in what is now Ransom Township. This is undoubtedly an error. Some years later there was an Indian village on that spot, but it was not Asserugli- ney. It was named "Candowsa," and is noted on the map in Chapter V. This is a Delaware word, and may have been derived from the name of the "king" of Asserughney. Hollister says ("History of the Lacka- wanna Valley," fifth edition, page 25) : "This village [Asserughney] stood between the bold precipice famed as Campbell's Ledge and the mouth of the Lackawanna River. While Asserughney was the Indian name of the town 'Adjouqua' was applied to the lower portion of the Lackawanna Valley." In February, 1756, Tachnechdorus, "Chief of Shamokin" (see foot-note, page 184), informed the Lieutenant Governor of Pennsylvania that certain Delawares had fled to "Assarockney," hav- ing there "a big hill on one side and the Sasquehannah on the other side of the present town."* At a conference held in June, 1756,1 by Colonel Clapham of the Provincial forces with a chief of the Six Nations, the latter stated that the Iroquois "agree to your building a fort at Shamokin, but are desirous that you should also build a fort three days journey in a canoe higher up the North Branch in their country, at a place called Adjouquay, * * where there is a good situation and fine soil at the entrance of a deep creek, on a level plain five miles extending and clear of woods. Adjouqua is fourteen miles above Wyo-
* See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VI : 66 and VII : 52. + See ibid., VII : 157-159.
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mning, and old women may carry a heavy pack of skins from thence to the Minisink,* and return to Adjouqua in two nights."
Although the name "Wyoming" had been, undoubtedly, originally applied by the Indians to the valley still thus entitled, yet in 1728, and during a number of years later, the name was restricted to the Shaw- anese town on the right bank of the river, within the present limits of Plymouth. Not only is this evident from the words quoted in the pre- ceding paragraph and from the language used by Allumapees in refer- ring to the Monsey town at the "Forks," but the fact is also indicated on the several early maps reproduced on the preceding page, on page 191 and in Chapter V.
Asserughney was not "fourteen miles above" the town of Wyoming, however, but was only about nine and a-half miles in a bee-line, or about eleven miles by way of the river. It was spoken of by different Indians, upon various occasions, as being ten, twelve and fourteen miles above Wyoming. The town was well placed. The summit of Campbell's Ledge, towering above, afforded an uninterrupted lookout over the valley below, and was used by the Indians not only in watching over their wigwams nestled along the river, but as a place whereon to kindle their beacon or signal fires. The great Warrior Path from the North, and the trail down the Lackawanna from the Minisink homes on the Delaware, passed through it.
At a Council held in Philadelphia May 20, 1728, the Governor reported that two traders "from Pechoquealin, near Durham Iron Works" (see page 178) had just delivered to him a verbal message "from Ka-kow- watchy, the Chief of the Shawanese there, to this effect : That he liav- ing heard that the Flat-head Indians (so called) were come into this Province with a design to make war upon our Indians, he had sent eleven of his men armed to inquire into the truth of it, with orders to assist our Indians. That their provisions failed them and they were obliged to get from the inhabitants; but they offered no rudeness till our people [the whites] used them ill and fired upon them." Having made inquiry into this matter the Governor reported to the Council some days later that about the 15th of May "some Shawanese came from Pechoquealin armed with guns, pistols and swords and painted for war ; they fell in amongst some of our inhabitants and behaved themselves foolishly. Our people thought them strange Indians and enemies, and, believing there were much greater numbers behind in the woods, met together with arms to defend themselves." In the skirmish that fol- lowed several Indians and white inen were wounded. t
In the latter part of August, 1728, the Six Nations, through Shikel- limy, directed the Shawanese at the town of Wyoming to remove to the
*"The Minisink" and "the Minisinks" were terms derived from the name of the Lenni Lenape clan -the Minsi, or Monsey-who, as stated on page 103. dwelt along the Delaware from the "Forks" of the river northward. The flats along both sides of the Delaware, extending northward from the Water Gap (mentioned on page 45) a distance of forty miles and more, were at an early day referred to indiscrimi- nately as lying "at the Minisink," or as being "the Minisink flats" or "the Minisinks." When, in 1730, Nicholas Scull and John Lukens visited that region they found settlers-descendants of the early Dutch emigrants from Holland-scattered along the flats for a long distance, and they could not tell when the first settlers had arrived there. Apple trees were growing, larger than any about Philadelphia, and it was Scull's opinion that the settlement ante-dated the granting of Penn's charter. (See Egle's "History of Pennsylvania," pages 947, 1050 and 1148.) For the location of the "Indian Orchard," see "Map of Luzerne County" in Chapter XXIII.
At a later period (say 1774-'79) the country lying along the rivers Delaware and Neversink, in the vicinity of what is now Port Jervis, Orange County, New York, was indiscriminately called "the Mini- sink region" and "the Minisinks," and at Port Jervis was a village named "Minisink." On the Map of Luzerne County, in Chapter XXIII, what is now Neversink River is noted as "Mahock Creek," and on the map in Chapter V it is "Mahocamac." The town of Matamoras, in Pike County, Pennsylvania, shown on the map in Chapter XI, lies on the opposite side of the Delaware from Port Jervis.
+ See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," III : 309, 317.
190
Ohio, and the Shawanese at Pechoquealin to remove to Wyoming. The latter, under their chief Kackawatcheky, obeyed this order with such promptness that they departed for Wyoming without gathering their green corn, which was ready to be plucked. This unexpected and erratic exodus was very puzzling to the Provincial authorities, and it was not until four years later that Governor Gordon was able to obtain from the Shawanese any kind of an explanation as to the reason for the sudden departure from Pechoquealin. The explanation came from cer- tain chiefs on the Ohio, and was in these words* :
"About 1728 the Five Nations told the Delawares and us-'Since you have not hearkened to us nor regarded what we have said, now we will put petticoats on you, and look upon you as women for the future, and not as men. Therefore, you Shawanese, look back towards Ohioh, the place from whence you came, t and return thitherward, for now we shall take pity on the English and let them have all this land [Pechoquealin].' And they further said : 'Now, since you are become women, I'll take Peahohquelloman and put it on Meheahoaming [Wyoming], and I'll take Meheahoaming and put it on Ohioh, and Ohioh I'll put on Woabach [Wabash], and that shall be the warrior's road for the future.'
"The Delaware Indians some time ago bid us depart, for they was dry and wanted to drink ye land away ; whereupon we told them, 'since some of you are gone to Ohioh we will go there also. We hope you will not drink that away, too.'"'
In formulating this message it is quite probable that the chiefs drew on their imaginations; for there is no doubt but that the Shawanese were ordered from Pechoquealin to the solitudes of Wyoming because of the doings of the war-party sent out to "inquire" about the "Flat- heads," as previously mentioned. There is no evidence any where- except in this message-that the Iroquois looked upon the Shawanese at this time in the same light in which they regarded the Delawares ; who, very shortly after the occurrences mentioned, were again publicly reminded-as noted hereinafter-that "petticoats" had been put on them by the Iroquois
When Kackawatcheky and his followers arrived at Wyoming they erected their lodges on the village-site in Plymouth vacated by the Shawanese who had removed to the Ohio. Some four years later (in October, 1732) "Quassenungh, son of old King Kakowatchy," having gone from Wyoming to Philadelphia to attend an Indian conference, was taken ill with small-pox. He recovered from this in due time, but while convalescing was attacked by some other disease. He was at- tended during all his illness by Dr. Thomas Græme, a well-known resi- dent of Philadelphia. Quassenungh languished till January 16, 1733, when he died, and "was the next day buried in a handsome manner." Subsequently Governor Gordon condoled with the old King on the loss of his son.±
In October, 1728, an important conference with certain Delaware and other Indians was held at Philadelphia by the Provincial authorities, in the course of which King Allummapees saids : "The Five Nations have often told us that we were as women only, and desired us to plant corn and mind our own private business, for that they would take care of what related to peace and war." About this time the Six Nations in New York and the various tribes along the Ohio River and its tribu-
* See "Pennsylvania Archives," First Series, I : 329.
+ The Allegheny River, which rises in New York south-east of Lake Erie-in the one-time territory of the "Cat Nation"-is one of the confluents of the Ohio River, and during many years in the eighteenth century was often called the Ohio River. The statement in the above-quoted message-that the Shaw- anese had come from the Ohio-is corroborative of the theory, or belief, noted on pages 177 and 178, that the Shawanese were originally members of the "Cat Nation."
# "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," III : 463.
¿ See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," III : 334.
191
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Reduced photo-engraving made for this work from a copy of the original map (in the Library of Congress) published March 25, 1749, by Lewis Evans .*
taries were more or less under the influence of the French ; while the tribes in eastern Pennsylvania and in New Jersey espoused the cause of the English.
In August, 1732, the Provincial Government held an important conference at Philadelphia with certain authorized deputies of the Six Nations attended by a large number of chiefs and other Indians, all of whom journeyed from Onondaga Castle and back by way of Wyoming. When about to set out from Philadelphia-on September 2d-on their homeward journey, they requested that they should be furnished with horses "from Tulpehocken to Mechayomy." It is quite probable that these Indians had come down the river as far as Wyoming in canoes, which, having been left there, they purposed using in making their return voyage.
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