USA > Tennessee > Notable men of Tennessee, from 1833 to 1875, their times and their contemporaries > Part 20
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So I announced myself as a candidate about the 6th or 7th of July. I almost immediately set out for Jonesboro, where I issued a circular, and then went to Taylorville, the seat of
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Johnson County, where Mr. Johnson had an appointment to speak on Monday, July 11th, the first day of Circuit Court. The crowd assembled to hear Mr. Johnson was moderately large, but few people knowing I was a candidate. Mr. Johnson opened the discussion ; he simply referred to the fact that I was present, and a candidate, and would speak. At the conclusion of his speech, I rose, under some embarrassment, and made my first speech, not so much a reply to his as a general arraignment of him and his political course. I charged him with voting in Con- gress for a proviso to a resolution in effect censuring General Taylor for his conduct in the Mexican War. I also arraigned him for voting, in effect, against increasing the pay of private volunteer soldiers in the Army in Mexico, from seven to ten dollars per month. I pointed out that while he was receiving eight dollars per day, and living in ease and luxury as a member of Congress at Washington, he was voting against paying the poor volunteer who was fighting our battles in a torrid climate as much per month as he was receiving per day.
But my highest arraignment, the most telling one and the most excruciating to Mr. Johnson, was his attack on the ad- ministration of President Polk and on those in authority under him. In a speech made in the last Congress, on the 2d of February, 1847, on a proposition made by Mr. Polk to levy a tax on tea and coffee, as a war measure, Mr. Johnson opposed it, and among other things, said :
"But, in conclusion, I must be permitted to say, I wish to Almighty God that the whole American people could be assembled in this city ; that there was some kind of amphitheatre constructed, capacious enough to contain the whole voting popu- lation of the United States, and that they were convened for a short period of time, and the veil that now conceals from their view the many abuses could be drawn aside, and they be per- mitted to take one calm survey, one full and dispassionate view, of all the secret springs of the entire proceedings of things under this Government, of all the intriguings of officers in authority from the highest to the lowest. I will not say they would lay violent hands upon an edifice designed by its founders to be so sacred and perfect in all its parts, and tear it into a thousand pieces. I will not say they would rush upon it in a state of precipitancy with the resistless and devastating fury of some mighty tempest; no, I have too much confidence in
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their forbearance to believe so for a moment. But I feel well assured of one thing, and that is, they would rip up and tear off some of those funguses that have been fixing, and have fixed themselves upon the vitals of this government for years gone by; they would turn some mighty stream through the Augean stable until it was thoroughly cleansed from the abom- inable filth that had been preying on the life blood of the republic too long."
In my circular and in my speeches, I said in substance, that my competitor ought to know whether these things were true or false, for he was there among them, and understood the "secret springs of their entire proceedings," and was one of them. With a pious, heavy heart, he pours out bitter lamenta- tions that "the veil which conceals the many abuses could not be drawn aside," and the people be permitted to take one dis- passionate view of all "the secret springs of things" under the Government, of all "the intriguings of officers in authority from the highest to the lowest." His indignation is kindled and swells in his bosom at all the evils he sees, and in his high and pure emotion he summons the whole American voting population to assemble in the capital of the nation to view the scenes he would disclose, and he exclaims that but for the people's forbearance they would rush upon the sacred edifice "with the devastating fury of some mighty tempest, and tear it into a thousand pieces," pulling down its grand towers, and walls and pillars, and leveling them with the dust! He says that those in authority "from the highest to the lowest" are "intriguing," that is, they are scheming or plotting to accomplish things in an under- handed and secret manner for their own corrupt purposes and not for the public good. He says all the cabinet officers-Marcy, Bancroft, Buchanan, Walker, Clifford, and your own Cave Johnson-that the thousands of subordinate officers under them, and above all that your own President, your favorite, for whom you have so often voted and shouted and thrown up your hats, your idol, James K. Polk, is thus engaged in corrupt intriguing !
I said further, in substance: "Mr. Johnson says he did not mean to include the President in his charge; that the word "from" excludes and leaves him out. I care not how this is. If the President is embraced by the words in the charge, then he is one of the corrupt intriguers. If he is not included, then he is guilty of fostering, protecting, and keeping in office a
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set of men, every one of whom, from the highest to the lowest, is engaged in the work of corruption! What a charge! What a multitude of scoundrels ! All are corrupt, all from the highest to the lowest! No man can believe it, except on the authority of my competitor ! He says it is true.
"But he says in explanation, that he is no grammarian, that he did not understand the exact import of the language he used, that he did not intend to embrace the President in his charge. Those who are stupid and credulous enough to believe these explanations can do so-I do not. But admit the truth of his explanation, and what a pitiable and deeply humiliating attitude does he occupy? He now represents, and is again a candidate to represent a proud and an intelligent constituency in Congress, and yet he is so ignorant by his own showing, that, when he would praise his party, he slanders and defames it! Democrats! Can you vote for such a man? He has insulted you by defaming your President before the whole world, and by making the most sweeping, universal charge of corruption against the administration of Mr. Polk ever made by a man out of a madhouse. He has furnished arguments to his enemies which everywhere throughout the land are used against him.
"This unprovoked, this cruel, this terrible, this universal charge of corruption against Mr. Polk and his administration, against the whole Democratic party, indeed, is unparalleled in its spirit and vindictiveness. What was the motive of it? Was my competitor expecting Democratic opposition, and was he bid- ding for the Whig vote of the district?"
These were the substance of the comments, and in many places, the very words, with many others not recollected, with which Mr. Johnson was arraigned in my canvass. I was a good reader, and I read and commented on each charge with em- phasis and with audacious boldness.
From Johnson County we went to Sullivan, where we filled three appointments in the country. Monday, July 19th, found us in Blountville, the county seat of Sullivan, the most thorough- ly Democratic county in the State, with only a handful of Whigs. It was Circuit Court day. The people were there-a very large crowd-from all parts of the county. I was a stranger to nearly all of them, but they had heard of our canvass and were eager to hear us. It was Mr. Johnson's day to speak first. I knew that this day was "big" with my fate; I felt keenly the
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responsibility, but I was getting a little accustomed to speaking and to lively contentions. I therefore braced myself up for a su- preme effort.
Mr. Johnson made his usual speech of one hour and a half in length, but he was not himself. Perhaps it was because he knew there was a widespread disaffection there in reference to him. His speech did not awaken any enthusiasm. The people listened, but were silent. I made a speech of the same length as Mr. Johnson's. While I read extracts from his speech in which he denounced the administration, and commented in bold terms on it-the substance of which in part is given above, but not its spirit-there was a visible sensation in the crowd. It was too evident to escape observation that there was deep in- dignation against Mr. Johnson. So high did this feeling rise that while I was speaking, and holding up Mr. Johnson in bold terms and in a defiant manner to the gaze of the people, one Democrat cried out in a loud voice "Give it to him!" and many expressed their approval by smiles and laughter. Mr. Johnson rejoined in a half hour's speech and I did the same to his. The speeches were hot and spirited throughout. I was aggressive and frequently on the border-line of the offensive. Mr. Johnson on the contrary, was angry and on the defensive. My friends were "jubilant" as a gentleman who was present- now an old man-expressed it to me recently.
While at Blountville I had time to see the condition of the Democratic party, and time to think and to form my plans for the campaign. The old recognized Whig leaders of the district were in Blountville, in attendance on the court. They did not attend the speaking nor come near me. They gave me no advice, no encouragement. I was, therefore, left alone to fight my own battle. They were honorable gentlemen, and two of them at a much later period became my warm friends, and one of them solicited a law partnership with me. I had not con- sulted them about becoming a candidate. If I were disposed to be uncharitable, I might say they did not view with com- plaisancy the thought of a young man so suddenly growing into prominence and leadership. I will not say this, for they were "all honorable men."
The situation was this: A great many Democrats, especially Blair's, McClellan's, and Haynes' friends were displeased with Mr. Johnson. Indeed, they never did like him. They did not
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desire his defeat, for a Democratic representative was needed in Congress to support Mr. Polk in his war, but they did desire his humiliation, by his receiving only a bare majority. In a letter to W. G. Brownlow, dated July 18th, from Blount- ville,-the original of which I have, which was preserved by him, and since his death handed to me by his son, Colonel J. B. Brownlow,-I mapped out the canvass in part as follows :
"The true policy in this canvass between Johnson and me is to conduct it in such a way as not to alarm the Democrats. If they become alarmed, they will rally to the support of Johnson. If, on the contrary, they think there is no danger, and they are not made mad, they will suffer him to fight for himself, and will not care much whether he is elected or not. Therefore don't abuse him much, do not make the charge that he is an infidel, nor boast that I will be elected. The battle must be fought secretly. The factions in this district must be artfully appealed to and managed. I can manage some of them, and my friends must do the rest."
In a second letter of the 20th to the same person, which is also in my possession, I wrote :
"Johnson and I had a warm time here yesterday. My speech took well with the Democrats. They say, 'Lay on, Nancy,' and one of them told me while I was speaking to give it to him. He spoke out in a loud voice. They all want him punished, and several of them told me that they wanted Johnson to beat me just one vote. This desire, and it is general, will beget indif- ference and neutrality. I direct my friends everywhere to make no noise and to let on to the Democrats that there is no chance of my election. It will throw them off their guard, and the election will go by default. You must adopt this course (in your paper). No excitement is the motto. But the Whigs must understand it. I am almost certain, that, if my friends play their part right, I can be elected. There never has been such a state of things as exists in this country at the present. I receive nearly as much attention from the Demo- crats as Johnson does. Work in secret!"
In pursuance of this policy I never boasted on the stump of having any chance of being elected, although confident of elec- tion, nor consented for Brownlow's paper,-the only Whig paper in the district, and only a weekly at that,-to do so. But I commenced a strenuous system of private work, by letters
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and private conferences, which was kept up night and day until the election. I rode, I wrote letters, I talked all over the dis- trict. How much work I did-how many secret conferences held with Democrats-no man, except myself, will ever know, for I shall never tell.
The relations of Mr. Johnson and myself were formal and distant, although outwardly they were friendly. His bitter spirit was stirred to its depths by the daring arraignment of him I was making every day. His manner was therefore cold and haughty, and I returned it in kind.
I had a good voice, I spoke with ardor, earnestness, en- thusiasm, and boldness, such as to fix attention. I hurled my charges against my competitor with taunting and almost vindic- tive assurance. Mr. Johnson in his speeches, said nothing derogatory to my understanding or my honor, but he criticised my college manner of speaking. I was slender and stood very erect, and therefore he spoke sneeringly of my carriage. It was little and contemptible in him, but I suffered him to con- tinue it, for I knew he was hurting himself more than he was me. But I laid it up in my heart, and returned these things with more than interest in other ways. In a word, war existed between us in all things, but not open and flagrant.
Only twice during our canvass, was Mr. Johnson pleasant to me. Once on Sunday, in going to Blountville from the country where we had stayed all night together, and once in traveling together in the night, from Fall Branch to Greene- ville-our mutual home. On both occasions he was very gracious. His motive was obvious. On both these occasions he used all his influence and flattery to induce me to withdraw from the race. He told me in his gentlest and softest tones that I had already made what I had entered the race for-reputa- tion-and that I had better retire while my laurels were still green. Finally he told me in order to intimidate me, that if I ran on he would disgrace me, by beating me worse than he had ever beaten any one of his competitors. I made him no answer, for I wished him if he was sincere, to remain of the opinion expressed. But young as I was I saw through all his tender solicitude for my character. I knew he was scared. The idea of the bitter, implacable Andrew Johnson begging his competitor to withdraw to save him from disgrace!
The appointments for speaking were made by Mr. Johnson-
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only fifteen in all-before I became a candidate. In four of the counties we spoke once only in each, and in two of them not at the county seat. He had been speaking all the summer. Therefore, excepting Sullivan, I had no chance to see, nor to be heard by, a large majority of the people. The canvass opened July 10th and closed August 4th.
At Jonesboro, two days before the election, we had a very hot time, the discussion being nearer personal than anywhere else. The discussions were always animated, spirited, and stirring. We had up to that time conducted the discussions on a decent, not to say a high, plane. There were no charges other than political made by either of us. I had no political record, and my private character could not be attacked. Mr. Johnson's private character was not bad at that time. If I had been disposed-and I was far from being so-to assail his character, I would have had little material for such course. So, while our discussions were always hot and exciting, they were never marred by vulgarity or personal abuse-not a word of it. At Jones- boro, besides holding up and exposing his record, I reminded the people of his speech in that town, in which he had denounced the venerable John Blair-revered both for his age and his virtues, and the distinguished position he had so long held, as a member of Congress-and the Jonesboro Democratic leaders, as mushroom aristocrats, and had almost defied them in his proud haughtiness. That speech was made when he expected Mr. Haynes to be his opponent. John Blair and his brothers, as well as Mr. Haynes, and a number of prominent Democrats, resided in Jonesboro, all of whom, or nearly all, were opposed to Mr. Johnson. For this he subjected them to the kind of discipline he was in the habit of using on the Mcclellans and Gammons in Sullivan County. This point-his denunciation of the "Jonesboro ring of aristocrats"-aroused all his fire, and being too independent to deny the charge and afraid to justify it he turned upon me with savage bitterness, for he now wanted the votes of the odious ring. While he did not assail me personally, he was bitter in manner. In hunting around for something to say, he turned to the Mexican War- which formed a topic of discussion every day, and which I de- nounced as both unjust and unconstitutional in its inception, yet was in favor of its vigorous prosecution-and twitted me for not being in the army fighting. I retorted by telling him,
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as he knew full well, that I had volunteered and raised a com- pany, and that its organization had been delayed by the inter- ference of his tools and underlings until the quota called for in the State-three regiments, I believe-had been made up, thirty thousand men having volunteered. I then ask him why he was not in the army; why he had not resigned his seat in Congress to raise a regiment and go to Mexico and fight in his war, as his fellow members of Congress, Baker and Bissell, two Whigs, from Illinois had done. I do not recollect whether or not I told him, but the thought was the most natural for the occasion, that the difference between $8 a day and $7 a month which he wished the poor soldier to get, may have influenced his conduct in keeping out of the war.
Altogether this discussion, from the beginning to its close, was red-hot-on the very border of the fighting line, and yet there was no personal abuse. Brownlow, in his paper of the following day, spoke of that discussion, as follows, it being his second notice of me, the first being only ten lines long, and not complimentary :
"Messrs. Johnson and Temple, the candidates for Congress, spoke here on yesterday at the court house for near five hours, the Whig candidate, Mr. Temple, leading off. The large court house room was full. Temple did lift the ticks off of Johnson at a rate that was really distressing. He showed up his votes in Congress-his opposition to Polk; and his hatred of the Jonesboro leaders. The Jonesboro leaders enjoyed the show- ing up. Johnson tried to laugh off the blows of Temple, but they got so hot toward the close that Andy got black in the face.
"We must say, in justice to Temple, that the Whigs were delighted, and had no idea of his ability on the stump till they heard him. No man had met Johnson in his district before, in our hearing, who has held him as uneasy as Temple did. And this we believe the Democracy are free to admit."
So bold and audacious had I been in my speech at Jonesboro, and so much harassed and exasperated was Mr. Johnson that he told a friend, and it was repeated to me, that if I acted toward him in the same way the next day, he would chastise me. Well, I had expected him to attempt that that day, but he did not. The next day we were to speak at Braylesville, near old Washington College, where I was graduated less than
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three years before. It was the day before the election. All college exercises were suspended, and the President-my warm friend-and students, all turned out to hear us. The crowd was large; my friends were in the majority and full of en- thusiasm. I had the closing speech-an advantage I highly appreciated, especially at that place. I was in high spirits, while Mr. Johnson seemed depressed. In my speech, I kept my temper perfectly, and yet I was equally as aggressive and to some extent more offensive than on former occasions. To the extent of my ability, I did not spare Mr. Johnson. I was greeted with so many signs of appreciation that I was en- couraged in my effort. My most worthy friend, Dr. W. M. Bovell, laughed immoderately, and shouted out: "Give it to him! Give it to him !"
Mr. Johnson was very fond of showing off his little learning and he always had some scraps of it, in history, or more frequently on mythology, which he repeated in solemn pomp, at the conclusion of his addresses. One of these was a beautiful and pathetic story, and a true one too, but not as he told it, in the life of the unfortunate Regulus, a Roman General who was captured in Carthage,-one of the noblest examples of stern Roman patriotism to be found in all history, entitling him to be ranked with the elder Brutus, or Cato,-which he told in his softest, most impressive manner. He had been repeating it for several days, but he had the story all wrong, and when told truly, it did not fit his point at all. I knew all the time he was telling it wrong, but I concluded to wait until we got to Washington College, in the presence of the professors and students, before exposing him. Sure enough, in his stately peroration, he told the Regulus story. In my reply, I corrected his history, and showed its total inapplica- bility to the point he was making, and then turning to him, and pointing my finger at him, I said in the most scornful manner : "Now, sir, go and learn history before you presume to teach it to an intelligent people." Mr. Johnson seemed to be stunned as if by a blow, but he could neither say nor do anything. And with this incident the canvass closed, so far as speaking was concerned. My friends all went away exulting and rejoicing.
I would not and could not be so presumptuous as to leave the impression on the mind of the reader that I was the equal of Mr. Johnson on the stump. How could I have been at the
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age of twenty-seven, with little experience in speaking, while he was known to be one of the ablest stump speakers in the State! It is true, I worried him, galled him, and excoriated him until he sometimes became desperate, and frequently had the advantage of him in popular estimation. But it must be kept in mind, in justice to him, that he was at that time weighted down by a great load-that fatal speech against Mr. Polk's administration-the specter of which would not "down," conjure it ever so sweetly. Day by day his inward spirit cried out:
"Avaunt! and quit my sight! Let the earth hide thee !"
And still, he had to listen to that speech, which was freezing up his very soul, and causing "his two eyes," like "stars," to "start from their spheres." He dared not deny it, he was too haughty to retract it, he was afraid to justify it; he could only plead ignorance,-that he was no grammarian! Oh! the height and depth of his humiliation !
It should be stated in explanation of that speech that at the time of its delivery, and at the time he was going over the dis- trict denouncing McClellan and the Blairs, he expected Landon C. Haynes to be his next competitor. The Whigs, after two unsuccessful efforts, had despaired of beating Mr. Johnson. The old, prominent Whig leaders were unwilling to run when defeat was certain. Mr. Haynes, after his brilliant word-paint- ing canvass of 1844, as a Polk elector, had many friends who were pressing his claims, and he was himself anxious to run. Everybody expected him to do so. The Whig leaders of Hawkins County had promised Mr. Johnson, as it was after- ward well understood and believed, that he should have no opposition in the Whig party in 1847; that is, no Whig com- petitor. This accounts in part for the fact that they turned a cold shoulder to me at Blountville and throughout the canvass. It was also reported and believed to be true, that in considera- tion of this support of Johnson, his friends were to permit a Whig to be elected from that county to the Legislature, and one was elected by a good majority, though a Democratic county, running ahead of Brown, the Whig candidate for Gov- ernor, and myself.
Mr. Johnson's calculations, when he had made that speech, under the supposition that Haynes was to be his competitor,
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were wisely made in view of the facts then existing. It was a bold bid for the Whig vote of that district, which he would have gotten as a general rule, as he got it in his race with Haynes four years afterward. While he would have gotten the Whig vote generally, he would also have received the solid Democratic vote of his own county, Greene, and a large majority of the party in Hawkins and Cocke, and a considerable vote in the other counties. These would have elected him easily. But Haynes declined, after vacillating a long time, probably having seen the game that was to be played by Johnson. My becoming a candidate disturbed all these plans and calculations and threw all into confusion. Johnson had a Whig to face, and the specter of his speech, prepared for a Democratic opponent, rose up every day to torment him, while the Whig votes he expected to secure by it came to me.
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