USA > Tennessee > Notable men of Tennessee, from 1833 to 1875, their times and their contemporaries > Part 37
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A few days after the close of the canvass, and the return of Johnson to his home in Greeneville, doubtless realizing that Tennessee was not a safe place for him after its alliance with the Southern Confederacy, he wisely determined to leave for the North. Selecting three trusty friends to accompany him beyond the State line, he, with his little party, left his home for the North, in open daylight, about the 14th of June, by way of Cumberland Gap and Cincinnati, traveling overland. The distance to Cumberland Gap, which is a common point on the lines separating Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee, was about sixty miles. At Bean Station Johnson struck the public high- way used since the day of Daniel Boone, who passed through that celebrated Gap on his way to Kentucky in 1760 or 1761.
At Bean Station James Lafferty, well known at that day as a noisy Democratic politician, who had been a militia General on the staff of Governor Trousdale, indignant that such a traitor as he esteemed Johnson to be, should escape, called on the people assembled there to aid him in arresting the fugitive. But not a man responded to his call. Johnson quietly passed on, crossing Clinch Mountain, reached Cumberland Mountain,
*The facts in reference to the conference at Mr. Haynes' house, with the names of the persons present, and of the design of General Hindman to arrest Johnson and probably Nelson, have been in my possession for many years. They were communicated to a friend of his (who communi- cated them to me) by the late Thomas J. Powell, of Washington, D. C., a cousin of the wife of Senator Haynes. He was present at the confer- ence and was then a citizen of Knoxville.
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and passing through Cumberland Gap, came into the State of Kentucky in the forenoon of the third day. In Kentucky he was in no danger, therefore after passing some distance from the State line his friends returned to their homes, while Johnson continued on through Kentucky to Cincinnati, and thence to Washington.
This whole trip was in keeping with Johnson's character for courage and deliberateness. He started and traveled in the open day, except the night of the third day, a part of the way along the most public highways in the country. He was in no danger from the rural population along his route. His danger was that he would be met or overtaken by Confederate cavalry and arrested. There were a number of regiments of soldiers in East Tennessee at that time, and some companies, if not regiments of cavalry. It must have been known by the Con- federate authorities in Knoxville that Johnson was on his way to Cumberland Gap, for Greeneville was in telegraphic and rail- road communication with the former place. It is a matter of surprise that he was not intercepted at Bean Station or Taze- well, as he might have been, unless it was the policy of the Confederate authorities to get him out of the State.
On the fall of Fort Donelson, February, 1862, and the oc- cupation of Nashville by the army of General Buell, Johnson was made a Brigadier General by President Lincoln, and ap- pointed Military Governor of Tennessee. This office he held until he became Vice-President, March 4, 1865, a period of three years. The administration of Johnson as Military Governor was characterized by vigor, not to say extreme rigor, as will appear in the next chapter.
When Mr. Johnson left his home in Greeneville, Tenn., June, 1861, he became an exile not to return for nearly eight years. Remarkable as was the career of Andrew Johnson, brave and unconquerable as he was, sometimes standing out alone in defi- ance of the public opinion of his day, yet it would be difficult for the most gifted writer to make of him a popular hero, with qualities to catch the fancy and kindle the imagination. He was so practical, so rugged, so belligerent, so real and unideal, that there was nothing in him or about him to influence the imagination. And, yet, indeed, in reference to him, truth was stranger than fiction. How extraordinary his triumphs of per-
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severance and ambition over poverty and obscurity, over enmities and opposition ! What strange vicissitudes of fortune! How marvelous his destiny! Leaving as an exile in 1861, fleeing from home, danger, the wrath of a hostile government, amid the din and noise of war, with two governments in existence, yet returning to that home eight years afterward, crowned with the honor of having been the President of a re-united country !
CHAPTER V.
Policy as Military Governor-April 12, 1864, Knoxville-Greeneville Con- vention Convened for Third Time-Majority Report Aimed at John- son-"Convention" at Nashville, January, 1865-Noted Oath for Regu- lation of Election of Electors-McClellan Electors Ask Lincoln to Revoke the Oath-Lincoln Declined-Johnson Takes Oath as Vice- President March 4, 1865-Remarkable Utterances-Johnson's Change of Views After Lincoln's Death-Mr. Blaine's Views of President John- son's Reconstruction Measures-Mr. Seward's Relations with the President.
JOHNSON's power as Military Governor was unlimited. The right of pulling down and setting up was exercised by him unsparingly. The condition of things then existing in the State demanded a brave heart and an iron will. On the fall of Nash- ville and Memphis, in the winter and spring of 1862, the dis- loyal parts of the State fell under the jurisdiction of the Mili- tary Governor. To preserve order and prevent conspiracies against the Government of the United States required all the alertness and vigor of the now imperial ruler. It has never been doubted that his administration was free from weakness. The most ultra-Unionists could hardly have desired the exercise of more vigor than was at all times manifested by him. He imprisoned whomsoever he would. He levied at his will heavy assessments of money on the wealthy secessionists of Middle Tennessee.
The object of these levies was to aid in supporting the families of persons who had been influenced to join the secession movement by the advice and the example of these leading men. Many of these poor men had gone South with the Confederate army, leaving their families destitute. Some had been killed in battle or had died of disease. This money was to be used, and so far as I ever heard, was used, for the relief of these needy persons. There may have been a stronger motive than mere sympathy that prompted the collection of this money. Gov- ernor Johnson had proclaimed everywhere that treason must be made odious, and to this end that the rich, intelligent "con- scious rebels" must be punished and stripped of their wealth and power. These assessments, imposed under the plea of
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charity for the needy, were the first step in the direction of the fulfillment of his favorite policy of punishment, disgrace, and impoverishment. His mailed hand was laid on gently at first. If anyone refused to pay the sums demanded, the remedy was easily found in the fertile brain of a person exercising absolute authority, with a military force and willing instruments behind him to enforce his orders. Those failing to comply with the orders were sent to prison until solitude and reflection gave them clearer light.
On April 12, 1864, the celebrated Knoxville-Greeneville Con- vention of 1861, convened for the third time, on the call of its President, the Hon. T. A. R. Nelson. This time it met in Knoxville. Soon it was found that there was a wide diversity of opinion in the Convention, which broke out into an angry debate on the first opportunity. Some of this feeling was per- sonal, and some of it was due to political differences which had sprung up within the last three years. Some of it was refer- able to the opposition which had grown up in regard to the conduct and policy of Andrew Johnson, Military Governor of Tennessee. Very soon these conflicting opinions became crystallized into the form of resolutions, which precipitated a two or three days' debate. Passion ran exceedingly high. The old leaders in the Greeneville Convention, such as Nelson, Baxter, Carter, Spears, Heiskell and Fleming, found themselves con- fronted by a new set of men who to a large extent belonged to the army, and who had imbibed by suffering and persecution, feelings quite unlike those of the men who had neither suffered nor entered the army.
Finally, on the fourth day of the Convention, without any vote on either side on the resolutions which had been offered, on motion of Samuel Milligan, that body voted to adjourn sine die. And thus ended that famous Convention of 1864, which had done so much to encourage and inspire the Union men of East Ten- nessee with hope and confidence. A very large part of the fight in the Convention, on the part of the friends of the majority report, was aimed at Mr. Johnson. He was finally invited by the Convention to attend and address that body, and he did so in a very bitter spirit, indulging in a personal quarrel with Mr. Carter.
In a day or two after the adjournment of this Convention a mass meeting of citizens was held in Knoxville. There was
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a large crowd of people, citizens and soldiers, present. It was known that Governor Johnson would address the meeting, and people were anxious to hear him. The minds of many people were in a state of uncertainty in view of the rapidly changing condition of public affairs. This was especially so as to the policy of emancipation, inaugurated a few months before that time by Mr. Lincoln. There were other matters also relating to the policy of the administration of Mr. Lincoln and the prosecution of the war, that were creating more or less dis- content among persons well recognized as Union men. It was well known that such prominent men as Nelson, Baxter and Carter condemned the emancipation policy of Mr. Lincoln, and held extremely conservative views on all questions concerning the future policy of the Government in its treatment of those in arms against it. It was therefore most natural that the people should have been extremely solicitous to hear the views of Gov- ernor Johnson, who was justly regarded as the highest exponent in the State of the policy of Mr. Lincoln, in reference to the questions which divided the public mind.
The mass meeting was gotten up on the suggestion and for the benefit of Governor Johnson. Of course he was the chief speaker. It may be of interest to many persons to know how meetings of this kind were generally managed by old politicians. The resolutions were dictated by Mr. Johnson himself, and written by his private secretary, William A. Browning. They were then taken to William G. Brownlow, and he was requested to read and offer them as his own. He approved them and was willing to offer them as his own, but owing to the partial loss of his voice, he could not read them, and suggested that I should be requested to read them. When this was communicated to Governor Johnson, he said it was a good suggestion, that the gentlemen named were both old-line Whigs, and in that way he would secure their influence with that party, which constituted a majority of the loyal people. Accordingly he sent a messen- ger to me requesting me to read his resolutions, which I agreed to do, reserving the right to make an explanation when doing so. When the meeting was called to order, I was called on, as if I had never heard of them before, to read some resolutions which Mr. Brownlow wished to offer. This I did, and then explained that I did not agree with the plan suggested for the reorganization of our State Government.
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When Mr. Johnson arose to speak, he said, as if he had known nothing that was to take place, that he had listened with great interest to the resolutions offered by his friend, Mr. Brownlow, and he took great pleasure in saying they met his hearty ap- proval. No doubt the resolution which declared that the meet- ing had "full confidence in the integrity and patriotism of An- drew Johnson, Military Governor of the State," did meet with his hearty approval and gave him great pleasure!
Governor Johnson's speech, which followed, was a very able, as well as a very bitter one. Here, he proclaimed as he had done before his celebrated creed, that "treason must be made odious, and traitors be punished and impoverished."
One of the duties prescribed in the commission of Mr. Johnson was to aid the people in re-establishing a State Government, loyal to the Government of the United States. Accordingly on January 8, 1865, there was held in Nashville what was styled a "Convention" of the loyal people of Tennessee. It was con- voked by five men who called themselves the "Executive Com- mittee of Tennessee." By whom or by what body of men they were appointed an executive committee does not appear. But is was at that time a well-known fact that this call for a Con- vention was inspired and directed by Andrew Johnson. It was a misnomer, however, in the graver sense of the word, to designate this meeting as a Convention. It was simply a mass meeting. The call said: "If you cannot meet in your counties, come upon your own personal responsibility." Every man therefore attended who wished to do so. A part of the State was still held by the Confederates, and a representation from all of it was not possible.
Notwithstanding the irregular character of this meeting, it at once proceeded, under the advice and direction of Mr. John- son, to the work of revising the Constitution. Its first act was the abolition of slavery in the State by an amendment to the Constitution. This was done with as much gravity as if it had been a regular convention of delegates chosen by the people, while in fact not one of the persons present at this meeting, so far as I ever heard, had been either elected or appointed by any constituent.
It is freely admitted that at that time there was no constitu- tional mode open to the people by which the State could be restored to its proper relations with the national Government.
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The secession of the State had broken down and destroyed all the modes known to the Constitution for its revision. Any mode adopted under the circumstances would have been irregular and justifiable only by public necessity-Salus populi, suprema est lex. There was no Legislature in existence to call a conven- tion or propose amendments, its term having expired. But there were two methods of proceeding open to the Governor, either one of which would have been better than the plan adopted.
One was an election of a new Legislature; the other, the election of delegates to a Constitutional Convention. Under his commission, as Military Governor, Mr. Johnson was clothed with "authority to exercise such powers as may be [were] necessary and proper to enable the loyal people of Tennessee to present such a republican form of State Government as will entitle the State to the guarantee of the United States therefor." No specific method of doing this was pointed out. But it was no doubt expected that some mode recognized in the constitutional history of the country for organizing States, would be adopted. Independent of this authority, either of the modes indicated above, while not regular, would have been a dignified and im- pressive resumption of the powers of government on the part of the people, and would have carried with it at all times very much more weight than the plan adopted. The ordinary ma- chinery for accomplishing this purpose had been annihilated by the secession of the State. The military government then exist- ing was merely the creature of war, and could not last. The loyal people had a right in some way to restore the government and resume its functions. But how? Under the clause of the Constitution making it the duty of Congress "to guarantee to each State a republican form of government" had Congress the power to treat them as if in a territorial condition, and by an enabling act authorize them to form a new Constitution? Be that as it may, this had not been done, and certainly there was some mode of reorganizing the State, and the nearest approach to regularity was the best.
The plan adopted to get the State back into "practical re- lations" with the general Government, was the most irregular that could have been chosen. Yet, when the amendments pro- posed by this mass meeting were afterward ratified by a major- ity of the qualified voters, taking part in the election, they
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became binding on all the people of the State. If the Military Governor, instead of calling a mass meeting, had ordered an election of delegates to a convention in a regular way, and if the body thus selected had proceeded in a dignified and deliberate manner to revise the Constitution, certainly the instrument thus promulgated would have carried with it very much more weight than did the crude and hasty one sent forth by this meeting. There had been ample time for doing this. The instrument adopted was always a source of discontent to many of the loyal people of the State. A number of the persons present, notably Judge John C. Gaut, R. R. Butler, and L. C. Houk, protested against the action of the convention. The majority of the loyal people had no notice nor suspicion that this body of men would proceed to revise the Constitution. Many of them were indignant at its action. To it may be traced many of the errors afterward committed by the Legislature, and much of the subsequent discontent of the people. That Mr. Johnson was responsible for all this no one could doubt. He had been elected Vice-President, and his term as Military Governor was to end on or before March 3d. His ambition was to carry to Washington his own State, as a reconstructed member of the Union, and present it as a rich jewel to the nation. It would give him new prestige and éclat. Hence his sudden haste just at the close of his service as Military Governor. At Knoxville, in April, 1864, in the resolutions prepared by himself, he had declared for a "Constitutional Convention to be chosen by the loyal people of the State." Again, these resolutions spoke of the "election of delegates to the Convention," etc. Spring and summer and fall passed and no convention was called. Fin- ally, in December a meeting was called by five men, as we have seen, and not by the Governor, which was to assemble on the 19th of the month. No notice was given in the call that the work of revising the Constitution would be undertaken by that body. With his usual procrastination Mr. Johnson had allowed the period between April and January to pass without any action, and now there was not sufficient time before he must leave for Washington for the accomplishment of this work in a de- liberate manner.
Even Governor Harris, when he sought to carry the State out of the Union, observed the forms of law in his first attempt, by calling the Legislature together to act on his propositions. He
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did not submit them to a mass meeting of self-appointed dele- gates. And why was there this long delay in calling a regular convention, as Mr. Johnson had virtually promised to do? Was it because he did not want to vacate his office and his power before March 3d, when he would step into a higher position? As soon as the State should be reorganized and recognized by Congress, the office of Military Governor would be at an end. In the meantime the people of the State were kept under mili- tary rule and one man's power, from September, 1863, when General Burnside relieved East Tennessee, until March, 1865, with all the courts closed. The work of reorganizing the State and of revising the Constitution might have been and should have been accomplished in a regular, decent way one year, and possibly two, earlier than it was, and the State admitted back into the Union. The last of the Confederate armies was driven out of Middle and West Tennessee in the summer of 1863, and out of the greater part of East Tennessee in September of the same year.
After the so-called convention of January 9, 1865, Governor Johnson issued his proclamation ordering elections to be held throughout the State, to fill the various offices then vacant. He seems to have had great faith in the efficacy of oaths. In this proclamation all voters were required to take the following oath :
"I solemnly swear that I will henceforth support the Constitu- tion of the United States and defend it against the assaults of all its enemies ; that I will hereafter be, and conduct myself as a true and faithful citizen of the United States, freely and vol- untarily claiming to be subject to all the duties and obligations, and entitled to all the rights and privileges of such citizen- ship; that I ardently desire the suppression of the present in- surrection and rebellion against the Government of the United States, the success of its armies and the defeat of all who oppose them; and that the Constitution of the United States and all laws and proclamations made in pursuance thereof may be speedily and permanently established and enforced over all the people, States, and territories thereof; and further, that I will hereafter aid and assist all loyal people in the accomplishment of these results."
Mr. Jefferson Davis, in his book "The Rise and Fall of the
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Confederate Government,"* thus speaks of Mr. Johnson's ad- ministration as Military Governor of Tennessee :
"The administration was conducted according to the will and pleasure of the Governor, which was the supreme law. Public officers were required to take an oath of allegiance to the United States Government, and upon refusal were expelled from office. Newspaper offices were closed and the publication suppressed. Subsequently the offices were closed out under the provisions of the confiscation act. All persons using 'treasonable and . seditious' language were arrested and required to take the oath of allegiance to the Government of the United States, and give bonds for the future, or to go into exile. Clergymen upon their refusal to take the oath, were confined in the prisons, until they could be sent away. School teachers and editors, and finally large numbers of private citizens, were arrested and held until they took the oath. *"
In his proclamation ordering the election above referred to, Governor Johnson says:
"It is not expected that the enemies of the United States will propose to vote, nor is it intended that they be permitted to vote, or hold office."
The most noted oath ever devised by the Military Governor was the one he required for the regulation of the election of electors for President and Vice-President in 1864. It will be remembered that his name was on the ticket with Mr. Lincoln as the nominee of his party for Vice-President. It will also be remembered that the Democratic party, in its convention at Chicago, which nominated General George B. McClellan for the presidency against Mr. Lincoln, declared in its platform that the war for the suppression of the insurrection was "a failure." It further declared in "favor of cessation of hostilities, or an armistice with the view of treating for peace." The McClellan party put out a full electoral ticket in Tennessee, with the names of persons who had formerly been highly honored in the State. To meet this new phase in politics our Military Governor was equal to the emergency. He not only required all voters to swear they "ardently desired the suppression of the rebellion," and "rejoiced over the defeat of the rebel armies," but also that they were opposed (quoting the words of the Chicago platform)
*Vol. I, Chap. XXVII., p. 285.
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to any "cessation of hostilities, or an armistice, with a view to treating for peace."
This proclamation and oath created a great sensation at the time. An address, signed by the Mcclellan electors, was drawn up, and sent to Mr. Lincoln, asking him to revoke the oath. A delegation, headed by a distinguished soldier and statesman, went to Washington to see Mr. Lincoln, but the latter declined to interfere. How could anyone vote sincerely believing in that platform? He was required to take an oath repudiating the very platform upon which he and his party stood.
The public addresses made by Governor Johnson, from time to time, during the last few months of his administration as Military Governor of Tennessee, are remarkable specimens of oratory. Perhaps no prominent public man in this country has ever so astonished the world as he did by his public speeches from 1864 to 1867.
But by far the most remarkable utterance ever made by Mr. Johnson was his address, made just before taking the oath of of- fice as Vice-President, March 4, 1865. I copy the following ac- count of this speech from the Knoxville Whig, as it appeared in the New York papers in 1865:
"Mr. Johnson, before taking the oath of office, made a short speech, which, as in the case of Mr. Hamlin, was nearly in- audible owing to the want of order which prevailed among the women in the galleries. 'By the choice of the people,' he said, 'he had been made presiding officer of this body, and in present- ing himself here in obedience to the behests of the Constitution of the United States, it would, perhaps, not be out of place to remark just here what a striking thing the Constitution was. It was the Constitution of the people of the country, and under it here to-day, before the American Senate, he felt that he was a man and an American citizen. He was a proud illustration of the fact that, under the Constitution, a man could rise from the ranks to occupy the second place in the gift of the American people and of the American Government. Those of us who labored our whole lives for the establishment of a free govern- ment know how to cherish its great blessings. He would say to Senators and others before him-to the Supreme Court which sits before him-that they all get their power from the people of this country.' Turning toward Mr. Chase, Mr. Johnson said : 'And your exaltation and position depend upon the people.'
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