USA > Pennsylvania > Luzerne County > Wilkes-Barre > A history of Wilkes-Barre, Luzerne County, Pennsylvania, from its first beginnings to the present time; including chapters of newly-discovered, Vol. I > Part 93
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"Many unforeseen engagements and unavoidable accidents" pre- vented an early reply to the aforementioned letter, and it was not until November 4, 1769, that a letter was sent to Wilkes from Boston, signed by James Otis, Samuel Adams, John Hancock, Richard Dana, Benjamin Kent, John Adams, Joseph Warren, Benjamin Church, Thomas Young and Josialı Quincy, Jr., a committee representing the Sons of Liberty. This letter contained among other paragraphs the following* :
"We yet too sensibly feel the loss of every right, liberty and privilege that can dis- tinguish a freeman from a slave, not to sympathize in the most tender manner with you in the conflict you have been so long engaged in, and in the sufferings you now severely labor under-so far as we can judge, only for a firm and intrepid opposition to Ministerial despotism. We easily perceive the causes and motives of that relentless, unremitted ardor and fury with which you are persecuted.
"With us also the laws seein to lie prostrate at the feet of power. Our city is yet a garrison filled with armed men, as our harbor is with cutters, cruisers and other armed vessels. A main guard is yet placed at the doors of our State House. The other side of the Exchange is turned into a guarded den of revenue officers, to plunder our trade and drain the country of its money, not only without our consent, but against repeated re- monstrances. The military are guilty of all kinds of licentiousness. The public streets are unsafe to walk in, for either sex, by day or by night. Prosecutions, civil and criminal, against the inhabitants, are puslied with great rancor and rigor, while those against the troops and revenue officers and their confederates are frowned upon and embarrassed by every possible means in the power of those who are inimical to the rights of the subject.
* Such, without exaggeration, is the present wretched state of the once happy and flourishing city of Boston. Such, in a degree, is the state of all our trading towns ; and such, in effect, is the state of the whole continent.
"There has not been, since the last war, a naval force stationed in St. Lawrence River sufficient to cover a city from an attack of six sail of the line. The forces are in a manner all drawn down to the coasts of the ocean, in conjunction with an army of revenue officers and a fleet of small cruisers and cutters to destroy your own commerce ; and they are accordingly as greedy after their prey as if cruising on a foreign enemy. The Indian nations on the great rivers St. Lawrence and Mississippi, which are well known to sur- round all the British Colonies, are left at liberty to intrigue as usual with the French and Spaniards, to cut the throats of our back inhabitants at pleasure. * * * The
French and Spaniards never will forget nor forgive the severe drubbing they received in the last war ; and from all appearances it is much to be apprehended that the parties to the Family Compact are ineditating some great blow, and are as like to strike in North America as in Corsica. However light some inay make of the loss of Canada, there is reason to fear, should the French ever be suffered to repossess themselves of that country, the event would soon prove fatal to Britain, if not to the whole British Empire."
In London, in July, 1769, a duel was fought in Hyde Park at night between the Rev. Mr. G- and Mr. D-, a Scottish officer in the Navy. It was occasioned by the officer declaring in a public coffee-
* See Sparks' "Library of American Biography," VII : 358.
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room that Mr. Wilkes was not only an infamous scoundrel but a rank coward, and that all who supported his cause merited the same character. Mr. G- took the officer by the nose and told him they would see who was the greatest coward. They immediately adjourned to Hyde Park, attended by two gentlemen of the Army, and after a contest of some five minutes the clergyman wounded the officer in the sword-arm, and that terminated the dispute.
Early in November, 1769, Wilkes' long-pending action against Lord Halifax for damages (see page 534, ante) came to a trial, and the jury brought in a verdict for £4,000 against the defendant. About that time the various numbers (from "1" to "68") of The North Briton, "revised and corrected by the author-with explanatory notes"-were republished in two volumes in London. About that time, also, Wilkes' cause was unexpectedly strengthened by the wielder of the most vigorous pen in the kingdom-the celebrated "Junius." The first of this famous writer's letters to attract particular attention had appeared in January, 1769, the month in which Wilkes began his struggle with the House of Commons. In later letters "Junius," waiving his early objections to the private character of Wilkes, adopted his cause warmly, and in a re- markable letter addressed to the King, published in the Public Adver- tiser December 19, 1769, "Junius" gave a forcible summary of all the points involved in the Middlesex election question, and then appealed to His Majesty to pardon Wilkes. "Discard," wrote "Junius," "those little personal resentments which have too long directed your public conduct. Pardon this man the remainder of his punishment, and, if resentment still prevails, make it what it should have been long since, an act, not of mercy but of contempt." A gentleman writing to George Grenville the day after the publication of this letter said* : "The opinion that Wilkes was 'Junius' has been very general ; but the 'Junius' of 'to-day will, I think, destroy the supposition."
At that time the British Ministry, under the lead of the Duke of Grafton, was in the full career of the tyranny and corruption which marked the persecution of Wilkes, fired the protests of Edmund Burke and Lord Chatham and even of George Grenville and Lord Mansfield, called forth the invectives of "Junius" and finally precipitated the American Revolution. So recklessly did the coterie in the King's con- fidence carry out their policy that finally some of the Ministers then- selves revolted at the wrongs they were compelled to be responsible for. Lord Granby, a brave soldier, threw up the command of the ariny, declaring that his past service to the Ministry in Parliament for the in- vasion of popular rights was the greatest misfortune of his life. Lord Chancelor Camden resigned, saying that he had accepted the great seal fully intending never to be led into courses which he could not approve ; but experience had taught him that he had overrated his own independ- ence. Often had he hung his head in Council, and showed in his countenance a dissent which it would have been useless to express in words ; but the time had come when he must speak out-and resign his office. A fortnight later-in January, 1770-the unsavory Duke of Graf- ton was forced to resign his Premiership, being succeeded by Lord North.
April 17, 1770, Wilkes was released from the King's Bench Prison -his term of imprisonment having expired and his fines having been
* See "The Grenville Papers," IV : 495.
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paid. His debts, too, to the amount of £12,000 and upwards, had been paid by the society which had been organized for the purpose. More- over, he was an Alderman of London, and was at the height of his pop- ularity. About a year after his release, while sitting as a magistrate in the City (in virtue of his office as Alderman), he had the good fortune to be able to strike another blow for freedom. The House of Commons had passed a resolution forbidding the "indignity" of reporting their debates. The printers of two newspapers violated the terms of this resolution, and orders were issued summoning them to appear before the House ; but the orders being disregarded a King's messenger was sent into the City to arrest the delinquents on a warrant issued by the Speaker of the House. One of the printers was arrested, when resistance was made and a struggle took place. Thereupon a constable-purposely stationed close at hand by the Wilkesites-instead of aiding the mes- senger arrested both him and his prisoner and brought them to the Mansion House. That evening about six o'clock an exciting scene oc- curred there. Lord Mayor Crosby and Aldermen Wilkes and Oliver were on the bench and were about to deal with this case, when the Deputy Serjeant-at-arms of the House of Commons appeared and de- manded, in the name of the House, that the messenger should be released and the arrested printer handed over to his custody. The imagistrates not only declined to do this, but released the printer and made out an order committing the messenger to jail on the ground that he had assaulted a citizen of London. Later the Lord Mayor, "with seem- ing reluctance," agreed to accept bail for the messenger. "This cleverly arranged coup caused much consternation, for the House of Commons saw with an instinct of dread that what was really impending was noth- ing less than a renewal of their contest with Wilkes."
A few days later the Lord Mayor, Wilkes and Oliver were sum- mnoned to attend the House. Wilkes stayed away, but the other two obeyed the summons. Oliver defied the House and was committed to the Tower, and later the Lord Mayor was sent there also. (See page 597.) Three times Wilkes was directed to appear before the House, and three times he treated the notice with contempt. After a futile struggle the House had to give way, and Wilkes chuckled over this tribute to his power, whereby he contrived to humiliate the House in return for all it had made him suffer. He went about free, while the Lord Mayor and Alderman Oliver remained in the Tower till the end of the Parliamentary session. Wilkes, who might well boast of his victory, heard no more of the matter. The King wrote to his Ministers : "I will have nothing more to do with that devil Wilkes." Thus ended this extraordinary episode, the most conspicuous of Wilkes' many tri- uinphs. Ever since then the reporting of Parliamentary debates has been an uncontested privilege of the press !
In July, 1771, Wilkes was elected Sheriff of London and Middlesex, and courted popularity by disallowing the attendance of the military at executions. He also discountenanced the trying of prisoners in chains and the taking of money for admission to the Court of Old Bailey. January 24, 1772, he was presented by the Common Council with a silver cup worth £100, in recognition of his services to the City. In this and the following year he was returned at the head of the poll for the mayor- alty, but was rejected by the Court of Aldermen. However, the un-
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questionable services rendered by Wilkes to the popular cause ultimately insured his election, and on the Sth of October, 1774, after a desperate struggle with the nominces of the Court party, he was declared the duly elected Lord Mayor of London. The same day he delivered an address to "the Common Hall." Of course the King of England could not be expected to be glad at Wilkes' election to the mayoralty, and a rumor was almost immediately circulated that the Lord Chancelor, on Wilkes being presented to that official, would signify to him that the King did not approve of the citizens' choice. "If lie dare," said Wilkes, "I will tell him to inform the King that I am as fit to be Lord Mayor as he (Lord Bathurst) is to be Chancelor !" As Wilkes would have kept his word, the formal approval of the election was duly made. When, after his induction into office, Wilkes was presented to George III-who then met him for the first time-the King remarked that he (Wilkes) was the best bred Lord Mayor he had ever known.
Shortly after Wilkes had announced his candidature for the mayor- alty Parliament was dissolved, and Wilkes immediately came forward to stand as a candidate for Middlesex County, at the next general election, with his friend Serjeant John Glynn. The following "engagement" was signed and published in September by the two candidates :
"We do solemnly promise and engage ourselves to our constituents, if we have the honor of being chosen representatives in Parliament of the county of Middlesex, that we will endeavor to the utmost of our power to have passed an Act for the repeal of the four late Acts respecting America, viz. : The Quebec Act, establishing Popery and the system of French Canadian laws in that extensive Province ; the Boston Port Act ; the Act for altering the Charter of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, and the Act for the trial in Europe of persons accused of criminal offences in America *- being fully persuaded that the passing of such an Act will be of the utmost importance for the security of our excel- lent Constitution and the restoration of the rights and liberties of our fellow-subjects in America."
On the 29th of October Wilkes was once more, and for the fifth time, returned Member of Parliament for Middlesex. No opposition was offered now to his taking his seat, and he took it on the 2d of December. Thus, after ten years' struggle against all the influence of the Court and Ministry, Wilkes had obtained a seat in Parliament and the chief magistracy of London. Besides, he had established forever three of the most cherished rights of the subject-freedom from arbitrary arrest, freedom of the press, and the right of the electors to choose their representatives without dictation from any authority. The day was yet to come when he was to oblige the House to direct that all the records of the resolutions passed against him should be expunged by their Clerk before his eyes. Then his victory was complete, for the House had already censured "General Warrants." Wilkes continued to represent Middlesex throughout the remainder of his Parliamentary career.
Wilkes' terin as Lord Mayor-which is commemorated by an obelisk in Ludgate Circus-coincided with the definitive adoption by the Govern- ment of the policy of coercing the American Colonies. The Common Council of London sent protest after protest to King and Parliament against the oppression of the Colonies; and Lord Mayor Wilkes, the placeman's bête noire, was in his element in the attitude of presenting such remonstrances. April 10, 1775, Lord Mayor Wilkes, accompanied by the Sheriffs, several Aldermen, and a committee of the Livery, went from the Guildhall to St. James' Palace to present to the King "an
* Relative to the passing of this lastmentioned Act, see page 599, post.
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address, remonstrance and petition" of the City Government, praying for the removal of the then Ministers "for their iniquitous measures with respect to their fellow-subjects in America." The paper was read aloud by the City Counselor, who gave it to the Lord Mayor who delivered it to the King with a half-bent knee and the most profound reverence. The stubborn, fat-witted King handed the paper to a Lord in waiting, and then, deliberately taking a paper from his pocket, read the follow- ing answer :
"It is with the utmost astonishment that I find any of my subjects capable of en- couraging the rebellious disposition which, unhappily, exists in some of the Colonies in North America. Having entire confidence in the wisdom of iny Parliament, the great Council of the Nation, I will steadily pursue those measures which they have recommended for the support of the constitutional rights of Great Britain, and the protection of the commercial interests of my kingdoms."
Following the reading of this an awkward silence of about two minutes ensued, when the Lord Mayor made a low bow, then retreated backwards to the middle of the room and mnade a second bow, and, in like manner, a third bow at the door, when the King removed his hat to his Lordship and thus ended the business for that time.
Repeatedly snubbed, London went on "encouraging the rebellious disposition" of which the King complained, and as a last resort addressed the electors of the whole country, deploring a war which originated in violence and injustice "and must end in ruin." Three months before the Declaration of Independence was signed in Philadelphia the Com- mon Council of London begged George III to suspend hostilities in order to attempt a reconciliation. The King replied that he would extend clemency "as soon as the rebellion was at an end." "London was help- less, but she could and did refuse to give any subscription in support of the war. Let it be remembered to her honor that her action was dictated throughout less by commercial considerations than by adherence to the great principle of taxation without representation."
Wilkes did not possess the ready eloquence which is characteristic of the born leader of the inasses. His speeches were always carefully prepared. Macaulay says that "his speaking, though pert, was feeble, and by no means interested his hearers so much as to make them forget his face, which was so hideous that the caricaturists were forced, in their own despite, to flatter him." Lord Brougham, in his "Sketches of Pub- lic Characters who Flourished During the Reign of George III," wrote of Wilkes :
"Of the light but very important accomplishments which fill so prominent a place in the patriotic character-great eloquence and a strong and masculine style in writing -he had but little. His compositions are more pointed than powerful ; his wit shines far more than his passions glow ; and as a speaker, when he did speak, which was but rarely, he showed indeed some address and much presence of mind, but no force, and produced hardly any effect. If we are to judge of Wilkes' speaking by the very few examples preserved of it, we should indeed form a very humble estimate of its merits. Constant declamation about rights and liberties and tyrants and corruption, with hardly the merit of the most ordinary commonplaces on these hackneyed topics, seem to fill up its measure-with neither fact nor argument nor point nor anything at all happy or new in the handling of the threadbare material. But what it wanted in force it probably made up in fury ; and as calling names is an easy work to do, the enraged multitude as easily are pleased with what suits their excited feelings, gratifying the craving which excite- ment produces for more stimulus. That he failed, and signally failed, whenever he was called upon to address an audience which rejects such matters, is very certain. In Par- liament he was seldom or never heard after his own case had ceased to occupy the public attention [about 1782]."
But Brougham, it inust be remembered, was by birth and education a Scot, and when he came to London to live Wilkes had been dead eight
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years. He never saw Wilkes, and judged of his personal appearance from portraits and caricatures. Besides, Brougham was himself an elo- quent and a ready speaker ; he also received favors from Royalty, and was in consequence inimical to all who opposed kingly authority, Ministers and Parliaments. He had little praise for any man who had stood up in England and openly and boldly championed the rights of the American Colonies before and during the Revolutionary War. Despite of Lord Brougham's statement Wilkes made some very strong and sensible speeches in Parliament during the progress of the American War ; speeches which are interesting reading-to Americans, at least-even at this late day. The following paragraphs are from a speech delivered by Wilkes in the House of Commons February 6, 1775, in the course of a debate on a resolution "that an Address be presented to His Majesty
* * that it is our [their] fixed resolution, at the hazard of our [their] lives and properties, to stand by His Majesty against all rebel- lious attempts, in the maintenance of the just rights of His Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament."*
"The business before the House, in its full extent, respecting the British Colonies in America, is of as great importance as was ever debated in Parliament. It comprehends almost every question relative to the common rights of mankind, almost every question of policy and legislation. The Address now reported from the Committee of the Whole House appears to be unfounded, rash and sanguinary. It draws the sword unjustly
against America ; but before Administration are suffered to plunge the nation into the horrors of a civil war, before they are permitted to force Englishimen to sheathe their swords in the bowels of their fellow-subjects, I hope this House will seriously weigh the original ground and cause of this unhappy dispute, and in time reflect whether Justice is on our side and gives a sanction to the intended hostile proceedings.
"The assumed right of taxation, without the consent of the subject, is plainly the primary cause of the present quarrel. Have we then, sir, any right to tax the Ameri- cans? * * If we can tax the Americans without their consent they have no property, nothing they can call their own with certainty ; for we might by violence take the whole as well as the part. The words 'liberty and property,' so dear to an Englishman, so pleasing in our ears, would become a cruel mockery, an insult, to an American. * *
It will, I foresee, be objected : Is America, then, to enjoy the protection of Great Britain, and to contribute nothing to the support of that parent State which has so long afforded it safety and security-which has carefully and tenderly nursed it to this hour of its present strength and greatness? The Americans themselves have given the fullest answer to this objection, in a manner not to be controverted, by their conduct through a long series of years, and by the most explicit declarations. Equally in words and actions, of the most unequivocal nature, they have demonstrated their love, their ardour, their strong filial piety towards the mother country. They have always appeared ready, not only to contribute towards the expenses of their own Government, but likewise to the wants and necessities of this State, although perhaps they may not be over-fond of all the proud, expensive trappings of Royalty.
"In the two last wars with France they far exceeded the cold line of prudence. With the most liberal hearts they cheerfully gave you nearly their all, and they fought gallantly and victoriously by your side, with equal valour against our and their enemy, the common enemy of the liberties of Europe and America, the ambitions, faithless French, whom now we fear and flatter. * * The siege and capture of Louisbourg, the
various successful operations against the general foe, without the least knowledge, much less participation, on our part, are the fullest proofs of the warm affection of their hearts to this country, and of their readiness to bear more than their share of the public ex- pense and burthen. Bnt, sir, the whole was the gift of freemen, our fellow-subjects, who feel that they are, and know that they have a right to be, as free as ourselves. * * *
"The Americans, sir, have of late been treated, both within doors and without, in a manner which marks no small degree of injustice, and even a wantonness of cruelty. * * It has been asserted that they are forward and angry enough to wish to throw off the supremacy of the inother country. Many express resolutions, both of the General Congress and the different Provincial Assemblies, are the fullest evidence of the sense which the Americans entertain of their obedience and duty to Great Britain. They are too numerous to be quoted. Their full claim, as stated by themselves, is so explicit and clear, that I beg leave to read it to the House from their petition to the King. It declares, 'We ask but for peace, liberty and safety !' Surely, sir, no request was ever more modest * ** The Address, sir, mentions the partici-
and reasonable, no claim better founded.
* See "American Archives," Fourth Series, I : 1549.
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lar Province of the Massachusetts Bay as in a state of actual rebellion. * Whether their present state is that of rebellion, or of a fit and just resistance to unlawful acts of power-to our attempts to rob them of their properties and liberties, as they imagine-I shall not declare. This I know : A successful resistance is a revolution, not a rebellion ! Rebellion indeed appears on the back of a flying enemy, but revolution flames on the breast-plate of the victorious warrior.
"Who can tell, sir, whether in consequence of this day's violent and mad Address to His Majesty the scabbard may not be thrown away by them as well as by us; and, should success attend them, whether in a few years the independent Americans may not celebrate the glorious era of the Revolution of 1775 as we do that of 1688 ! The generous efforts of our forefathers for freedom, Heaven crowned with success, or their noble blood had dyed our scaffolds like that of Scottish traitors and rebels, and the period of our history which does us the most honor would have been deemed a rebellion against the lawful authority of the Prince-not a resistance authorized by all the laws of God and man-not the expulsion of a tyrant. The policy, sir, of this ineasure I can no more com- prehend than I can acknowledge the justice of it. Is your force adequate to the attempt ? I am satisfied it is not. Do you recollect that the single Province of Massachusetts Bay has at this moment 30,000 men well trained and disciplined? You will not be able to conquer and keep even that single Province. The noble Lord (North) with the blue ribband proposes only 10,000 of our troops to be sent there, including the four regiments now going from Ireland ; and he acknowledges, with great truth, that the Army cannot enforce the late Act of Parliament. Why then is it sent ? Boston, indeed, you may lay in ashes, but the Province will be lost to you. * *
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