USA > Tennessee > Notable men of Tennessee, from 1833 to 1875, their times and their contemporaries > Part 29
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By the sale of his book and by his lectures, for the second time in life, Mr. Brownlow began to accumulate a little money ; from this time until his retirement from the Senate of the United States, by the simplest habits and the strictest economy, he was able to lay by each year a little for old age. So it is pleasant to know that while at best he had only a very moderate com- petency his last days were not passed in pinching poverty. The smallness of the estate left by him, only a few thousands, was the. best evidence of his honesty.
Of course, when Mr. Brownlow left for the North he left his
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family behind, consisting of one son and five daughters, four of them of tender age. When accounts of the reception which he had received in the North, and of the sensation that his bitter speeches were creating were read in Tennessee, they provoked great indignation. Accordingly on April 21, 1862, the follow- ing order was issued :
HEADQUARTERS, DEPARTMENT OF EAST TENNESSEE, OFFICE OF PROVOST MARSHAL,
April 21st, 1862. MRS. W. G. BROWNLOW, Knoxville.
Madam: By Major General E. Kirby Smith I am directed most respectfully to inform you that you and your children are not held as hostages for the good behavior of your husband, as represented by him in a speech at Cincinnati recently, and that yourself and family will be required to pass beyond the Confederate States lines in thirty-six hours from this date.
Passports will be granted you from this office.
Very respectfully, W. M. CHURCHWELL, Colonel and Provost Marshal.
A similar notice was also served on Mrs. Maynard, wife of the Hon. Horace Maynard, and on her family; also on Mrs. Andrew Johnson and on Mrs. William B. Carter. At the re- quest of Mrs. Brownlow the time of preparation for departure was extended three or four days. On the expiration of the time granted, Mrs. Brownlow and Mrs. Maynard, with their families, were placed in charge of Lieutenant Joseph H. Speed of the Confederate Army from Alabama, and sent North by way of Norfolk. Lieutenant Speed proved to be an honorable gentle- man, and both families were always loud in praise of his kind- ness. He left nothing undone that he could do for their comfort.
Whatever may have been said for or against the practice of sending helpless families through the lines to their husbands or friends, it was certainly followed more or less by both govern- ments. Where such persons were behaving themselves with propriety, it was certainly a cruel hardship to be sent away from their homes. No one at the time, or since, charged that the families who were removed in this instance were not con- ducting themselves with the utmost propriety. Both Mrs. Brownlow and Mrs. Maynard, as well as Mrs. Johnson, were exceptionally amiable and well behaved at all times and under all circumstances. In this case it was ungallant, for it was avowedly, at least in the case of Mrs. Brownlow, visiting the sins of the husband on innocent, helpless women.
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In October, 1863, after the entrance of General Burnside with his army into Knoxville, Mr. Brownlow and his family again returned to their former home. Soon after his return he resumed the publication of his paper, which had been suspended for two years, his press having been confiscated.
In the early winter of 1864 Andrew Johnson, as Military Governor of Tennessee, with the approval of Mr. Lincoln, as elsewhere shown, took steps to place the State in practical rela- tions with the Federal Government, preparatory to its resump- tion of its powers and rights as a loyal State. A meeting looking to this end was called to assemble in Nashville on January 9, 1865. In less than two days the work of amending the Consti- tution and providing for the re-establishment of the State Gov- ernment had been accomplished. The haste of this proceeding was in all respects unworthy of the momentous occasion. But whether the work of the convention was wise or unwise the result, so far as Mr. Johnson was concerned, was what he desired. He went back to Washington with the honor of bringing back with him one of the States of the Union. In his inaugural address as Vice-President he boasted of this achievement.
Under the new order of things a Governor and a Legislature were to be elected in Tennessee. Mr. Johnson was out of the way. Who should the new Governor be? Should it be Mr. Nelson, Mr. Maynard, Mr. Baxter, or Mr. Netherland, or some less noted man? Nelson, Baxter, and Netherland had already shown such decided retrogressive tendencies that they were out of the question. Under these circumstances Mr. Brownlow was urged to become a candidate. After a little reflection he agreed to do so. I do not think he had ever thought of this office before. He was at that time editing his paper and discharging the duties of a respectable office in the Internal Revenue Depart- ment with a reasonable salary. As soon as his name was au- thoritatively given to the public, so popular was he that no other name was thereafter seriously considered. Having received the party nomination he was elected as a matter of course.
The administration of Governor Brownlow was stormy and tempestuous beyond anything in our political history. There was something in the man, but infinitely more in the times, that marked this as the troubled period in our civil history. Had the times been quiet, had those lately in insurrection and their new allies, who were recently recruited from the Union ranks under
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the guise of Conservatives, showed a more charitable spirit, his administration would have been as mild as that of those pre- ceding the Civil War, for when not factiously opposed or as- sailed he was most conciliatory and peace-loving. On the con- trary, he was opposed with ruthless vindictiveness, and all the worst elements of society, thrown upon the surface by a four years' war, arrayed themselves in opposition to his administra- tion. Encouraged by the desertion of President Johnson, bands of desperate characters denominated "Ku-Klux" were organized in many counties in Middle and West Tennessee, who committed outrages on loyal men of the most startling and blood-curdling character. In the darkness of midnight they committed their terrible deeds.
Of all the men in the State Governor Brownlow was the last to think of tolerating such things. With his Cromwellian spirit and will he was the very man for this grave emergency. He accordingly dealt in no halfway measures. With the greatest promptitude, under the authority of an Act of the Legislature, he organized a part of the loyal militia of the State and sent them under determined officers, with what instructions I know not, into the counties where the Ku-Klux were committing their outrages. In a few weeks or months law and order were restored and loyal people were once more safe in their homes in the quiet hours of the night. The masked outlaws were taught that an iron hand held the reins of power in the State.
His enemies then made, and sometimes still make, a bitter outcry against Governor Brownlow and his militia. The only answer this deserves is to remind them that these secret outrages were the legitimate outgrowth of the war begun by them in Tennessee in 1861. When overpowered in the field, and they had given their parole of honor to behave themselves as good citizens, some of them, in violation of all law and all honor, mani- fested a spirit of insubordination in these secret midnight gath- erings which no State could tolerate. By their conduct they placed themselves above and outside of regular government. The law could not reach them. It was a kind of insurrection conducted against the peace of the State. The perpetrators were masked and kept themselves concealed, and moved only at night and in large bodies. Before the light of day appeared they dispersed to their homes or secret hiding places after com- mitting their terrible deeds. They were bound by dreadful
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oaths. No man dared to testify against them or inform on them, and even men who were suspected of an intention of doing so, or having done so, were cruelly treated. No jury could be found to punish them. Military force alone could reach the evil. This Governor Brownlow used. I do not stop to inquire whether or not the strict letter of the law was exceeded in its execution .* It is sufficient to know that the safety of the people demanded the most stringent and severe measures. Salus populi, suprema est lex. Nor have I inquired whether Governor Brownlow's acts in reference to these things were exactly regular. It is suffi- cient to know that these violators of law were defying all author- ity, and had inaugurated an insurrection too widespread and powerful to be put down by the civil authorities ; that the means necessary to restore order and security were used, and that the troops were withdrawn as soon as organized opposition to law disappeared. It may be that these troops in some instances exceeded their authority and committed wrongs, and I expect they did. But this is an unfortunate incident of all wars.
Another charge often brought against the administration of Governor Brownlow and his party in Tennessee is that they overwhelmed the people of the State with a large bonded indebt- edness. It is true that many bonds were issued under his admin- istration, as many had been issued before, but consider the cir- cumstances. In coming into power he found the railroads of the State worn out and in a state of dilapidation by reason of the heavy use they were exposed to during the four years of war. No repairs except those absolutely necessary had been made; many of the bridges had been burned; the rolling stock was mostly gone or worn out. The railroad companies were unable to put the roads in order ; an appeal was therefore made to the Legislature by these roads for the loan of the credit of the State to aid in making repairs. The great interests of the State would suffer unless this were done. Therefore, as a matter of public policy and duty, many bonds were issued for that purpose-too many, I freely admit. The assistance thus ren- dered was deemed at the time to be an act of sound policy and a patriotic duty. In some cases the policy adopted was unwise. All parties at the time, however, seemed to acquiesce in it, if not to demand it. That some of these bonds were afterward dis-
*See Acts of Extra Session, 1868; Acts of September 10, 1868; small volume, p. 23. See Message.
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honestly perverted from the uses contemplated by the Legisla- ture, and used for private purposes, as they certainly were, proves only that some of the roads permitted these bonds to pass into the hands of dishonest agents. A large part, a majority, of them were issued to Democratic officers of roads. Besides all this, during the four years of war and for nearly two years afterward, the interest on our previous outstanding bonds, amounting to $5,169,750, had been accumulating. These bonds, beginning in 1835, had been issued to aid in the construction of railroads and turnpikes and for the erection of the State Capitol. The total indebtedness at this time was $25,277,406.66. To save the credit of the State this accumulated interest had to be provided by the issuance of new bonds. Repudiation had not yet been introduced into the State, or this interest and these bonds might have been settled at a cheaper rate.
It seems to be forgotten that it had been the policy of the State, sanctioned by its Constitution, long before the war, to encourage railroads and turnpikes by issuing its bonds or en- dorsing those of the companies thus engaged when a certain amount of work had been done. I have a statement from E. B. Craig, Treasurer, that the State loaned bonds to railroad companies prior to 1866 to the amount of $14,006,000, that the interest due on these bonds at that date was $3,769,507; that the State had endorsed "City of Memphis and Railroad Com- pany's" bonds for $2,207,000, and that the accrued interest amounted in 1866 to $550,680, making principal and interest on the liabilities of the State on account of railroads $20,- 583,187.
The issuance of bonds after the war, and the necessity for their issuance, were the direct result of the war, begun in Ten- nessee in 1861 against the United States. Except for the desolations caused by the war, there would not have been the almost universal destruction of the property and resources of the State, and the necessity for issuing bonds.
I state frankly that the Legislature of 1865 and 1867 were wild and reckless in granting authority to issue bonds as above intimated. I go further and admit that, from the evidence brought out subsequently by investigating committees, there is almost conclusive proof of corruption on the part of some of the members of the Legislature in connection with that legis-
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lation, and in the use of the bonds after they were issued, by some of the persons in whose hands they fell.
Having admitted the errors or the crimes of the Union party, let us briefly show the condition of affairs previous to May 6,1861.
That the administration of Brownlow was strong, vigorous, and without any halting feebleness, no one will deny. It has always been, and still is, the subject of the most malignant abuse on the part of his enemies. It lies not within the scope of this work to enter any detailed defense of the legislative and administrative measures of the reconstruction period in our State. These measures, whatever they were, were at the time supposed to be necessary to remedy the widespread destruction wrought by those who led the State into war. All of our material interests had been destroyed. The State had lost its personal property. The taxables had shrunk from $273,- 327,240 in 1860 to $214,446.24 in 1866. All business was suspended ; all enterprises were ended. The State lay like a huge body in a condition of paralysis. All intellectual and moral development was arrested and turned back. Churches, col- leges, and schoolhouses for the most part were deserted and closed, and many of them in ruins. Fences were gone. Farms were stripped of stock and of farm implements. The factories of the State were suspended and broken down. Railroads and bridges were all out of repair. Universal desolation prevailed. Evils, too, born of and fostered by war, had to be torn up by the roots. Widespread degeneracy prevailed in the country. A morbid desire to make fortunes-either honestly or dis- honestly-seized the minds of many. Corruption abounded. Moral restraints were greatly weakened. Lawlessness was rampant. All these were the legitimate, the direct fruits of the war-a war inaugurated by the State before it was attacked or threatened.
If, therefore, the reconstructive measures in Tennessee were sometimes too severe, as I know they were, it was only the swift rebound from the opposite extreme. The bow had been bent too far. When unloosed its rebound was terrible in the other direc- tion. It is always thus and always will be. Men maddened by the passions of Civil War, and smarting under manifold wrongs and persecutions, when restored to power, are apt and certain
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to go too far in avenging their wrongs. Moderation and for- bearance on their part, from 1865 to 1867, would certainly have been the wiser policy. But the Union men of the State, when out of power, had not experienced from their enemies the exercise of these qualities, and were therefore in no humor to manifest a mercy which they had not received. But for the sake of the future peace of the people of the State, it is now manifest that a policy of reconciliation would have been better in the end. It must, however, be kept in mind that a defiance of lawful authority in a large district of the State, under Ku- Klux bands, was at this time dominant. This influenced and drove the authorities further and further from a policy of mod- eration. All this is a source of the profoundest regret.
I wish here to make several concessions in reference to the great questions of the Civil War not usually made, if ever be- fore, by anyone writing from my viewpoint :
(1) The claim of State sovereignty, and of the right on the part of the States to secede or withdraw from the Union whenever in their judgment the compact should be violated, is as old as the government, and has in its support many eminent names and statesmen. At different periods of our existence certain classes of both sections, when thinking themselves aggrieved, threatened to exercise this right. The question never was settled by argument, nor general concurrence of opinion.
(2) It was unquestionably true that previous to the Civil War the Constitution, or compact of Union, had been violated by the Legislatures and the people of a number of Northern States, by the nullification and the open resistance to the exe- cution of the Fugitive Slave law, which was passed in pur- suance of the Constitution. But these acts were not the acts of Congress nor of the General Government, but wholly without the authority or sanction of either of them.
(3) The continued agitation of the slavery question, by Abolition societies and Abolition organs and speakers, the violence of their utterances, and the shameful imputations on the character of slave holders, were well calculated to produce the profound conviction in the South that there was no alter- native but a resort to what they believed was their constitu- tional right of separation.
(4) Believing, as a majority of the Southern people did, that the States were sovereign and independent, having a right to
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withdraw from the Union, and that their first allegiance and duty were due to their respective States, when secession took place, it was most natural and logical that they should honestly espouse the cause of the States with the conscientious convic- tion of patriotic duty.
No deduction can be drawn legitimately of the injustice of its cause by the failure of the Southern Confederacy; but from that fact may be urged with the stern certainty of logic the folly and unwisdom of secession. The conclusions of logic and the results of war are both confirmed by the most intelli- gent public opinion of the South, that the failure was not only a national blessing, but also a special blessing to the South. It is sufficient, it is enough, that a brave, proud people, while rejoicing in their grand record and celebrating their deeds of glory, acknowledge, perhaps with a tear, that the result was best. If the result was best, then it was a mistake in the be- ginning. If secession was a mistake, why not look with under- standing upon those who opposed it.
There were peculiar reasons why Tennessee should not have taken the fatal step of seceding. Let it be remembered that war was inaugurated by the Legislature of the State long be- fore there was a Federal soldier south of the Ohio River, by providing by a Legislative act for the organization of an army of 55,000 men, that in pursuance of that act as many soldiers as possible were at once put into the field, and that the number was subsequently increased to over 120,000; that a large sum of money, namely, five millions of dollars, was expended by the State for this purpose; that in the prosecution of the war nearly all the assets of the Bank of Tennessee, which held the school fund, were consumed in that way; that the Union Bank and the Planters' Bank, and nearly every other bank in the State, were ruined; that the school fund of the State was nearly all lost or expended in the war; that the railroads were run down and worn out; that the cattle, sheep, hogs, horses, mules, corn, hay, wheat, fences, timber, and nearly all other kinds of personal property were lost and destroyed ; these things, in the aggregate, amounted to perhaps seventy-five or one hundred millions of dollars. All this is exclusive of the fifty, or perhaps one hundred, millions of dollars in slave property, lost in the State and lost by the war so unwisely inaugurated by the secession party. Besides all these losses, the people
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of the State are still bearing burdens of taxation caused by the war, and they will have to continue to do so for generations yet to come. There is annually paid out of the Treasury of the State about two hundred thousand dollars in the shape of pensions to maimed or disabled soldiers, most, if not all, of which, goes to those engaged in the insurrection. This I do not complain of. The people of the State who were so unwise as to rush into unnecessary war, ought to take care of the crippled soldiers and the widows of those who were killed in battle, or who died of disease in that war. This is right; this is just. But it is one of the direct burdens of this unwise war.
Concede that the great body of the people of Tennessee who went into the Civil War were honest in what they did; concede that they acted, as they thought, from the highest motives of self-interest and self-preservation ; concede that, excepting a restricted number, they were governed by the purest love of country ; concede that from their viewpoint they were noble patriots enlisted as they honestly thought in a noble cause ; concede all these things, and most cheerfully I do concede them all,-and still the great fact remains in all its force, that the desolation and the vast destruction of property in the State would not have resulted but for the war. This conclusion cannot be distorted, cannot be concealed.
I admit that the Federal armies did their part of this work of destruction of property, but not the annihilation of the State banks and the waste of their assets, nor the loss of the school fund, nor the waste of the revenues of the State. But what caused these Federal Armies to come here? Mark the facts : there was not within the limits of the State of Tennessee, nor south of the Ohio River, on May 6, 1861, a single hostile Federal soldier, much less a hostile Federal Army. There was no threat from any quarter whatever of a hostile invasion of the State. All was peaceable within its borders, except the preparations being made by the Governor and the Legislature to make war on the United States. On that day an Act was passed by the Legislature, called a "Declaration of Independence and Ordinance dissolving the Federal Relations between the State of Tennessee and the United States of America." On the same day and as a part of the same Act, the "Constitution of the Provisional Government of the Confederate States of America" was adopted and ratified by the Legislature. On the
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same day Henry W. Hilliard, on the part of the Confederate States, and Gustavus A. Henry, A. W. O. Totten, and Wash- ington Barrow, on the part of Tennessee, entered into and con- cluded a "Convention, Agreement, and Military League, be- tween the high contracting parties, by which the whole mili- tary force, and military operations, offensive and defensive, of said State, in the impending conflict with the United States, shall (should) be under the chief control and direction of the President of the Confederate States." On May 7th, this Mili- tary League was ratified and confirmed by the Legislature. On the same day (the 7th) an Act was passed, authorizing and directing the Governor "to raise, organize, and equip a provi- sional force of volunteers for the defense of the State, to consist of 55,000 volunteers." This force was raised and put into the Confederate Army, as soon as it could be done.
It must be kept in mind that the people did not vote on the question of "Separation" or secession, until the 8th day of June following, so, more than a month before the Ordinance of Seces- sion was ratified by the people of the State, on which, according to the secession theory, its validity depended, war had virtually been declared and commenced by the State against the United States. The Military League was not only a violation of the Constitution of the United States, but was in fact a "levying of war" against that Government.
And all this was done at a time when no hostile demonstra- tion against the State had been made by the United States, and when none was threatened and none intended, unless the State should withdraw from the Union, or be guilty of some act of hostility. It must be remembered that in the proclama- tion of Mr. Lincoln, calling out 75,000 men to suppress the insurrection in the States named, of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, the name of Tennessee does not appear. No threat was made against it. A most significant fact.
It thus appears that the Governor and the Legislature of the State, on the 6th day of May, without authority of the people thereof, but in violation of their will, as expressed in the February election, deliberately began war against the United States, by joining the Southern Confederacy, then at war with the former, and by raising armies for its use, and turning them over to the Confederate States. On the 27th day
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