USA > Pennsylvania > Luzerne County > Wilkes-Barre > A history of Wilkes-Barre, Luzerne County, Pennsylvania, from its first beginnings to the present time; including chapters of newly-discovered, Vol. I > Part 51
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* See second paragraph of note on page 219.
t See Stone's "Poetry and History of Wyoming, " page 139; Pearce's "Annals of Luzerne County," page 60; Egle's Historical Register, II : 5 (January, 1884); Munsell's "History of Luzerne, Lackawanna and Wyoming Counties" (New York, 1880), page 33; F. C. Johnson's Historical Record ( Wilkes-Barre), I : 121, 189, and III : 70.
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servations at exactly the same station that a previous observer had used, or at a station in precisely the same latitude. And yet if he did not do this how could he obtain the same results? The inference is plain, and it is that the particular information concerning the latitude, topography, etc., of Wyoming, obtained in 1755 by the surveyor or other represent- atives of The Susquehanna Company, was gleaned from Evans' map of Pennsylvania and not from personal surveys and observations made on the ground.
Notwithstanding the precarious state of affairs along the Susque- hanna in 1755 the Moravian missionary Mack came from Gnadenhütten to Wyoming in the latter part of August. From his diary* we learn that he made Paxinosa's village his headquarters. September 1st he told Paxinosa that he would go up to the Monsey village (Asserughney) to preach, to which the King "gave his consent." Thereupon Mack, Paxinosa and the latter's wife, Elizabeth-who carried along a basket of watermelons-set out for the village at the mouth of the Lackawanna. Arriving there they met Christian Frederick Post, who was spending some time in mission work in that locality. In the evening Mack preached "in a large cabin with three fire-places." The next day he preached again, and on the following day he "visited in different huts" -presumably at Asserughney. About the middle of the following October Mack journeyed again from Gnadenhütten to Wyoming and preached once more at Asserughney. He was so disturbed, however, by a great gathering of Indians, who had come there from all quarters to celebrate the "Feast of the Harvest"-which lasted for days, attended with dancing, carousing, etc .- that he soon left and returned to Gna- denhütten.
The defeat of Braddock was the signal for the uprising of the Dela- wares, whose affections had been gradually alienated from the English. Allured by the representations of French emissaries, and emboldened by the success of the French arms, the Delawares of eastern Pennsylvania met the Delawares and some of the Shawanese of the western sections of the Province in council on the banks of the Allegheny River, and prepared for war. But first, says Reichel, the Delawares rehearsed their wrongs, "dwelling on the loss of the lands on the Tulpehocken and on the Conodogwinet ; but chiefly, and amid bitter denunciations, on the fraud of 1737 [the "Walking Purchase"],f perpetrated, as they main- tained, to confirm the deedless purchase of all that tract of country which extended from Tohickon and the Hills of Lechauweki northward and westward as far as the great plains of Skahendowana, or Wyoming. Wherever the white man was settled within this disputed territory, there they resolved to strike him as best they could with the most approved weapons and appliances of their savage warfare. And that the blow might be effectually dealt, each warrior-chief was charged to scalp, kill and burn within the precincts of his birthright, and all simultaneously, from the frontiers down into the heart of the settlements, until the English should sue for peace and promise redress."
In September, 1756, John Shikellimy informed Conrad Weiser that some months previously the recalcitrant Shawanese and Delawares had employed Scarooyady, the "Half King," to give their "answer" to the
* See "Collections of the Wyoming Historical and Geological Society," VIII : 178.
+ See page 194.
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inquiry of the Six Nations as to why they warred against the inhabitants of Pennsylvania ; and this the "Half King" did in an open session of the Grand Council at Onondaga, in the presence of Sir William John- son, in these words :
"The reason why we struck our Brethren, the people of Pennsylvania-you know the first beginning of it better than we do. You and the French quarreled for the lands on the Ohio, and the French came there with a large body of men and beat yours off ; and so the Indians on the Ohio were in a manner obliged to come into their measures. They were persuaded to take up the hatchet against the English, and as they came in small parties to the Susquehanna River they prevailed on the Susquehanna Indians to go with them-they being related to one another. Many had their fathers, mothers, sons and daughters on the Ohio, and could not withstand their request. Being one people, they could not resist. *
* But they now see their error, and would be directed by their uncles, the Six Nations."
A WAR-PARTY OF INDIANS RECONNOITERING.
In hostile preparations, and in strengthening their arms with alli- ances, the inimical Indians of Pennsylvania passed the Summer and early months of Autumn of the year 1755. "October came, and no sooner had the first biting frosts reddened the inaples and hardened the yellow corn in the husk, than French Indians-chiefly Delawares and Shaw- anese-painted black for war, and in bands of two or four abreast, mnoved eastward with murderous intent. The line of the Blue Mountains, from the Delaware to the Susquehanna, became the scene of the carnival which the exasperated savages held with torch and tomahawk during the latter part of the Winter of 1755. The defenseless settlers were taken as in a snare. They were harassed by an unseen foe by day and by night. Some were shot down at the plow, some were butchered at the fireside ; men, women and children were promiscuously toma- hawked or scalped, or hurried away into distant captivity for torture or
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for coveted ransom. There was literally a pillar of fire by night and a pillar of cloud by day going up along the horizon, marking the progress of the relentless invaders as they dealt out death and pillage and con- flagration, and drove before thein, in mid-winter flight, hundreds of homeless wanderers, who scarce knew where to turn for safety or for succor in the swift destruction that was come upon them."
In a communication sent by Governor Morris to the Provincial Assembly December 29, 1755, relative to the Indian incursions and barbarities which had then been in progress in Pennsylvania for more than two months, there was this statement* :
"Such shocking descriptions are given, by those who have escaped, of the horrid cruelties and indecencies committed by the savages on the bodies of the unhappy wretches who fell into their barbarous hands-especially the women-as far exceeds those related of the most abandoned pirates. * * All our accounts agree in this, that the French, since the defeat of Braddock, have gained over to their interest the Delawares, Shaw- anese and many other Indian nations formerly in our alliance, and on whom, through fear and their large promises of rewards for scalps and assurances of reinstating them in the possession of the lands they have sold to the English, they have prevailed to take up arms against us."
The first blow struck by the savages, sufficiently near to be con- nected with Wyoming, was on October 18th, near the mouth of what is now known as Penn's Creek, f within the present limits of Snyder County. Here they killed and scalped thirteen men and elderly women, dangerously wounded one man who escaped, burnt and destroyed the buildings of the settlement and carried eleven women and children into captivity. Five days later, near the same locality, a number of the white inhabitants were attacked by a small band of Indians in ambush. Following this occurrence all the settlements along the Susquehanna between Shamokin and Hunter's Mill (some six miles up the river from the present city of Harrisburg)-a distance of fifty miles-were hopelessly deserted.
Within a day or two after the massacre at Penn's Creek Scarooyady, the "Half King," Andrew Montour, the interpreter (mentioned on page 206), and Jagrea, a Mohawk chief, were sent by Governor Morris as messengers to the Indians living along the North Branch of the Susque- hanna "to aların them, and apprize them of the approach of very heavy storms." These messengers reached Paxinosa's village about the 22d of October, and immediately upon their departure northward Paxinosa and some other Wyoming chiefs hurried down the river to Shamokin. While sitting in consultation there with the Indians of that place on October 25th, there came to them forty-nine white people who told them that the "French" Indians were very near, on the other side of the river. The white men went over the river, and had a fight with the invading Indians about six miles below Shamokin. Three or four days after- wards Paxinosa and his companions returned to Wyoming, where they found, at Paxinosa's village, the Moravian Brethren Christian Seidel and David Zeisberger (previously mentioned), who had arrived there on Sunday, October 25th, from Bethlehem. They had been sent for by the Indians to "come and preach the gospel," which they did-preaching twice at Asserughney.
At that time Christian Frederick Post was still in Wyoming, preaching to the Indians "lately removed there from Gnadenhütten and
* See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VI : 76S.
+ See page 268, and the map facing this page.
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other places, to whom the Brethren for many years had preached."* Without doubt Post made his headquarters either at Teedyuscung's town (within the limits of the present Tenth Ward of Wilkes-Barré) or at Matchasaung (mentioned on page 213)-presumably, however, at the former, as the majority of the Indians in that town had formerly lived at Gnadenhütten, under the care of the Moravians. The two towns inen- tioned, together with Paxinosa's town, "Wyoming," and "Asserughney," "Lechaweke" or "Solocka"-as the Monsey town at the mouth of the Lackawanna was indiscriminately called-were the only towns, or vil- lages, in Wyoming Valley in 1755. With the exception of Teedyus- cung's town all these, as well as Wapwallopen and Nescopeck below the valley, are indicated on Kitchin's "Map of the Province of Pensilvania" published in London in 1756-a reduced photo-reproduction of which faces the preceding page.
Under date of November 3, 1755, Governor Morris sent a messaget to the Provincial Assembly informing that body (which was then com- posed almost wholly of Quakers) that a force of about 1,500 (sic) French and Indians had destroyed some of the settlements near the Susque- hanna, and were then about thirty miles above Harris' Ferry. This in- vasion, the Governor stated, was "the consequence of Braddock's defeat"; "but," continued he, "had my hands been properly strengthened I should have put this Province into such a posture of defense as might have prevented the inischiefs that have since happened. * * The French have gained to their interest the Delawares and Sliawanese Indians, under the ensnaring pretense of restoring them to their country." At that time the Hon. Isaac Norris (mentioned on page 262) was still Speaker of the Assembly, and only a short time previously had declared in debate : "I had rather see Philadelphia sacked three times by the French than vote a single copper for the war."}
On November 5th Speaker Norris, in behalf of the Assembly, transmitted a reply to the Governor's message, in part as followss :
"It is too evident that the back settlers are greatly alarmed and terrified, and that cruelties have been committed upon the inhabitants (principally within the late purchase made by the Proprietaries the last year at Albany) by some parties of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians, joined, perhaps-though that is not very clear-with a few of the French Mohawks. **
* * In our opinion it requires great care and judgment in con- ducting our Indian affairs at this critical juncture. * * The Six Nations are in alliance with the Crown of Great Britain, and numbers of them joined the King's forces under General Johnson, who acted with great fidelity and bravery. It seems absolutely neces- sary on our part to request the Governor to inform us whether he knows of any disgust or injury the Delawares or Shawanese have ever received from this Province, and by what means their affections can have been so alienated as to take up the hatchet against us."
This document having been received and considered by the Governor and Council they came to the unanimous opinion that the Assembly did not intend to provide for the defense and security of the Province by pre- paring and passing certain Bills which the Governor had recommended.
On November 8th Scarooyady, Montour and Jagrea arrived in Philadelphia, and reported that they had gone on the Governor's mission "as far up the Susquehanna as where the Nanticokes live."|| Scaroo- yady stated that about 300 Indians were living on the Susquehanna, "all hearty in the English interest" and waiting impatiently to know what
* See "Pennsylvania Archives," First Series, II : 459.
+ See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VI : 671.
# See Egle's "History of Pennsylvania," edition of 1883, page 88.
¿ See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VI : 677.
| Chenango, or Otsiningo, New York. See pages 219 and 238.
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the Government proposed to do. These Indians having heard of Brad- dock's defeat had been inclined to waver in their loyalty to the English. But, learning of the success of Sir William Johnson and the Indians at Lake George, they were now anxious to go on the war-path with either the Six Nations or the Pennsylvanians. They sent by the "Half King" this message to Governor Morris: "If you will not fight with us we will go elsewhere. We never can nor ever will put up with the affront [the defeat of the Indian allies of the English in western Pennsylvania]. If we cannot be safe where we are, we will go somewhere else for pro- tection and take care of ourselves." The Governor reported to the Assembly :
"These Indians desire that we would put the hatchet into their hands ; that we would send a number of young men to act in conjunction with their warriors, and furnish necessary arms, ammunition, etc. They insist upon knowing the resolution of this Government, and to have an explicit answer without delay, that they may prepare to act with us, or take the necessary measures for their own security."
Referring to the message received from the Assembly a few days previously, Governor Morris said :
"You have now been sitting six days, and, instead of strengthening my hands and providing for the safety and defense of the people and Province in this time of imminent danger, you have sent me a message wherein you talk of regaining the affections of the Indians now employed in laying waste the country and butchering the inhabitants, and of inquiring what injustice they have received, and into the causes of their falling from their alliance with us and taking part with the French. Such language at this time and while the Province is in its present circumstances seems to me very extraordinary. * * I am sorry you should send me the Bill I have just now received, when I had heretofore
refused my assent to one of the same kind. * I shall not enter into a dispute whether the Proprietaries ought to be taxed or not."
It seems that the Governor (who, it will be remembered, was in every respect the personal representative of the Proprietaries of the Province,* and bound to look out for their interests) was at loggerheads with the Assembly relative to a Bill for the taxation of real estate-in- cluding the lands belonging to the Proprietaries-which that body pro- posed to enact into a law. Revenues were needed, immediately, for the pay of soldiers and to procure subsistence for them, for the purchase of arms and ammunition, for the erection of fortifications, etc. But the Provincial treasury was empty, and it could be replenished only by issuing bills of credit, based upon certain tax-laws.
The Provincial Council, "astonished to see the obstinacy of the Assembly carry thiem such lengths as not to enable the Governor to give an answer to Scarooyady," decided not to beat about the bush, but to explain to the "Half King," from their stand-point, the exact situation of affairs. The "Half King" was amazed, saying the failure of the Governor to send a prompt and favorable reply "would occasion the absolute defection of the Delawares [on the Susquehanna], who, by proper encouragement, might even now be firmly secured to the interest of the Province."
"The cold indifference of the Assembly at such a crisis," says Egle ("History of Pennsylvania," page 91), "awoke the deepest indignation throughout the Province. Public meetings were held in various parts of Lancaster and in the frontier counties, at which it was resolved that they would 'repair to Philadelphia and compel the Provincial authori- ties to pass proper laws to defend the country and oppose the enemy.' In addition, the dead bodies of some of the murdered and mangled were
* See note, page 212.
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sent to that city and hauled about the streets, with placards announcing that these were victims of the Quaker policy of non-resistance. A large and threatening mob surrounded the House of Assembly, placed the dead bodies in the door-way, and demanded immediate relief for the people of the frontiers. Such indeed were the desperate measures resorted to for self-defense." Complaints as to the condition of affairs at this time in Pennsylvania reached also the ears of the Home Government in England, and a report on the subject made by a special committee to the "Privy Council for Plantation Affairs" contained these paragraphs *:
"This is not the first complaint which His Majesty's subjects, inhabitants of that Province [Pennsylvania] have made of the distressed state of it, arising from the Assembly's neglecting to make proper provision by law for putting it into a posture of defense in times of danger and hostility. A like complaint was made to His Majesty in 1742, upon an examination into which it did appear that no laws had ever been enacted in that Province for the defense of it, for the building of forts, for raising or training any militia, or in general for providing against any danger from without, either by Indians, Pirates or other enemies. * ** The same system of inaction and neglect of the public safety has ever since prevailed and been pursued by the Assembly."
Within a few days after Governor Morris had sent his last-men- tioned message to the Pennsylvania Assembly he wrote to Sir William Johnson, at Mount Johnson, in part as follows :
"The unhappy defeat of General Braddock has brought an Indian war upon this and the neighboring Provinces, and from a quarter where it was least expected-the Dela- wares and Shawanese, from whom we thought there was no danger, as they had the very last year given us assurances of their continuing quiet and taking part with us when we should ask thein to do so ; and they made the same promise to the Six Nations. * * * I assure you that all the families from Augusta County, Virginia, to the River Delaware have been obliged to quit their plantations on the north side of that chain of hills which is called the Endless Mountains, and that the Indians are expected to continue their ravages into New York and New Jersey. *
* * The defection of the Delawares and the Shawanese is without the teast provocation from us, but that as they say themselves it is to show the Six Nations that they are no longer women ! * * * You will see by the enclosed papers that these French Shawanese and Delawares have offered the French hatchet to the Susquehanna Indians, but they have refused to take it."
Sir William Johnson had, at this time, some very well settled ideas of his own as to the reasons for the defection of the Delawares and Shaw- anese. On July 3, 1755, he had held a public conference with the Six Nations (see page 304), when their principal speaker saidt :
"Brother, you desire us to unite and live together and draw all our allies near us. But we shall have no land left either for ourselves or them, for your people, when they buy a small piece of land of us, by stealing they make it large. * *
* The Governor of Pennsylvania bought a whole tract and only paid for half, and [we] desire you will let him know that we will not part with the other half, but keep it."
With this speech as well as other matters in mind, Sir William wrote in September, 1756, to the Lords of Trade and Plantations, at London, in part as follows :
"The hostilities which Pennsylvania in particular has suffered, from some of the Indians living on the Susquehanna, did in some measure arise from the large purchase made by that Government two years ago [July 6, 1754] at Albany. I have more reason every day, from talking with the Indians, to be confirmed in this suspicion. I am inclined to believe, though this purchase was publicly consented to at Albany, some of the Six Nations are disgusted at it, and others repent their consenting to it, and that part of them do underhand connive at the disturbances between the Susquehanna Indians and the Province of Pennsylvania, whose raising forces and building forts on Susquehanna River -though it hath very plausible pretenses-is at the bottom bad policy, and really intended to secure lands which it would be more for the true interest of the community to give up -at least for the present.
"I conceive the most effectual method of producing tranquillity to that Province would be the voluntary and open surrender of that deed of sale ; fix with the Indians in the best manner they can the bounds for their settlements, and make them guarantees to
* See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VII : 272.
t See "Documentary History of New York State," 1 : 414.
# See "Documents Relating to the Colonial History of New York," VII : 130.
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it. I know this land was fairly and publicly paid for, and that the Indians are unjust and unreasonable to recant and keep the money ; but if the times and good policy require it, to yield will be more advantageous than to contest."
The Moravian Brethren Seidel and Zeisberger, who arrived in Wyo- ining Valley on the 25th of October, 1755 (as mentioned on page 320), spent six days at "Wyoming, the Shawanese town, and Lechaweke [Asserughney], the Minising town," and "found the Indians at Wyo- ming in great fear of the French Indians, and mnuch concerned lest the white people should think that they (the Indians at Wyoming) had had a hand in the late disturbance. At Lechaweke the Indians were entirely ignorant of the whole affair, as there they were all together at their Thanksgiving Harvest-feast."* Seidel and Zeisberger reached Bethle- hem November 2d, on their return from Wyoming ; and four days later the Brethren John Jacob Schinickt and Henry Freyt set out from Bethlehem for Wyoming, which, for some reason or other, they did not reach until the 10th of November. To prevent any apprehension of evil and to avoid animosity on the part of the Indians, neither of the Brethren, contrary to custom, carried a gun. Their business was with "Chief Packshanos, Abraham and Jonathan, § * * to salute them and desire their assistance" to conduct Mark Kieffer (a Moravian Brother who had been for some time serving as blacksmith for the Indians at Shamokin) in safety from Shamokin to Wyoming, and send him thence with Christian Frederick Post to Bethlehem. In giving an account of their experiences at Wyoming the Brethren stated|| :
"About noon [of Monday, November 10th] we crossed the Susquehanna and came to Wyoming, where the Indians, as soon as they heard of white people being come, all stood at their doors to see us, and saluted us, and we them ; and so we went along until we came to Packshanos their Chief's house, where the Indians came to us, shook hands with us and bid us welcome. * * 'We are old, we can't travel well,' Packshanos and Abraham said. 'But,' said Packshanos, 'I will send my son' ; and Jonathan said, 'I am willing to go with him.' * * Accordingly they set out on Tuesday the 11th. Packshanos keeps very good order among his Indians at Wyoming, and no one goes out hunting with- ont first acquainting him when and where he intends to go, when he'll return. &c."
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