USA > Pennsylvania > Luzerne County > Wilkes-Barre > A history of Wilkes-Barre, Luzerne County, Pennsylvania, from its first beginnings to the present time; including chapters of newly-discovered, Vol. I > Part 94
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"The Americans will certainly defend their property and their liberties with the spirit of freemen-with the spirit our ancestors did, and I hope we should exert on a like occasion. They will sooner declare themselves independent, and risk every consequence of such a contest, than submit to the galling yoke which Administration is preparing for them. An Address of this sanguinary nature cannot fail of driving them to despair. They will see that you are preparing not only to draw the sword, but to burn the scab- bard. In the most harsh manner you are declaring them rebels. Every idea of a recon- ciliation will vanish. They will pursue the most vigorous measures in their own defense."
The following is a portion of a speech delivered by Mr. Wilkes in the House October 26, 1775, on a inotion to present an Address to the King in reply to a speech that day delivered by him from the Throne.
"Sir, I entirely agree with the honourable gentleman who seconded the motion for an Address to His Majesty, that every man ought now to speak out ; and, in a moment so important as the present, to the whole Empire. * * * I call the war with our brethren in America an unjust, felonious war, because the primary cause and confessed origin of it is to attempt to take their money from them without their consent, contrary to the common rights of all mankind, and those fundamental principles of the English Consti- tution for which Hampden bled. I assert, sir, that it is in consequence a murderous war, because it is an effort to deprive men of their lives for standing up in the just cause of the defence of their property and their clear rights. * *
"I think this war, sir, fatal and ruinous to our country. It absolutely aunihilates the only great source of our wealth-which we enjoyed unrivalled by other nations-and deprives us of the fruits of the laborious industry of near three million of subjects, which centered here. That commerce has already taken its flight, and our American merchants are now deploring the consequences of a wretched policy, which has been pursued to their destruction. * *
"I speak, sir, as a firm friend to England and America, but still more to universal liberty and the rights of all mankind. I trust no part of the subjects of this vast Empire will ever submit to be slaves. I am sure the Americans are too high-spirited to brook the idea. Your whole power, and that of your allies (if you had any) and of all the German troops-of all the ruffians from the North whom you can hire-cannot effect so wicked a purpose. The conduct of the present Administration has already wrested the sceptre of America out of the hands of our Sovereign, and he has now scarcely even a postmaster left in that whole Northern Continent. More than half the Empire is already lost, and almost all the rest is in confusion and anarchy. The Ministry have brought our Sovereign into a more disgraceful situation than any crowned head now living.
"England was never engaged in a contest of such importance to our most valuable concerns and possessions. We are fighting for the subjection, the unconditional submis- sion, of a country infinitely more extended than our own ; of which every day increases the wealth, the natural strength, the population. Should we not succeed, it will be a loss never enough to be deplored ; a bosom friendship soured to hate and resentment. We shall be considered as their most implacable enemies ; an eternal separation will follow, and the grandeur of the British Empire will pass away. Success, final success, seems to me not equivocal, not uncertain, but impossible ! However we may differ among ourselves, they are perfectly united. On this side the Atlantic party rage unhappily divides us ; but one soul animates the vast Northern Continent of Anierica, the General Congress and each Provincial Assembly. An appeal has been made to the sword, and at
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the close of the last campaign what have we conquered? Bunker Hill only-and with the loss of 1,200 men. Are we to pay as dearly for the rest of America? The idea of the conquest of that immense continent is as romantic as unjust.
"The honourable gentleman who moved the Address says "the Americans have been treated with lenity." Will facts justify the assertion? Was your Boston Port Bill a measure of lenity? Was your Fishery Bill a measure of lenity ? Was your Bill for taking away the Charter of the Massachusetts Bay a measure of lenity, or even justice ? I omit your many other gross provocations and insults, by which the brave Americans have been driven into their present state. He asserts that they avow a disposition to be independent. On the contrary, sir, all the declarations, both of the late and present Congress, uniformly tend to this one object-of being put on the same footing the Amer- icans were in in the year 1763. This has been their only demand, from which they have never varied. Their daily prayers and petitions are for 'liberty, peace and safety.' I use the words of the Congress of the last year. They justly expect to be put on an equal footing with the other subjects of the Empire, and are willing to come into any fair agreement with you in commercial concerns. If you confine all our trade to yourselves, say they ; if you make a monopoly of our commerce ; if you shut all the other ports of the world against us, do not tax us likewise. If you tax us, then give us a free trade, such as you enjoy yourselves.
"It must give, sir, every man who loves this country the deepest concern at the naming in the Address of foreign troops-Hanoverians and Hessians-who are called to interfere in our domestic quarrels. The militia, indeed, are, we are told, to be now em- ployed, and that noble institution is at present complimented by Ministers ; but we know they hate the very name of a militia, and that measure is adopted only because the imbodying of these forces enables Administration to butcher more of our fellow-subjects in America.
"Sir, I disapprove not only the evil spirit of the whole Address, but likewise the wretched adulation of almost every part of it. My wish and hope, therefore, is, that it will be rejected by the House, and that another, dutiful, yet decent, inanly Address, will be presented to the King, praying His Majesty that he would sheathe the sword, prevent the further effusion of the blood of our fellow-subjects, adopt some mnode of negotiation with the General Congress in compliance with their repeated petitions, and thereby restore peace and harmony to this distracted Empire."
In the House of Commons on the 27th of November, 1775, Alder- man Richard Oliver (mentioned on page 554), who was at this time also one of the representatives from the city of London in the House, moved an Address to the King. In support of the proposed Address Mr. Wilkes spoke in part as follows :
"Mr. Speaker-The Address to His Majesty, which the honourable gentleman has moved this day, is so essentially different from all other late Addresses to the Throne, that I own it meets with my hearty concurrence. I think it, sir, of the utmost conse- quence to know the original authors and advisers of this unjust, pernicious and calami- tous war, which has already deluged with blood a part of America, and spread horror and devastation through that whole Northern Continent. When so many Provinces of the Empire are already lost, and the rest actually engaged in a cruel civil war, we ought not to sit down in criminal supineness. It becomes our duty, as the grand inquest of the nation, to find out and punish the delinquents by whose fatal counsels such evils have been brought upon this convulsed and almost ruined State. We owe it to the people at large ; and several of us have it in express charge from our constituents.
"We are, I fear, sir, on the eve of an eternal political separation from the Western World, unless a very speedy reconciliation should take place. If the present motion happily meets with success, I am sure it will do more towards a sincere, lasting and hearty union with America than all the captious and fallacious proposals of Administra- tion. The Americans will then believe we indeed desire a reconciliation with them, and they will at length begin to have confidence in our counsels, when they see the vengeance of Parliament fall on the authors of our common calamities. * ** I really think, sir, this is alinost the only method now left of extricating ourselves with honour and dignity from our present alarming difficulties.
'After a very bloody campaign you have conquered only one hill of less than a mile's circumference, for you were suffered to land as friends, in the only seaport town of any consequence which you possess. Would the noble Lord, whom His Majesty las lately raised to one of the highest civil offices, if he were sent on a military service there, would he venture, even at the head of the whole British cavalry, to advance ten miles into the country ? He would not, I ani persuaded, be so rash ; nor do I think his spirit quite daring enough to make the attempt. And is any Minister weak enough to flatter himself with the conquest of all North America? The Americans will dispute every inch of terri- tory with you, every narrow pass, every strong defile, every Thermopyla, every Bunker Hill. A train of most unfortunate events will probably ensue, and the power of recruit- ing, perhaps subsisting, your weakened forces at such a distance be lost. After an un-
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availing struggle of a very few years, when the ruined merchant and manufacturer besiege your doors, you will perhaps think of naming Ambassadors to the General Congress, in- stead of the wild and expensive job and farce now in contemplation, of thirty Commis- sioners, with a salary of £4,000 each, to cry 'Peace !' where there is no peace.
"Yet, sir, I think peace absolutely necessary between Great Britain and America, and, therefore, I approve the present motion, as holding out the olive branch. The Americans are rapidly increasing in population, and in the knowledge of all the useful arts of life. Alas ! sir, they are not ignorant even in the fashionable art of murdering our own species. The late worthy Governor of Pennsylvania* declared at the bar of the other House that that Province grew now more corn than was sufficient for the supply of its in- habitants ; that they exported considerable every year ; that they perfectly understood the art of making gunpowder, and had effected it ; that they had established several works to procure saltpetre ; that they had the materials and means in great plenty of casting iron cannon ; that the art of casting both brass and iron cannon, as well as of fabricating small- arms, had been carried to great perfection ; and that they were expert in ship-building beyond the Europeans. He declared, likewise, that that single Province had actually en- rolled twenty thousand men in arms, embodied, but not in pay, and had four thousand minute-men ready on the first notice of any real danger. The authentic accounts of the preparations for the forming, training and disciplining of troops in the Massachusetts Bay and in Virginia are equally formidable ; nor are they inconsiderable in the other United Provinces. Every idea of force, therefore, on our side, must appear infatuation. "All wise legislators, sir, have calculated the strength of a nation from the number of its inhabitants-the laborious, strong and active. The population in most parts of America is doubled in the course of nineteen or twenty years ; while that of this Island is known rather to have decreased since the year 1692. The emigrations of late from the three kingdoms have been amazing and alarming. Our own people have fled in multi- tudes front a Government under which they starved. * * * The Americans, sir, are a pious and religious people. With much ardour and success they follow the first great command of Heaven-'Be fruitful and multiply !' While they are fervent in these devout exercises-while the men continue enterprising and healthy. the women kind and pro- lific-all your attempts to subdue them by force will be ridiculous and unavailing, and will be regarded by theni with scorn and abhorrence. They are daily strengthening, and if you lose the present moment of reconciliation, to which this motion tends, you lose all. America may now be reclaimed or regained, but cannot be subdued !
"Gentlemen, sir, do not seem to have considered the astonishing disadvantages under which we engage in this contest against the combined powers of America, not only from the distance and natural strength of the country, but the peculiar and fortunate circum- stances of a young, rising empire. The Congress, sir, have not the monstrous load of a debt of above one hundred and forty millions, like our Parliament, to struggle with, the very interest of which would swallow up all their taxes ! Nor a numerous and hungry band of useless placemen and pensioners to provide for ; nor has luxury yet enervated their minds or bodies. Every shilling which they raise will go to the man who fights the battles of his country. They set out like a young heir with a noble landed estate, unincumbered with enormous family debts ; while we appear the poor, old, feeble, ex- hausted and ruined parent-but exhausted and ruined by our own wickedness, prodigality and profligacy.
"Sir, I daily hear the Americans, who glow with a divine zeal for liberty in all its branches, misrepresented in this House, and the ostensible Minister is diligent in prop- agating the most unjust calumnies against them. The noble Lord with the blue ribbont told us the liberty of the press was lost throughout America. The noble Lord deceives us in this, as in many other things. From experience we know that his intelligence can never be relied upon. The liberty of the press, the bulwark of all our liberties, is lost only in Boston, for his Lordship's Ministerial troops govern there only. The press is free at Watertown (but seven miles distant from Boston), at Philadelphia, Newport, Williamsburgh, and in the rest of North America. I will give the House the demonstra- tion. General Gage's foolish and contemptible proclamation against Samuel Adams and John Hancock-two worthy gentlemen, and, I dare to add, true patriots-even that proc- lamation, declaring them rebels and traitors (while the Generals Washington, Putnani and Lee, with all the naval commanders in arms, were unnoticed by him), appears re- printed in all the American papers. I believe all the curious, futile orders he has issued, all his unmeaning declarations and proclamations, will be found as exact in the Penn- sylvania, Watertown and other American newspapers, as in the Gazette published by his authority in Boston-which, in other respects, is as partial and false as that published by authority of the American Secretary; in this capital."
* RICHARD PENN, JR., son of (v) Richard Penn mentioned in the first paragraph of the note on page 386, ante, and younger brother of John Penn mentioned in the note on page 262. Richard Penn, Jr. (born in 1734), was Lieutenant Governor of Pennsylvania from October, 1771, till September, 1773, and such was the confidence of the people in him that when, early in the Summer of 1775, he embarked for England he was entrusted with the second petition of the Continental Congress to King George. On his arrival in London he was examined (November 10, 1775) in the House of Lords on the subject of American affairs. Subsequently he became a Member of Parliament. He died in England May 27, 1811.
+ Lord NORTH, the Premier. # Lord GEORGE GERMAIN, Secretary of State for America.
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The following paragraphs are from a speech* delivered by Mr. Wilkes in the House of Commons October 31, 1776, shortly after news had reached London regarding the battle of Long Island (mentioned on page 485.)
"The affair of Long Island has been misrepresented and greatly magnified to the House. The superiority of numbers was very considerable. General IIowe landed 22,000 men. The Provincials had only 6,000 effective men on that Island. They were ordered to retreat, and 4,000 did accordingly, without being attacked, embark for the island of New York. There was a real mistake of orders as to the other 2,000, but they acted as brave men always will act under a mistake of orders-they fought. They saw the enemy, left their entrenchments and attacked with spirit. From the superiority of numbers, and their flanks being neglected and nnguarded, they were totally defeated. They did not, however, remain inactive, like cowards, on an important day of battle. No such imputation can be fixed on them! Nothing decisive can follow from the late successful affair on Long Island, no more than from the defeat on Sullivan's Island. New York will probably fall into your hands, but your situation will in that case be scarcely inended since the last year, for yon then possessed the capital of North America- Boston. Is that great and important town advantageously exchanged for New York? I forgot that we still possess the fishing hamlet of Halifax !
"But, sir, we ought to take a much larger and more comprehensive view of this in- teresting scene, which is now fully disclosed. The important dispute of Great Britain with her Colonies has for a considerable time fixed the attention, not only of this nation, but of almost all Europe. The mnost essential interests of this country, and indeed of the greater part of the Powers of the Continent, are deeply interested in the event. The sacrifice of so much blood and treasure is to every State an object of the highest import- ance ; to us, whose Empire seems mouldering away, of the nearest concern. I much fear that we are now brought by inextricable difficulties to the very verge of destruction. Since our last meeting, sir, the scene with respect to America has totally changed. In- stead of negotiations with Colonies, or Provincial Assemblies, we have a war to carry on against the Free and Independent States of America-a wicked war, which has been oc- casioned solely by a spirit of violence, injustice and obstinacy in our Ministers, unparal- leled in history. * *
"Much has been said, sir, of the prophecy of the Ministers that the Americans would in the end declare themselves independent. I give the Ministers no credit for such a prophecy. They went on the surest grounds. They might very safely promul- gate such a prediction, when they knew that the unjust and sanguinary measures which they intended to pursue minst bring about the event. They drove the Americans into their present state of independency. * *
* An honorable gentleman near me attacks the American Declaration of Independency, in a very peculiar manner, as a wretched composition, very ill-written-drawn up to captivate the people ! That, sir, is the very reason why I approve it most-as a composition, as well as a wise, political measure-for the people are to decide this great controversy. If they are captivated by it the end is attained. The polished periods, the harmonious, happy expressions, with all the grace, ease and elegance of a beautiful diction, which we chiefly admire, captivate the people of America very little ; but manly, nervous sense they relish, even in the inost awkward and uncouth dress of language. Whatever composition produces the effect you intend, in the most forcible manner, is, in my opinion, the best ; and that mode should always be pursued. * *
"The speech [of the King], sir, states that 'if treason be suffered to take root, muchi mischief must grow from it to the safety of my [the King's] loyal Colonies.' Alas ! sir, what we call treason and rebellion, and they just resistance and a glorious revolution, has taken root, and a very deep root indeed, and has spread over almost all the American Colonies. In this very speech we are told of their numbers, their wealth, their strength by sea and land. * "We have now been carrying on for two years a savage and pirat- ical, as well as an unjust, war. Every demand of Government has been complied with, and yet the great force employed both by sea and land has not hitherto recovered a single Province of all the confederated Colonies. On the contrary, the evil grows inore desperate. * *
"We have seen a federal union of thirteen free and powerful Provinces asserting their independency as high and mighty States, and setting our power at defiance. This was done with circumstances of spirit and courage to which posterity will do justice ! It was directly after the safe landing of your whole force. In return we have barbarously plundered their coasts and set fire to their open towns and defenceless villages in a manner which disgraces the English name. In the midst of all the cruelties, terrors and devasta- tions which follow your arms the spirit of the Americans is still unsubdued, and I hope and believe you will never conquer the free spirit of the descendants of Englishmen, exerted in an honest cause. They honour and value the blessings of liberty. They are determined to live and die freemen, notwithstanding the vain efforts of every arbitrary
* See The Pennsylvania Journal (Philadelphia), March 19, 1777.
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power in Europe. It is a foolish attempt to think of conquering and holding the im- miense territory of North America when the whole country is united against us. * * *
"As to our unanimity at home, sir, the very idea is absurd, because inipossible-
while the present system of injustice and oppression continues in its full rigor. The American war is unjust and unconstitutional in its first principle, and, if persisted in, must end in our ruin. We have neither force to conquer nor strength to maintain such extensive conquests, if we could succeed. Our situation is become truly critical. The Constitution of this country is at home sapped by bribery and corruption. On the other side of the Atlantic it is assailed by violence and force of arms. * *
* It is impossible for this island to conquer and hold America. They are determined and united. Your fleets may, indeed, every year carry horror through all their coasts. Your armies may possess some seaport towns, but the numerous and greatly increasing people of the Provinces will retire into the interior parts, of which you have already had some experi- ence. Peaceful towns and villages will cover their fruitful plains, Liberty will fix her blest abode among them, the unmolested, happy inhabitants rejoicing that they are pro- cul a Jove, procul a fulmine. * * We must recall our fleets and armies, repeal all the Acts injurious to the Americans passed since 1763, and restore their Charters. We inay then, if they will forgive, and can trust us, treat with them on just, fair and equal terms, without the idea of compulsion, and a foundation be laid for the restoration of peace, internal tranquillity and unity to this convulsed and dismembered Empire."
December 10, 1777, the last day of the sitting of Parliament previ- ously to the Christmas recess, Mr. Wilkes moved in the House of Com- mons for a repeal of the Declaratory Act of 1766, as introductory to several other motions which he intended to make-if this one should pass-for the repeal of all the laws obnoxious to the Americans which had been passed since the year 1763. He declared that the repeal of these laws was required as a sine qua non by the Americans ; and that in particular they had reprobated the Declaratory Act as the fountain whence every evil had flowed. After some debate the previous ques- tion having been put was carried by 160 to 12. (See page 592.)
While in Parliament Wilkes inade some very vigorous speeches on the repeal of the Test Acts; he also advocated a public library for London, an additional grant to the British Museum, and the purchase for the nation of Lord Orford's pictures, which, for lack of £40,000, went to Russia, where they forin the chief glories of The Hermitage. In December, 1779, Wilkes-then in the fifty-third year of his life- was elected Chamberlain of the city of London. This was an office of great emolument and considerable importance, and in the capacity of Chamberlain Wilkes welcomed to the city Nelson and other illustrious freemen. About the time of his election as Chamberlain Wilkes was restored to his former rank in the militia. In his "Recollections" Samuel Rogers, the London banker and poet (1763-1855), says of Wilkes: "I think I see him at this moment, walking through the crowded streets of the city, as Chamberlain, on his way to Guildhall, in a scarlet coat, military boots and a bag-wig-the hackney-coachmen in vain calling out to him, 'A coach, your honor ?' He was quite as ugly, and squinted as much, as his portraits make him ; but he was very gentlemanly in appearance and manners." At the time of the Gordon riots in London in the Summer of 1780 Colonel Wilkes was very active, not only as a magistrate, but as an officer in command of the militia called out to make arrests and to quell the mob. He saved the Bank of England, and received the thanks of the Privy Council for his exertions during that period of disorder and danger. Wilkes had now become a champion of law and order, and he held with credit, for the rest of his life, the valuable and substantial post of City Chamberlain.
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