USA > Pennsylvania > Luzerne County > Wilkes-Barre > A history of Wilkes-Barre, Luzerne County, Pennsylvania, from its first beginnings to the present time; including chapters of newly-discovered, Vol. I > Part 54
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When Sir William Johnson learned of this proclamation of war he wrote concerning it to Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, under date of April 24, 1756, as follows§ :
"I am surprised that Mr. Morris, whose Province was so much interested in the result of the Six Nations' embassy to those Indians, * * would not wait to hear the effects of this embassy. What will the Delawares and Shawanese think of such opposi- tion and contradiction in our conduct? How shall I behave at the approaching meeting at Onondaga, not only to those Indians, but to the Six Nations? These hostile measures which Mr. Morris has entered into are throwing all our schemes into confusion, and must naturally give the Six Nations such impressions, and the French such advantages to work on against us, that I tremble for the consequences."
* Spanish milled dollars, or their equivalent. See note on page 252.
+ See "Pennsylvania Archives," First Series, II : 619.
# See the map facing page 320. Cushetunk is thereon noted as "Station Point." The Indian village of Tohiccon, or Tioga, is not noted, but the Tioga, or "Tohiccon," River is. See, also, page 34.
¿ See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VII : 116.
337
The Quakers of Philadelphia, particularly, were greatly exercised because of tlie declaration of war against the Pennsylvania Indians, and within a few days after the publishing of the proclamation Conrad Weiser and Daniel Claus (who was then Sir William Johnson's Secre- tary, and was temporarily in Philadelphia), together with Andrew Mon- tour, Scarooyady and several other friendly Indians who happened to be in the city, dined with a number of prominent Quakers at the home of one of them, wliere, subsequently, they conferred together relative to the situation of affairs .* As a result, they proposed to the Governor that they should be permitted to send an embassy to the Delawares and Shawanese at Wyoming, to endeavor to effect a reconciliation with them and restore peace to the Province.
At first the Governor consented to this, and then, in view of the declaration of war, he interposed objections to the plan proposed. Finally he resolved to send messengers in his own name to the hostiles, and Cashiowaya, or "Captain Newcastle,"t Jagreat and "William Loc- quis"s were selected to perforin the service ; and under date of April 26th, at Philadelphia, the Governor instructed them, in substance, as follows : You are to let the Indians at Wyoming know that we have heard of the conference which was held at Otsiningo, and that they had promised to hearken to the Six Nations and forbear any further hostilities against the inhabitants of this Province. Let them know, also, as from your- selves, that if they are sincerely disposed to peace, and will deliver up the English prisoners in their hands to the Six Nations, lay down their hatchets and abide by the terms that may be agreed upon," peace may be assured, although much blood has been spilled. Assure them that the Delawares who live amongst us have had no mischief done them, but are treated with kindness. "Paxinosa and some other Shawanese and other Indians have not broken faith with us, but endeavored to dis- stade the Delawares from striking us. When they could not succeed they separated from them, and now live together in some place near Wyomink. I would have you go to them and let them know the news from Sir William Johnson ; and also let Paxinosa know that he and any of the Indians who have continued true to the English would be welcomed if they inclined to come into the Province under the protec- tion of the Government."||
* See Hazard's Register of Pennsylvania, VIII : 275, 293 (November, 1831).
+ He was a Six Nation Indian who, when a child, had been formally presented by his parents to William Penn, at New Castle on the Delaware. In August, 1755, Governor Morris publicly conferred on him the name and title of "Captain Newcastle" in remembrance of that event, using these words : "In token of our affection for your parents, and in expectation of your being a useful man in these perilous times, I do, in the most solemn manner, adopt you by the nanie of 'Newcastle,' and order you hereafter to be called by that name." He confirmed his words with the gift of a belt of wampum of eight rows. In the Summer of 1756 Governor Denny (Morris' successor) referred to "Captain Newcastle" as one of the few Indians left by Scarooyady and "The Old Belt" (on their going to Sir William Johnson's) to assist in building a fort at Shamokin, and to be employed in such public business as there should be occasion for. The Governor declared him to be "a sincere and true friend to the English, and an honest and sensible Indian." He died of small-pox at Philadelphia early in November, 1756, while Governor Morris was in attendance at a treaty being held in Easton. His decease was publicly announced by the Governor, who gave the Indians present a string of wampum and eleven black strouds to remind them of the "good man who had been very instrumental in promoting the good work of peace, and to wipe away their tears and take grief from their hearts."
Į A friendly Mohawk chief (previously mentioned on page 320), who, at this period, was spending considerable time at and about Philadelphia.
§ A "Delaware Indian from the Jerseys," who, early in April, 1756, was sent to a prominent Quaker in Philadelphia by Conrad Weiser, with a letter recommending him as "a person worthy of some notice, and fit to be employed in a message to the Delawares." (See Hazard's Register, VIII : 275.) A few weeks later a certain Charles Read wrote to Governor Morris as follows (see "Pennsylvania Archives," First Series, II : 645) : "With the Indians now at Philadelphia is one Will. Loguess. He is a fellow on whom 110 dependence can be had, and is impudent and mischievous in his nature. His father and relations removed about two years ago to Wyoming, where they now are."
| See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VII : 108.
338
The three messengers were instructed to go to Wyoming by way of Bethlehem, where they would be joined by "Augustus,"* a friendly Delaware who was living there. This they did, setting out from Phila- delphia about the first of May. Owing to the badness of the weather the party spent five days and four nights in making the journey from Bethlehem to Wyoming, and upon their arrival here they found that all the Indians had left the valley and gone up the river. Captain New- castle and his party thereupon proceeded to Tioga, where they found a large number of Indians of different tribes. A council was held-com- posed of representatives from the various villages thereabout-and New- castle delivered Governor Morris' message, to which Paxinosa, in behalf of the Shawanese present, made a brief response. In the report of the con- ference it is recorded that Paxinosa interpreted for the Delawares "be- cause Newcastle talks good Shawanese and Paxinosa talks good Dela- ware." Teedyuscung spoke at length in behalf of the Delawares, as well as the other Indians present, and was the principal speaker of the occa- sion. Having washed off every trace of war-paint from his face, he cooed for peace as sweetly and as tenderly as the amiable dove in the ballad. He professed to have had all the fighting he cared for, and was anxious for a "settlement of differences" with the Pennsylvanians. His
speech was, in part, as follows :
"Brethren, the Governor and People of Pennsylvania : We rejoice to hear from you. We desire you will look upon us with eyes of mercy. We are a very poor people -our wives and children are almost naked- * * * we are void of understanding and destitute of the necessaries of life .; We the Delawares, the Shawanese, the Mohegans and Monseys give you this string of wampum, and desire that the bitterness which may have gathered in this dark and unhappy time may be removed. * * We have laid aside our hatchet and will never make use of it any more against you or your brethren the English. All our young men have been consulted about this, and all earnestly agree to it."
Captain Newcastle and his fellow messengers left Tioga shortly after this conference and returned to Philadelphia, where they arrived on May 31st. As soon as they had departed from Tioga nearly all the Indians gathered there moved to a locality "about twenty-five miles higher up the river" to plant corn, and there they remained for some time. Teedyuscung, however, did not tarry to take part in the corn-planting, but hurried off post-liaste to Fort Niagara (mentioned on page 298) to hold a pow-wow with the French and the western Senecas.
About the first of June Sir William Johnson sent Ogaghradarisha, an Iroquois sachem, with a message to the Indians at Tioga, suminon- ing thein to a council at Fort Johnson ; and with a message to Col. William Clapham at the mouth of Armstrong's Creek, in what is now Dauphin County, where he was building Fort Halifax. At Tioga the messenger "found only a few Indians, some sick with the small-pox,
* For some years prior to 1749 he was known as "George Rex," and was Captain of Meniolagomeka, the Delaware village mentioned on page 308. He belonged to the Unami, or Wanamie, clan, his totemic device being a turtle. On the 25th of April of the year above mentioned, while on a visit to Bethlehem, he was baptized by Bishop Cammerhoff and received the name "Augustus." He removed with his people from Meniolagomeka to New Gnadenhütten in 1754, as previously related, and was there at the time of the destruction of Old Gnadenhiitten. Since then he had been living at Bethlehem. Early in 1756 Augustus stated that Teedyuscung had occasioned the war then in progress in north-eastern Pennsyl- vania. (See "Pennsylvania Archives," First Series, II : 729.) Teedyuscung was his brother-in-law.
Augustus was the step-son of Wiwumkamek, or "Simeon," a native of Egg Harbor, New Jersey, who had removed north of the Blue Mountains early in the eighteenth century. He was totally blind, and was a medicine-man in high repute among his people.
+ According to the testimony of John Cox (mentioned on page 335) the Indians and their prisoners at and near Tioga "were in a starving condition during the whole Summer" of 1756, having very little veni- son and corn and being reduced to the necessity of living upon dog's flesh and the few roots and berries they could collect in the woods. In August about one hundred Indians went to the Ohio region for a supply of food and ammunition. (See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VII : 242. )
# See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VII : 223.
339
many dead and a few others planting corn ;" while "in his passage by Wyoming he saw nothing but empty houses." Arriving at Colonel Clapham's camp he delivered the message referred to on page 188.
On the breaking out of hostilities the inhabitants on the frontiers of Pennsylvania, having but few arms and no organized methods of defense, were struck with a panic and deserted their plantations. After a considerable delay, caused mainly by the failure of the Assembly to act-as we have before noted-laws were passed and money was appro- priated for the building of a range of frontier forts and the raising, sub- sisting and paying of a Provincial force of 1,400 soldiers for garrison and patrol duty. These soldiers were enlisted for one year, and each man received "eighteen pence currency a day, and his victuals found." The cost to the Province of this force, including its officers, was about €70,000 in currency. The inhabitants of the Province of Pennsylvania and the Counties on the Delaware were estimated at that time to "amount to 200,000, of whom 30,000 may be capable of bearing arıns."*
Early in January, 1756, Benjamin Franklin and other Commis- sioners proceeded from Philadelphia to the site of New Gnadenhütten (see page 327), where, guarded by a force of Provincials, they superin- tended the erection of a wooden fort. It was completed Jannary 25th, when there was a general discharge of fire-arms, a flag was hoisted, and the place was named "Fort Allen" in honor of the Hon. William Allen of Philadelphia, Chief Justice of the Province, who was a Masonic Brother and intimate friend of Benjamin Franklin, and at that time was Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Free Masons of Pennsylvania. Colonel Clapham having completed Fort Halifax, previously referred to, proceeded with his regiment of 400 Provincials early in July, 1756, up the Susquehanna to Shamokin, where, within the present limits of the borougli of Sunbury, he began the erection of Fort Augusta, which he completed before the following Winter.
By advice of the Provincial Council Governor Morris gave public notice early in June that he had "suspended for three months hostilities against the Delaware Indians on the east side of the Northi Branch of the Susquehanna River, in order to enter into a treaty with them." On the Sth of June the Governor instructed Captain Newcastle to proceed to Tioga with a message to the Indians there, and a few days later New- castle, accompanied by John Pompshire and two other Delaware Indians from West Jersey, set out from Philadelphia for Bethlehem on horse- back. The Governor immediately sent the following notification to Colonel Clapham :
"Having sent the Indian Newcastle again to the town of Diahoga, accompanied by some of the Jersey Delawares, all our good friends-who may, and probably will, return by the Susquehanna-you will, in about a fortnight after this, cause a look out to be kept for them ; and if they return that way you will receive and assist them in their journey. Their signal will be a red flag with the Union in the corner ; or if they should be lost, they will carry green boughis or clubbed muskets. They will appear openly and erect, and will not approach you in the night."
The message entrusted to Newcastle for delivery to the Delawares, Shawanese, Molegans and Monseys congregated at Tioga was in sub- stance as followst : I am glad to find a good spirit prevailing amongst you. I ratify and confirm all former treaties and engagements. I now kindle a fire and invite you to a council. I will take to the council clothes
* See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VII : 448.
+ See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VII : 145 et seq.
340
and provisions for you. As you have laid down the hatchet, and desire the same may be done by us, our messenger carries with him our proc- lamation for a suspension of hostilities within certain limits. All prison- ers must be delivered up. "Agreeably to the repeated advice and request of Scarooyady and other Indians of the Six Nations, then residing in this Province, I engaged to build a fort at Shamokin for the protection of our friendly Indians, and I now acquaint you with the march of the forces in order to effect this work." The Governor also sent a "partic- ular" message to "Paxinosa the Shawanese King," to the effect that the Governor "had heard by all his messengers of the great fidelity with which he (Paxinosa) had adhered to the English, and that they relied on his giving the best counsel for furthering the good measures now taken." He was particularly invited to the council-fire. With these messages were sent several wampımı belts-including one of fourteen rows and one of eight rows with eight strings tied to it.
Captain Newcastle and his party arrived at Bethlehem June 12th, and remained there until the 27th waiting for Newcastle "to recover from some boils" with which he was afflicted. Reichel states, however, that the party was detained by the intelligence that "one hundred men were gone from the Jerseys on a scalping party," they not having been advised of the suspension of hostilities. Leaving their horses at Beth- lehem the four messengers set out on foot for Wyoming, where they arrived on the first of July. They found the valley still deserted, but as they went up the river they met at the mouth of the Lackawanna- near the site of Asserughney-Kolapeeka, or Samuel, Paxinosa's young- est son, his brother-in-law and two other Shawanese, all formerly of Wyoming, who had come down from Tioga a-hunting. They were out of ammunition, and Newcastle sent them "with a letter to the Brethren at Bethlehem," where they arrived four days later.
When Newcastle and the other messengers arrived at Tioga they found that Teedyuscung (who but a short time previously had returned from Fort Niagara), Paxinosa and a number of the principal men of the Delawares, Shawanese and Mohegans had gone to Fort Johnson in response to the summons brought by Ogaghradarisha, as previously mentioned. The messengers therefore awaited at Tioga the return of the Kings, but sent a runner to them at Fort Johnson to hasten their departure thence. The following letter* from Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade (London), written at Albany July 17, 1756, describes very fully the Baronet's conference with Teedyuscung and Paxinosa, which was completed before July 11th.
"The meeting at Onondaga confirmed my suspicions as to the French having in- fected the Six Nations.
At the conclusion of the meeting the Six Nations appeared to be sincerely disposed. **
* * The Shawanese and Delawares were there in small numbers, but did not come in sufficient numbers till the congress was closed. The treaty, there- fore, was adjourned to my house, and those Indians, with a deputation of Six Nations, came down to Fort Johnson, where were present the said Six Nation deputies, the King, or Chief, of the Shawanese, the King, or Chief, of the Delawares, settled on the Susque- hanna and its branches, and a great number of the Mohikanders [Mohegans], or River Indians, whom I have lately drawn from the frontiers of this Province and New Jersey to settle near to and under the protection of the Mohawks. These Indians were originally Delawares, and are still regarded as brethren by them. *
"The Shawanese Chief on behalf of his people denied their having been concerned in any of the late hostilities committed on the southern Provinces. They are and shall continue to be attached to the English. The Shawanese on the Ohio, however, have been many of them seduced by the French and their Indians to join in the late hos-
* From "Documents Relating to the Colonial History of New York," VII : 118.
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tilities. The Delaware King confessed that some of his people had been deceived and deluded by the French and the Delawares who live near Fort Duquesne to join them in their late hostilities ; but that the message I sent him by the Six Nations last Winter, and that what passed in our names at the treaty held in consequence at Otsiningo, had opened their eyes, and that from that time his people had laid down the hatchet and ceased from hostilities. He expressed his sorrow and repentance for what had passed. In the most solenm manner he renewed the Covenant Chain of Peace, Friendship and Alliance in behalf of his people, and promised to return such English prisoners who had fallen to his people's share during the hostilities. Both he and the Shawanese King accepted the War-belt, and sung and danced to the War-song with extraordinary fervor ; and promised to follow the Six Nations in our favor, and, whenever I should call upon them, to join me in conjunction with the Six Nations.
"I concluded this treaty by taking off the petticoats, or that invidious name of women, from the Delaware Nation (which had been imposed on them by the Six Nations from the time they conquered them), in the name of the great King of England, and on belialf of all their brethren, the English, on this continent ; and I promised them that I would use my influence and best endeavors to prevail with the Six Nations to follow my example. The deputies of the Six Nations who were present approved of this measure, but said they were not a sufficient number nor properly authorized to do it."
On his homeward journey from Fort Niagara, previous to attend- ing the conference at Fort Johnson, Teedyuscung stopped at Canisteo, where, according to the testimony* of Thomas Moffitt (mentioned on page 334), the King boasted, in a drunken frolic at the house of "Queen Catharine," that "the Indians could make peace, and the Indians could also break peace when made." Moffitt also stated that when Teedyuscung left Catharine's house "he sold an English female prisoner for a horse, with which to perform his journey to Bethlehem." He probably used this horse in the trip from Tioga to Fort Johnson and return, as the journey to Bethlehem was made by canoe as far as Wyoming and the remainder of the way on foot. The party, which set out from Tioga about July 11th, consisted of Captain Newcastle, Jolin Pompshire and the other two messengers ; Teedyuscung, his wife Elizabeth, their three young children and Captain Amos their eldest son ; Tapescawent (men- tioned on page 315), the King's private counselor, and a number of other Indians-inen, women and children-who were joined on the way by a few others at Tunkhannock, so that when the company reached Beth- leliem in the evening of July 17th it numbered upwards of thirty. Pax- inosa was not with the delegation, he having remained at Tioga.
On July 18th Teedyuscung met in conference with Major Parsons (mentioned on page 254), for the occasion the personal representative of Governor Morris, and to the latter the King dictated a message, in which, for the first time, he formally declared to the English his kingship, in these words :
"This, what I have now in short spoken, is not only from me, but also from my uncle, the Mohawk (meaning the Six Nations), and from four other nations ( Unamis, Monseys, Mohegans and Nanticokes), which in all makes ten, and these ten have but two heads of Kings between them."
The next day, following instructions previously received from the Governor, Major Parsons, with a guard of Provincial soldiers, escorted Teedyuscung and his retinue from Betlilehem to Easton, where it was purposed to hold the contemplated treaty. Information relative to the presence of the Indians in Easton having been forwarded to Philadel- phia, upwards of twenty Quakers of that city resolved to go to Easton with a wagon-load of goods, to be presented by themselves to the Indi- ans. In the meantime the Governor notified Major Parsons that lie had
* See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records, " VII : 284.
+ Tapescareen, or "Samuel," was a brother of Augustus (mentioned on page 338), who was the brother- in-law of Teedyuscung.
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found it necessary to change the place of treating with the Indians from Easton to Bethlehem. He wrote :
"You will transport the victuals and liquors provided to Bethlehem. I have ordered Colonel [Conrad] Weiser to call together such detachments of the several companies on the frontier, as can safely be spared, to attend this meeting of the Indians, where it is quite necessary to have a good number of troops. I think it is necessary that you should on this occasion draw together such force from the several garrisons near Bethlehem as they can safely spare. You are to move to Bethlehem with the Town Guard of Easton immediately on receipt of this, where you are to escort Teedyuscung and the other Indi- ans who, I am informed, are now at Easton."
Nicholas Scull (previously mentioned) and Capt. Joseph Insley from Fort Allen conveyed the Governor's orders to Teedyuscung, who thereupon made this response *:
"At a distance of 400 miles from hence I received your invitation to come and make
peace. * * Since you sent that message I ani come, and will stay here ! I can't under- stand what you mean by sending me about from place to place like a child."
The Governor having been informed of the King's attitude in the premises consented to hold the treaty at Easton, and on Saturday, July 24th, he arrived there with his attendants, including several members of the Council. On the next day (Sunday), at 10 o'clock in the morn- ing, the Governor, his suite and others attended public worship and listened to a serinon by the Secretary of the Council, the Rev. Richard Peters, previously mentioned. In the afternoon, in the same building, the Quakers, who had arrived in Easton early in the morning of that day, held a religious meeting. On his arrival in the town the Governor had given an order that "no one should speak with the Indians, and a guard was set near their lodgings to enforce this"; but on Sunday evening Teedyuscung and the most of his retinue visited the inn where the Philadelphia Quakers were staying, expressed regard for and con- fidence in them, and supped with them. On the 26th the King and his company who had been drinking intemperately for several days before were now sober, and the King said his head and heart were clear and he was ready to enter on business. On the 27th the Governor went out fishing, and the Indians spent the day in drinking so much as to render them unfit for business. Conrad Weiser arrived in Easton on this day, and as it was expected that he would take part in the treaty as "Pro- vincial Interpreter," he stated that he was "a stranger to Teedyuscung, and desired time to be informed of his temper and his expectations." According to a letter written at the time by Major Parsonst "Teedyus- cung and his wild company were perpetually drunk, very much on the Gascoon, and at times abusive to the inhabitants, for they (the Indians) all spoke English more or less. The King was full of himself, saying frequently that which side (French or English) soever he took must stand, and the other fall; repeating this with insolence. * * He was the man that persuaded the Delawares to go over to the French and then to attack our frontiers ; and he and these [Indians here] with him have been concerned in the mischief done to the inhabitants of North- ampton County."
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