USA > Tennessee > Notable men of Tennessee, from 1833 to 1875, their times and their contemporaries > Part 41
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This proposition was most unjust. It was in effect saying to every woman and child in the land, to every guardian of minors, to every executor and administrator holding bonds for the benefit of women and children, to all charitable and educa- tional institutions, to every farmer, mechanic, and laborer, to all, high or low, rich or poor, who had loaned their earnings to the Government in its hour of need, and had taken its bonds as security : "You must surrender your bonds at the end of sixteen years and eight months, without receiving the prin- cipal."
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What would Mr. Johnson have thought if he had loaned money to a man, payable at the end of sixteen years and eight months-the interest of which had been regularly paid-if the maker, when he demanded payment, had said: "Sir, your debt is paid. Have I not paid the interest regularly, and does not that equal the debt and discharge it?"*
In reference to the bonds issued by Tennessee, Johnson was the first man in the State to suggest and advocate their repudiation. After his retirement from the Presidency in 1869 he became a candidate, as we have seen, for a seat in the United States Senate. To secure his election he made speeches in several of the largest towns, and among others at Columbia. In his speech at that place, he took ground in favor of re- pudiating all bonds, State and national, after the interest paid on them equaled the sum received for said bonds, by the State or nation. He said no generation had a moral or legal right to entail a debt on a succeeding generation, and that was what a bonded debt did. This generation had no right to issue bonds to be paid by the next.
Hon. John H. Savage, a former member of Congress, went to Columbia to answer Mr. Johnson, but the latter refused to divide time with him. But Savage spoke by himself, and de- nounced Johnson as a repudiator, seeking to bring dishonor on Tennessee's fair name.
In a discussion in Lebanon, Tenn., October 9, 1874, between Johnson and the same Savage, Johnson was reported by a correspondent of the Louisville Courier-Journal as saying :
"No nation has ever been burdened with a permanent public debt and remained free. Sooner than leave our posterity to become a race of serfs under an immense debt, I would throw off every dollar of it. Our people cannot much longer bear
*Mr. Johnson seems to have borrowed this idea from Mr. Jefferson. In a letter to James Madison (Vol. III, p. 27, of Jefferson's writings) he affirmed, as Johnson did in Tennessee, that one generation of men had no right to contract debts which another must pay, and consequently that the validity of an obligation of that sort is to be ascertained by reference to bills (tables) of mortality in order to see if a majority of the con- tracting generation has died off and the obligation to pay has been extin- guished. This period seems to have been fixed at nineteen years. Jeffer- son also maintained that "every law and even Constitution naturally expires at the end of this term (nineteen years)." Tucker's Life of Jef- feson, Vol. I, p. 291. "Observations on Thomas Jefferson," by Henry Lee, p. 79 and note.
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these burdens. They cry for relief, and must have it, and we must get clear of at least a portion of our public debt. If refusing to pay a portion of a debt is repudiation, then the country is full of repudiators."
In a speech at Murfreesboro, Tenn., he said that there was not as much as $500,000 of our State (Tennessee) debt that was constitutional and binding on the people. This declara- tion was amazing in view of the fact that a considerable part of the bonds, constituting the State debt, were issued during his administration, as Governor, were signed by him, and their issuance approved by him.
In October, 1874, Johnson made a speech in Chattanooga, which was repeated in Nashville a few days later, in which he argued that the people of the State were not bound in morals to pay more than one-half of a State debt. This speech was reported in the Memphis Avalanche.
While he was a candidate for Congress he made a speech in Memphis, in 1872, the burden of which was that the war had transferred the value of the slaves of the South to the bond- holders of the North. He inveighed bitterly against these "bloated bondholders" who were "sitting behind great stacks of bonds," making their living by "clipping coupons," while the people of the South were slaves for all coming time, being forced to contribute their labor to the payment of the enormous public debt.
Thus Johnson went over the State, in 1869, 1872, and in 1874, sapping and undermining the credit of the State. His utterances were not hasty, but deliberate and well matured. He never delivered an opinion on grave questions of public policy without the most careful consideration. He conned over every sentiment he was to utter in a public speech for weeks beforehand. No man could have weighed the effect that each word and sentence was to have on the public mind more care- fully.
At first Johnson had but few followers in his crusade against the public credit of the State. But soon he made converts. The argument was used by many that, as most of our bonds were held by people in the North, and as the North had set our slaves free, it would only be an act of even-handed justice to re- pudiate these bonds. Men of prominence took this position
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on the stump. John H. Savage set out by denouncing Johnson, as we have seen, and finally after the death of the latter, became the leader of the repudiationists, advocating the payment of 33 1-3 cents on the dollar, and that "not of right, but of grace." He insisted that the North had taken from the South, in the one item of slaves alone, two thousand millions of dollars, and for that reason, if I catch his meaning in his carefully prepared pamph- let on the State debt, the people of the State were not bound to pay the bonds. The argument is false in logic, as well as in morals. Because I am robbed, does that justify me in robbing the next man I meet? As a matter of fact, eight-tenths perhaps of these bonds were legally issued and honestly applied to the purpose for which they were intended .*
When the question of repudiation first came prominently be- fore the people of Tennessee, Senator Isham G. Harris was an earnest advocate of the State credit. He wrote a long letter, which was published, upholding with his usual ability the honor and good faith of the State. But after a while, observing the trend of Democratic opinion, and that it was impossible to breast the storm of State repudiation Johnson had raised, but now borne onward by Marks, Savage, and Wilson, Harris marched under the banner of his party, and for the first time in his life marched behind and not at the head of the column. These men had taken up the banner which had fallen at the death of Johnson.
Repudiation, or more correctly, the scaling of the public debt in Tennessee, was at last accomplished. And let it be remembered that it was mostly the work of Democracy. A few brave men in that party earnestly strove to avert the stigma, but in vain. Hon. John V. Wright, the regular Democratic candidate for Governor, made a splendid and gallant fight for the honor of the State. At no time since the war have such thrillingly elo- quent appeals to the honor and justice of the people been heard as fell from his lips. It was like the old-time oratory of Gentry and Haskell. Ex-Governor James D. Porter, a noble Roman, also stood firm to the end. Ex-Senator James E. Bailey also fought gallantly to save the credit of the State. After the death
*Colonel Savage, I am glad to say, still lives (June, 1901) in a vigorous old age, an honest, outspoken man, never concealing any opinion from the world.
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these burdens. They cry for relief, and must have it, and we must get clear of at least a portion of our public debt. If refusing to pay a portion of a debt is repudiation, then the country is full of repudiators."
In a speech at Murfreesboro, Tenn., he said that there was not as much as $500,000 of our State (Tennessee) debt that was constitutional and binding on the people. This declara- tion was amazing in view of the fact that a considerable part of the bonds, constituting the State debt, were issued during his administration, as Governor, were signed by him, and their issuance approved by him.
In October, 1874, Johnson made a speech in Chattanooga, which was repeated in Nashville a few days later, in which he argued that the people of the State were not bound in morals to pay more than one-half of a State debt. This speech was reported in the Memphis Avalanche.
While he was a candidate for Congress he made a speech in Memphis, in 1872, the burden of which was that the war had transferred the value of the slaves of the South to the bond- holders of the North. He inveighed bitterly against these "bloated bondholders" who were "sitting behind great stacks of bonds," making their living by "clipping coupons," while the people of the South were slaves for all coming time, being forced to contribute their labor to the payment of the enormous public debt.
Thus Johnson went over the State, in 1869, 1872, and in 1874, sapping and undermining the credit of the State. His utterances were not hasty, but deliberate and well matured. He never delivered an opinion on grave questions of public policy without the most careful consideration. He conned over every sentiment he was to utter in a public speech for weeks beforehand. No man could have weighed the effect that each word and sentence was to have on the public mind more care- fully.
At first Johnson had but few followers in his crusade against the public credit of the State. But soon he made converts. The argument was used by many that, as most of our bonds were held by people in the North, and as the North had set our slaves free, it would only be an act of even-handed justice to re- pudiate these bonds. Men of prominence took this position
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NOTABLE MEN OF TENNESSEE
on the stump. John H. Savage set out by denouncing Johnson, as we have seen, and finally after the death of the latter, became the leader of the repudiationists, advocating the payment of 33 1-3 cents on the dollar, and that "not of right, but of grace." He insisted that the North had taken from the South, in the one item of slaves alone, two thousand millions of dollars, and for that reason, if I catch his meaning in his carefully prepared pamph- let on the State debt, the people of the State were not bound to pay the bonds. The argument is false in logic, as well as in morals. Because I am robbed, does that justify me in robbing the next man I meet? As a matter of fact, eight-tenths perhaps of these bonds were legally issued and honestly applied to the purpose for which they were intended .*
When the question of repudiation first came prominently be- fore the people of Tennessee, Senator Isham G. Harris was an earnest advocate of the State credit. He wrote a long letter, which was published, upholding with his usual ability the honor and good faith of the State. But after a while, observing the trend of Democratic opinion, and that it was impossible to breast the storm of State repudiation Johnson had raised, but now borne onward by Marks, Savage, and Wilson, Harris marched under the banner of his party, and for the first time in his life marched behind and not at the head of the column. These men had taken up the banner which had fallen at the death of Johnson.
Repudiation, or more correctly, the scaling of the public debt in Tennessee, was at last accomplished. And let it be remembered that it was mostly the work of Democracy. A few brave men in that party earnestly strove to avert the stigma, but in vain. Hon. John V. Wright, the regular Democratic candidate for Governor, made a splendid and gallant fight for the honor of the State. At no time since the war have such thrillingly elo- quent appeals to the honor and justice of the people been heard as fell from his lips. It was like the old-time oratory of Gentry and Haskell. Ex-Governor James D. Porter, a noble Roman, also stood firm to the end. Ex-Senator James E. Bailey also fought gallantly to save the credit of the State. After the death
*Colonel Savage, I am glad to say, still lives (June, 1901) in a vigorous old age, an honest, outspoken man, never concealing any opinion from the world.
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of Andrew Johnson, the ablest advocate of repudiation, or scal- ing the debt in the State was Samuel F. Wilson, the candidate of that wing of the party for Governor, and at present an able and most worthy member of the Chancery Court of Appeals. The State not only scaled the bonds one-half, but it reduced the interest which they bore to three per cent .- double re- pudiation.
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CHAPTER VIII.
My Early Impressions of Andrew Johnson-Compared with Other Public Men of His Time-Some of His Peculiar Traits and Character- istics-Intimate Friends and Their Influence-Mr. Johnson in the Sen- ate, 1860-Personal Character and Habits-Critical Attitude of Con- temporaries-Celebrated Speech in Knoxville April, 1861.
To describe Mr. Johnson as he really was about 1832 or 1833, when I first became old enough to know him, is no easy matter, though few men of this day so impressed themselves upon my young mind. From the beginning he was no ordinary man. At his first appearance in public life, his speeches were strong and sensational. His facts were presented in a bold and vigorous manner. There was in them that salt of bitterness, that impres- sive personality, which characterized him in so marked a de- gree in after life. Even then he gained victories over every antagonist. His delivery, if not elegant, was at least easy, natural, and pleasing. His flow of language was wonderful con- sidering he was uneducated and inexperienced as a speaker. There was nothing violent or spasmodic in his manner. His voice was good and pleasant. In the course of time it became one of great compass and power.
Mr. Johnson was about 5 feet 10 inches in height, and weighed near 175 pounds. His limbs were strong and muscular, his movements active, indicating superior physical strength. His power of endurance was exceptionally great. His shoulders were large, his head massive, round and broad, his neck short and stout. His forehead was not exceptionally high, but very wide and perpendicular. Above his eyes, at the point where the phrenologists locate the reasoning faculties (causality) were two remarkable bumps or protuberances swelling out from his brow. His complexion was dark, his eyes black and piercing; his coun- tenance, when in repose, gloomy ; when lighted up by a smile, it became attractive. In ordinary conversation his voice was low and soft. His action, while not stately, was easy and rather graceful. In appearance he was far from being rustic. On the whole, nature stamped him as a remarkable man.
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studious habits and unconquerable ambition, a very different man, possibly a far greater one? A bright young fellow pass- ing through such a training would know more books-more facts of history at twenty-seven, the age at which Johnson entered upon his public career, than he had acquired after a life of wonderful activity. Johnson's first twenty-seven years were spent in unremitting manual labor and were largely lost. He acquired no reserve equipment of learning for the future. Let us suppose the brightest of the prominent men I have named, in the second class, had been in his situation at the age of twenty- seven, would that one have produced on his country a more last- ing impression than Johnson did? Johnson's natural ability- his capacity to think, to investigate, to originate-was of a high order. Few men have had so much native intellect. Be- sides, he had industrious habits and was thirsting for knowledge.
The marked deficiencies of Mr. Johnson were language and information-elegant language, exact and precise, in which to present his ideas, and wide range of knowledge for argument and reflection, for adornment and illustration. He was sadly lacking in discipline of mind-the ability to discriminate, to compare, to analyze,-which early and continuous education give. He was without the graceful expression, nice taste, ac- quired by association from infancy with scholarly people. He had ideas, but no vehicle for making them effective. No one, however superior his natural mechanical talents, could con- struct a delicate watch without the necessary training and tools. Give him these, and how easy the task and how perfect the accomplishment! In an unusual degree Mr. Johnson was with- out the discipline, the material necesssary for high intellectual achievement. That he accomplished what he did, that he was able to rise to such eminence, under such unfavorable conditions, among competitors of such conspicuous talents, is indeed cause of profound amazement. He was far above Charles Sumner, and could never have resembled him.
It is a fact-but by no means a remarkable one -- that few uneducated men rise to greatness. It should rather excite sur- prise that any at all do. General Jackson and Mr. Lincoln are the most notable examples in our history of greatness achieved with deficient early education. They were, however, exceptional in natural ability, as they were in all respects. 'They were the favored sons of Heaven. But they were not entirely without
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education. Jackson early had the advantages of association with able lawyers, and of refined society, while Lincoln was from boyhood a diligent student, educating himself. Both were ad- mitted when young to the bar-the best school for mental dis- cipline furnished by the age, outside of the university.
Nothing quickens the mind like close conflict with an astute lawyer, in the discussion of profound legal questions. The high- est faculties of the intellect are called forth and sharpened by opposition, as steel sharpens steel. No fancy, no declamation, no loose use of words avails, but exactness, concentration, and logic are demanded. Johnson missed the advantage of these intel- lectual encounters and the daily association with members of the bar. Instead he had the drudgery of earning a living in a calling giving no leisure. He was not only the sole President, but the only great man in our country who never attended school a day in his life.
Mr. Johnson has never received the credit for ability lie de- serves. There are several obvious reasons why he has always been underrated.
He would have ranked higher had it not been for his habit of pandering to the passions of the people. This lowered him in the opinion of all the better educated classes of all parties. Grant that he was the friend of the masses; that did not make it necessary for him to foster hatred between the poor and the rich. That was no reason for arraying one class against another. Mr. Lincoln always proved himself, by his acts, very much more than by his professions, a friend of the people. In this respect, however, Mr. Johnson only did what many prominent politicians of both the leading parties are doing to day .*
Johnson lost much by lack of the amenities of life. He was sadly wanting in sympathy and in kindliness of manner. The refined and cultivated he apparently disliked. These reminded him of his own deficiencies, and in the depths of his heart he detested them. In fact, he hated everything superior to himself. He was conscious of the gulf which separated him from the more refined class of society. On all occasions his speeches tended to divide society, to array the poor and ignorant against the wealthy and intelligent. He was a natural leveler. All his theories and appeals were based on the supposed gullibility of the masses. He never appealed to the broad, enlightened in-
*He seems to have been the pioneer "insurgent."
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telligence of the world. Any public man who excites the con- tempt or the derision of his fellowmen is sure to be undervalued.
That Mr. Johnson was naturally cynical and morose was only too evident from his gloomy countenance. This feeling, no doubt, was increased by his poverty. He plainly saw the advantage that wealth and culture gave. That thought filled his ambitious soul with rage. He disliked the possessor of these things. This natural tendency was increased by a difficulty with one of his rich neighbors, which probably gave more or less coloring to Johnson's feeling throughout his whole life.
After Mr. Johnson became President, he improved in out- ward manner, and became much more agrecable. When he chose he could be delightful, but it was hard to undo the habits of forty years. It was impossible to change his own disposition. There was little that was gentle about him. Towards his enemies he was implacable and unforgiving. He had few intimates.
In the solitariness of his own thoughts he seemed to revel, his mind was active, and forever revolving something new. For society or idle pleasures he had no taste, and in the common everyday affairs he took no interest. One absorbing passion consumed his life. His caution was excessive. When a new political question arose, or one of grave expediency, he would deliberate long and anxiously over it. The difficulty would not be, as to its justice, but as to its party effect, or perhaps, as to its effect upon his own personal fortunes. He would discuss the question with friends, would state hypothetical cases, and argue them ; he would invite criticism and then he would answer it. He would thus call out all the arguments for or against a measure.
He was in a high degree unsociable, preferring solitude. Occasionally he wanted, indeed seemed to require, a friend, a solitary person. But it was a hearer he needed; someone to listen while he discanted on some new idea. It was not per- sonal, but mental sociability he desired ; food for the mind, not for the heart.
There were two apparent exceptions to the statement that he had no intimate friends. He did have two. These were Samuel Milligan and John Jones, both of his county. The former was a lawyer of Greeneville, and became, in 1865, one of the Supreme Judges of Tennessee, and afterward a member of the Court of Claims at Washington.
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Judge Milligan was a college graduate. In his mental opera- tions he was slow, cautious, and logical. Give him time and he was sure to reach a correct conclusion. He was remarkably free from prejudice and passion, and honest above all men I ever knew. At an early day Johnson took him into his con- fidence, and no safer, truer, or more worthy confidant could have been found.
John Jones was also college-bred, and had studied law, but never followed it as a profession. In dress, habits, and appear- ance he was the most rural of men. He was almost an anchorite. While he was a farmer, he cared little about farming, or any- thing else except reading and thinking. His mind was clear, penetrating, and original-indeed, intellectually he was remark- able. Withal he was perfectly honest and candid. This was the man Johnson needed, and he early made him his friend and adviser. When any new question arose, demanding thought and thorough investigation, he would send to the country for Jones, and take him to his house, where the latter would stay for days in consultation with Johnson. Hence Johnson was enabled to appear on the stump, in all his canvasses, thoroughly prepared at every point both for attack and defense.
The world will never know, can never know, how much the political fortunes of Mr. Johnson were helped and shaped by the advice of these two men. Hardly anything shows his sound judgment more clearly than the fact that he kept near him two such strong, honest advisers. The three had served in the Legis- lature together in 1841 and became friends for life. Jones was not a social companion of Mr. Johnson ; he was a helper and counselor. Milligan was more than this; he was an intimate friend.
Mr. Johnson was always true to his trusted friends. He held fast to those once admitted to his confidence. His devotion to Judge Milligan and the honors he bestowed on him prove the truth of this. Other examples might be given to the same effect. Indeed, individually he was not false in dealing with men. The virtue of candor he possessed in a much higher degree than most public men. There was no deceit in him. It was always well known what he thought of those around him. If he was an enemy, he was too independent and too bitter to conceal the fact. I am not aware of a single instance in which he promised a favor, which he failed to bestow. True, whenever it would pro-
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mote his personal ambition, he did not hesitate to set aside a debt of gratitude or to bury the deepest hatreds, and become reconciled to his worst enemy. Still he was not, as a rule, either a false, a deceitful, or an untruthful man. Excepting the case of the unfortunate question of veracity between him and General Grant, and the instance already referred to in another chapter, I have no recollection of his veracity ever being seriously called in question.
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