USA > Tennessee > Notable men of Tennessee, from 1833 to 1875, their times and their contemporaries > Part 11
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far from Chattanooga, in the State of Georgia, having the respect and confidence of all who knew him, of both political parties. He died possessed of considerable property. He was an eccentric, erratic man, beyond nearly all men of his day. He was called the David Crockett of his time. Both he and Crockett were natives of East Tennessee, and born in Greene County. On one occasion, while he was a member of Congress, "at the conclusion of a fervid speech of the spread-eagle variety by a member of the opposition, the house was startled by a lusty cock's crow from the desk of the East Tennessee original."
According to all accounts, Mr. Crutchfield was a man of courage. He is spoken of by one who knew him well as a man of "desperate courage." It is equally manifest that he was an upright and truthful, and an honorable and kind-hearted man. This is the character given to him by all his Chattanooga acquaintances, whether agreeing with or differing from him in politics. He was a remarkably generous and noble man in his instincts. Many were his acts of helpfulness to the un- fortunate Confederates during the war, and after its close. He opened his purse freely, and gave his time and exertions to relieve their wants. In the language of one of his plain neighbors, "He was a man of right thought." He was out- spoken and blunt in speech, and no one was left in doubt as to his opinions. But while he was rough in manner and speech, within there beat a heart that could be touched by every tale of pity, of suffering, or want. He was possessed of noble in- stincts, which impelled him with irresistible energy in the direc- tion of right, justice, and humanity.
PEREZ DICKENSON AND JOHN WILLIAMS.
Dickenson a Native of Massachusetts-Accumulated Fortune-Ardent Whig-Decided in Stand for Union-Arrested and Discharged-Wil- liams' Family Old and Distinguished-Battle of the Horseshoe-Oppo- sition of John Williams' Father to Jackson-John Williams in Legisla- ture-Fearless Union Man.
Two other prominent Union men deserve, from their stand- ing and influence, more than the mere mention of their names. These are Perez Dickenson and John Williams, both of whom were citizens of Knoxville. The first, a native of Massa- chusetts, came to Tennessee while, perhaps, in his minority. By shrewdness, industry, and fair dealing he accumulated a good fortune in the mercantile business. He was a man of sagacity and clearness of intellect, as well as of large general intelligence. Few men have possessed better native ability.
Before the Civil War Mr. Dickenson was an ardent Whig,
as were nearly all the leading men of Knoxville. In the Presidential race of 1860 he was a warm supporter of John Bell. When the question of secession came up, imn- mediately following the Presidential election, without hesi- tation he decided what his duty demanded. He unhesi- tatingly ranged himself on the side of the Union, and from that position nothing could move him. Through all the dark days between June, 1861, and September, 1863-the period of Confederate ascendency in East Tennessee-his heart as constantly turned to the Union as the magnet points to the pole. There was no mistaking his position. While he, like nearly all Union men, was forced into prudent silence during the dominance of the Confederacy, no intelligent man on either side doubted where he stood. In 1861, or early in 1862, he was arrested and taken before Judge West H. Humphreys, pre- siding in the Confederate States District Court at Knoxville, who released him, there being no evidence against him.
Mr. Dickenson enjoyed in a pre-eminent degree the confi- dence of the people of East Tennessee as an honest, honor- able man, and he was known to the leading citizens of every
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county and of nearly every neighborhood. At home, in Knox- ville, where he resided for two-thirds of a century, he was in the latter years of his life, in the esteem of the people, easily the first citizen. Though the weight of eighty-seven years pressed heavily on his once iron constitution, at the time of his death, in 1901, his eye was not dim, nor his natural force entirely abated. The influence of his example, his words, his name and his high position, in 1861, in favor of the Union, unquestionably entitle him to be ranked as one of the leaders who saved the Union.
John Williams, too, was prominent, and too active in be- half of the Union in 1861 to be omitted from the roll of its leaders. Mr. Williams belonged to an old and very dis- tinguished family. This distinction arose, not from the possession of wealth (though there was a considerable amount of that in the family), but from splendid endowments and noble achievements. It would be tedious to name all the per- sons in this family who have filled distinguished positions in North Carolina and Tennessee .*
But to me the best thing about the Williams family was, not its honorable lineage, not its ability, not the distinction won by so many of them through the holding of high offices, so faithfully and so worthily filled, but the spotless integrity, lofty honor, and unfaltering courage in doing right, manifested by them in all positions and conditions of life. John Williams, the father of the subject of this sketch, was a lawyer by pro- fession. In the war with the Creek Indians, in the celebrated battle of the Horse Shoe, he commanded the 39th United States Infantry, under General Jackson, and this regiment, under the lead of Williams, first scaled the breastworks which decided that battle. His conduct on this occasion has always been regarded as most heroic.f Subsequently he became United States Sen- ator, and served one term. He was afterward appointed Min- ister to one of the South American Republics.
In Tennessee he was the head of the opposition to General
*Richmond Pearson Hobson, one of the heroes of Santiago, is descended on his mother's side from Colonel Joseph Williams of North Carolina, and also from General James White, the founder of Knoxville, being the great-great-grandson of each.
¡Thomas H. Benton was Lieutenant Colonel of this regiment, and Sam Houston an Ensign, or a Lieutenant.
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Jackson, which culminated in the first defeat of that imperious man in the presidential election of 1836, when the State cast its vote for Hugh Lawson White, the brother-in-law of Williams, in opposition to Van Buren, the favorite of Jackson. The 'only man in the State, of courage, ability, and popularity sufficient to withstand the power of the great hero of New Orleans was Colonel Williams. This he did as long as he lived, and in the end successfully. In courage he was the equal of Jackson, with none of his objectionable traits, and with some noble qualities which the latter never possessed.
John Williams, the younger, and the son of Colonel John Williams, was three or four times honored by an election to the lower house of the Legislature of Tennessee, from Knox County. In 1861 he was serving in that capacity, when the question of the secession of the State came up for consideration in that body, during its two extra sessions, and he, with unfaltering courage, voted against every proposition looking to that end. His vote was recorded with the small minority of brave men who, amid the storm and delirium of the hour, voted against the ordinance of secession. No man in the State was more out- spoken or more bitter in his opposition and denunciation of this movement. He was earnest and unequivocal in his course, and made no compromise. The whole movement was absolutely wicked in his estimation. He renounced it everywhere, never concealing or withholding his sentiments. Even after the State had voted to secede, and Confederate armies had occupied the country, in the presence of soldiers and officers, both publicly and privately, he at all times proclaimed himself a Union man. No other man in Knoxville dared to do this. There was but one other man in East Tennessee, after Brownlow left in March, 1863, who openly avowed his adhesion to the old government, and this man was Thomas D. Arnold, elsewhere described. The very audacity of these men seemed to secure immunity for them. Other men would have been arrested and hurried off to prison, but Mr. Williams was never arrested, though he was included in the warrant issued against Mr. Dickenson and my- self, December 25, 1861.
Mr. Williams was not only a brave, stalwart Union man, but he was a gentleman of the highest type of the old school-frank, manly, open, noble. There was no deceit, nothing false in him. He was as true as the laws of nature. In consequence of these
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qualities, men could always trust him, and his influence in shap- ing and molding the opinions of his neighbors and acquaint- ances, in the shifting, changing condition of public opinion in 1861, was considerable. He was no speaker, but a worker and a fine talker, his name lending strength to any cause that he espoused. In an eminent degree he possessed the qualities most needed in the terrible times of 1861-determination, and a courage that knew no retreat. His family has just cause of pride in his record as one of the best and truest Union men in the South.
JOHN M. FLEMING.
Born in Hawkins County-Educated at Emory and Henry College-Takes Charge of Whig Register in 1855-Supports John Bell-One of Three or Four to Oppose Secession-Elected to Legislature in 1861-Humor- ous Letter on Fall of Nashville-Secretary of Knoxville-Greeneville Convention - Supports General Mcclellan - Opposes Reconstruction Measures-Superintendent Public Instruction-Editorial Work-En- counter with John Mitchell-Controversy with Phelan.
JOHN M. FLEMING was the youngest of the Union leaders of East Tennessee. He was a son of the Rev. David Fleming, of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and was born in Hawkins County, Tennessee, about the year 1833. He was educated at Emory and Henry College, Virginia, and soon after his gradua- tion settled in Knoxville. In 1855 he was invited to take charge of the old Knoxville Register, a Whig newspaper that for many years had exercised great influence in its party in East Ten- nessee. Mr. Fleming was a good scholar, and wielded a facile pen, and it soon became evident to the public that a young man of more than ordinary ability had made his appearance. From the very start he wrote pointed and telling articles. His style was chaste, his facts strong, and when he chose to indulge them, his wit and humor were excellent, and he soon came to be re- garded as a brilliant young editor. Continuing in the editorial profession until 1858, he obtained license to practice law, having studied under John Baxter. After coming to the bar, he was taken into the office of his preceptor as a partner.
Mr. Fleming, as may be inferred, was a Whig in politics, and took some part in the canvass of 1860 in behalf of John Bell. In the spring of that year he had attended the Baltimore Convention as a delegate, and had cast his vote in favor of that distinguished statesman. In the latter part of November, 1861, when the spirit of secession first began to manifest itself in Knoxville, Mr. Fleming was one of the brave men who helped to organize opposition to it, and who openly met and resisted the first approaches of disloyalty. In the two public meetings which occurred about that time in Knoxville, and in the public discussion that took place, he was one of the three or four men
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who openly opposed secession. He helped to defeat it in its purpose to gain an ascendency in Knoxville and Knox County. Although on account of youth and lack of previous services he was less conspicuous than a number of other Union leaders, it can be safely affirmed that Fleming's opportune opposition to secession in its very beginning, in these two public meetings, was in the end as valuable and wide-reaching as were the labors later of any one of the Union leaders of higher distinction, except pos- sibly three. The check given to secession, and the confidence in- spired in the friends of the Union by these early meetings, can never be overestimated. Mr. Fleming has never received, and per- haps never will, the credit he deserves for his share in them. Dur- ing the two canvasses that followed, in February and May, he took an active part against the alliance of the State with the Southern Confederacy. He spoke wherever his services were in demand. While not a great orator, he was an exceedingly en- tertaining and instructive speaker. His information on all public questions was full and minute, and he had the faculty of present- ing his facts in the most lucid form. His speeches abounded in facts and arguments, presented with clearness, and when occasion demanded with wit and humor, and but for a little sharpness and shrillness of voice, he would have been a very successful speaker.
In 1861, after the State had voted in favor of secession, Mr. Fleming was elected as a representative to the Legislature from Knox County, and served during the ensuing sessions. That he was forced by this position and these surroundings apparently to support the Southern Confederacy in the Legislature admits . of no doubt. Yet his Union friends knew perfectly well how he was in heart. Indeed, it seems to have been well understood in Nashville that he was still loyal to the old Government, for while acting in the capacity of representative, he was arrested by the Confederate States Marshal on a charge of disloyalty to the Confederacy.
It was during this session of the Legislature that Mr. Fleming wrote his celebrated letter, which placed him in the estimation of all who have read it among the best humorists of the country. Fort Donelson had fallen, and the Federal Army under General Buell was approaching Nashville. Governor Harris, the Legis- lature, all the public functionaries of the State, and the seces- sion citizens of Nashville were thrown into the wildest panic.
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They were attempting to save themselves by hurried flight. Mr. Fleming witnessed all these things, and wrote an account of them, which, in some way, got into the newspapers. In point of humor, it would do credit to Mark Twain.
Some time in 1862, or early in 1863, Mr. Fleming left East Tennessee and became a refugee in Kentucky. While there he wrote a second letter, which was published in the newspapers, giving an account of a similar panic which had occurred in Knoxville previous to his departure upon the reported approach of the Federal Army. This letter also gave further evidence of Mr. Fleming's talents for humorous writing.
He acted in 1861 as the Secretary of the Knoxville-Greene- ville Convention, and faithfully reported the proceedings of that body, which were put into form and published under his super- vision. He was also a member of the Secret Union Executive Committee, appointed by the Greeneville Convention. He re- mained true to the Union and to the administration of Mr. Lin- coln until the spring of 1864, when he joined Nelson, Baxter, and other Union leaders in support of General Mcclellan for the Presidency in opposition to Mr. Lincoln. He opposed the ad- ministration of William G. Brownlow as Governor, and also the Reconstruction measures of the Republican Party. He finally became a full-fledged Democrat, remaining so to the end of his life.
In 1871, after the restoration of the Democratic party to power in the State, he was appointed State Superintendent of Public Instruction by Governor John C. Brown. At one time he was also a prominent candidate for the Democratic nomina- tion for Governor, and his chances of success seemed fair. He probably would have received the nomination, but for certain irregularities in his personal habits. At one period, since the war, he again returned to his editorial work in Knoxville, and in this capacity he became known throughout the State as one of its most brilliant writers. Unquestionably he was one of the most accomplished editors the State has ever possessed. His versatility enabled him to employ in his work the most varied talents. While emphatically peaceable in his disposition, as an editor it was unsafe to attack him. In controversy, there was but one man in the State at that time who was his superior, and that was William G. Brownlow. Mr. Fleming was always wary and cautious, and avoided arousing the old lion of the Knox-
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ville Whig. On one or two occasions, he did venture to cross the path of Mr. Brownlow, but the latter, with one short pithy paragraph, secured silence. A short time previous to the War, John Mitchell, the celebrated Irish Patriot, as he was styled, in conjunction with William G. Swan, started a newspaper in Knoxville, advocating the most extreme Southern views. In some way Mr. Fleming and Mr. Mitchell became involved in a con- troversy. The wit and ridicule which Fleming bestowed upon Mitchell were more than that impulsive Irishman could endure. He accordingly assaulted Mr. Fleming on the street, but no serious damage resulted to either party. Perhaps a more noted case of the power of Mr. Fleming was the controversy which occurred at a later day between him and James Phelan, a mem- ber of Congress, and a former editor at Memphis, and a late historian of Tennessee. Phelan in his history cast serious re- flections upon some of the early inhabitants of East Tennessee. Fleming took up the gauntlet in behalf of his own people, and overwhelmed Phelan with facts and ridicule. The latter became exasperated, and in desperation challenged Fleming to mortal combat.
After the war, at intervals, Mr. Fleming followed the practice of his profession. If he had been constant and persistent, his efforts would have been crowned with great success. It can- not be said that he was ever a great lawyer. His time was so divided between journalism, politics, the law, and the super- intendency of public instruction, that it is no wonder that he did not become eminent in a profession requiring unremitting attention. But he certainly possessed a legal mind of a superior order. He was capable of high achievements in this direction. He had remarkable memory, quick apprehension, nice discrim- ination, and the power of profound thought. To win high dis- tinction, he lacked only industry, persistence, and high distinct purpose, sustained by unswerving determination. Yet Mr. Flem- ing, notwithstanding his idle habits, sometimes did achieve considerable success when his heart and mind were warmly en- listed in a cause. He won justly merited reputation at the close of the war by the ability he displayed in the defense of some Union soldiers charged with murder, by raising the ques- tion, and arguing it with ability, as to the jurisdiction of the State Courts in a case of the kind. The case was prosecuted from one court to another, both State and Federal, until it
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finally reached the Supreme Court of the United States, where Fleming's position was sustained, and consequently the prisoners were finally discharged. John Baxter used to say that few if any men in the State had such intellect as Fleming. This was the opinion, possibly in a modified sense, of all who were familiar with his capacity. While he possessed fancy, wit, and humor, reason was the dominant quality of his mind. These were helps, but they were subordinate to his judgment. Lack- ing in assiduity, he was naturally averse to hard labor, and could not bring himself down to continuous study. Doubtless he felt that he could accomplish with little study what required great labor on the part of ordinary minds. He was fond of general reading, and became exceedingly well versed in most of the elegant literature of the day, but for the dry details of the law he had no taste. He was an amiable, delightful com- panion, and enjoyed with great zest the convivialities of social life. It followed, therefore, that he had many warm personal friends. It must be confessed, however, after all that has been or can be said, that he failed of the high destiny for which his abilities qualified him. No one has ever questioned that he was prodigally endowed by nature with high intellectual gifts. But with all his gifts he was deficient in moral force, and could not resist temptation, finally becoming a victim of intemperance. He had many lovable traits, but alas, he had his failings.
Mr. Fleming is one of the three men who remain of the prominent Union leaders of 1861. It is melancholy to add that he is a wreck of his former self, both physically and mentally .*
*The above was written while Mr. Fleming was still alive. He died in 1900.
ANDREW J. FLETCHER.
Attended Washington College-Practiced Law in Newport-State Sena- tor-Difficulty with Mason-A Refugee Secretary of State-Candidate for U. S. Senate-Speech in Defense of State Administration-Origin of Term "Carpet Bag."
ANDREW J. FLETCHER, born in Carter County, Tennessee, June 21, 1820, was descended from Revolutionary stock,-his grandfather having lost his life in the battle of Brandywine. Andrew, the son of John and Leah Fletcher, was educated at Washington College, and afterward taught school in Elizabeth- ton, at the same time studying law with Alfred D. Taylor. He was admitted to the bar, practicing his profession a short while in Elizabethton, and finally settled in Newport, Cocke County. Here he became a successful lawyer, being engaged in nearly every important case on the dockets of the courts, and extended his practice into some of the adjoining counties. In 1859, for the sake of better schools for his children, he removed to Greeneville.
While residing at Newport, Mr. Fletcher was induced by the Whigs to become the party's candidate for State Senator, for the district composed of the Counties of Greene, Cocke, Sevier, and Blount, and was elected by a handsome majority. His competitor was the celebrated Thomas D. Arnold, an old lawyer and experienced politician. The canvass became exceedingly bitter and personal. General Arnold was an expert in the use of language calculated to stir the blood of an opponent, and all his canvasses-and he had had many for Congress-were directly personal. Yet he found in Fletcher, a man who could give as well as receive hard blows. The canvass, while not distinguished for dignity and high-toned courtesy, was rendered famous by its bright encounters, the wit and sarcasm, and the biting retorts of two men skilled as mental athletes. Fletcher made as Senator considerable reputation as a man of talents. One of his speeches attracted much attention, as a specimen of argument, research, and wit. He came out of the Legislature with a greatly enhanced character as a man of ability.
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Two years after his first race he was again a candidate for the Senate in the same district, but was beaten by Lloyd Bullen. In 1860 he unfortunately became involved in a difficulty with Robert Mason, of Greeneville, in which the latter was killed. The trouble grew out of a law suit in which Fletcher was counsel. Mason attacked Fletcher and followed it up with great violence. Investigating the facts immediately after the oc- currence, as counsel for Fletcher, I became convinced that the killing was a clear case of self-defense, and the court and the prosecuting attorney must have also taken this view, for the defendant was never brought to trial. After remaining on the docket for a few terms, the case was dismissed. Fletcher was not, in the ordinary sense, a fighting man, much less a des- perado. He was sober, peaceable, but with courage to defend himself when attacked.
When the Civil War came on, Andrew Fletcher, being a Whig, naturally took decided ground in favor of the Union. Taking the stump he pleaded for the preservation of the old Government, denouncing in no measured terms the insane scheme of ambitious men to disrupt it. Wherever heard his speeches produced a marked effect. He set men to thinking. He cited facts, weighty and momentous, that gave pause to the minds of men. His utterances were sharp and pointed, piercing to the very marrow of the question.
When the bitterness of the adherents of the South became so great that it was dangerous for pronounced Union men to remain at home, in East Tennessee, Fletcher became a refugee, and with a large party sought safety in Kentucky. He endured the hardships of a long journey through the pathless moun- tains, inspired by love of his government. After wandering as an exile from place to place, he finally settled in Evansville, Ind. By special request of President Lincoln, he made a num- ber of speeches for the Union cause in the Northwest. In 1864 he also made speeches in Indiana and Illinois for Lincoln and Johnson.
When Tennessee was reorganized in 1865, he returned home, and was elected Secretary of State, which office he held for three years, at the expiration of which time he was re-elected, and held the office until the Democrats got control of the State, and defeated him in 1870. Mr. Fletcher then purchased a farm near Cleveland, and settled down for the practice of his pro-
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