USA > Tennessee > Notable men of Tennessee, from 1833 to 1875, their times and their contemporaries > Part 36
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the lead, the undecided being left behind, and Johnson belonged to the latter class. Besides, he was no favorite of the revolu- tionists. They questioned his faithfulness to the institutions of the South. He had offered his "white basis" resolution in the Legislature, had defended it in his canvass with Gentry when he reached the white population of East Tennessee. He was not slow to see these things.
Johnson was never a disunionist. He hated the Southern leaders ; at least there was no sympathy between him and them. They looked down on him. When he supported Breckinridge for the presidency, he did so because he was supporting a Dem- ocrat with whose views his own more nearly coincided than with those of either of the other candidates .* As a party man he should have supported Breckinridge. I believe it may be said that this support was entirely independent of the question of secession. It was suspicious at the time, but in view of his subsequent heroic and unparalleled defense of the Union it proved nothing. His own fortunes were bound up with those of the Democratic party. So far as his ascendency in Ten- nessee was concerned, it could do him no good for Mr. Bell and his Union followers to succeed in the State. He could gain nothing at their hands. But later on, when Mr. Bell had carried the State, and he saw his own party tending toward secession, and realized that he had probably lost control of it, he naturally looked around for new alliances.
With keen sagacity he believed the government would tri- umph if a conflict of arms should be madly precipitated. In calculating changes he saw that in that event those involved in secession would be ruined. If he cast his fortunes with the Union, he trusted in his popularity to remain supreme in Ten- nessee. In the North, after his noble stand, he would become a popular idol. So, in six weeks, after making violent Breckin- ridge speeches, he became the foremost champion of the North. No one was so full of zeal, nor burned with such intense de- votion to the Union.
In the early part of November, 1860, Mr. Johnson left his home in Greeneville for Washington, to take his seat in the Senate. If he informed anyone before his departure of his change of views in reference to party allegiance, I have never
*Bell and Lincoln.
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heard of the fact. Perhaps his mind had not yet arrived at a decision, for he was proverbially slow in forming, or at least in announcing, opinions on new questions. He knew at the time he cast his vote for Breckenridge the de- termination of the Southern leaders in a part of the cotton States to attempt to withdraw their States from the Union, in the event of the election of a sectional president, for the pur- pose of these men had been openly proclaimed all over these States. William L. Yancey, the boldest and perhaps the most brilliant of these leaders, had been advocating secession for years. As far back as 1856 the Hon. Preston S. Brooks of South Carolina, at a public dinner given in his honor, by the people of that State, proclaimed that "the Constitution of the United States should be torn to fragments, and a Southern Constitution formed in which every State should be a slave State." It was said ten thousand persons were present at the time and approved this address. Senator Butler and Senator Toombs were both present, and made speeches endorsing the declaration of Mr. Brooks.
The intention to dissolve the Union was not openly pro- claimed in Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, and Maryland, and perhaps not in North Carolina, but all intelligent men knew the fact notwithstanding. Of all the Southern States, possi- bly excepting Maryland and Missouri, Tennessee seemed to a reflecting mind the least likely to become false to the national Government. Jackson, though dead, was still the inspiration and the idol of the Democratic party. His intense love and warm devotion to the Union filled the hearts of his disciples with a like devotion. His many remarkable sayings in its be- half were treasured up in their memories as sacred words. The idolized leader of the Whig party in Tennessee had been Henry Clay, and his burning words of love for the Union glowed in every Whig heart. Thus there was in both parties in Tennessee an inherited sentiment of loyalty to the Union almost as intense as the love for the religion of their fathers. So strong was this sentiment that to propose to dissolve it was deemed almost sacrilegious. Prior to 1860 any public man in the State bold enough to propose a dissolution of the Government would have been consigned to a position of infamy and execration. The canvass of that year, and the triumph of a sectional party, wrought to some extent a change in pub-
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lic sentiment, but it was far from being a revolution. In November, 1860, the only prominent man in the State having much influence in favor of a dissolution was Isham G. Harris, then Governor. When therefore, Johnson made his celebrated speech on the 18th and 19th of December, 1860, in opposi- tion to secession, he had abundant reason for believing he had his State behind him. No doubt he confidently trusted in his power and ability to guide it in its course.
Mr. Johnson's speech on that occasion produced on the public mind a profound impression. It electrified the North; it startled and stunned the South. In one section it was hailed with unbounded joy; in the other it was received with bitter curses and execrations. Ex-Senator Thomas L. Clingman, of North Carolina, in his "Recollections," says no speech ever made produced such an effect. That is probably true. No speaker ever had a greater opportunity. And yet, judged by the higher standards, it was not a great speech. Its wonderful effect was due to its earnestness, its boldness, and its unex- pectedness. No one, either North or South, so far as I know, anticipated such a speech. No one expected Mr. John- son to denounce with bitter and defiant tones his six weeks' erstwhile associates. It was therefore a startling surprise. Already the first trembling of the throes of civil war was felt. While Mr. Johnson was still speaking, South Carolina was rudely severing the bonds of Union. Four or five other States were preparing to follow her example. Civil war was seen in the near distance. The North was petrified with amazement, if not with fear. No one could forecast the future nor see the end. A whole nation stood breathless in expectancy. Amid such conditions, Mr. Johnson arose in the Senate. The occa- sion was profoundly impressive. The opportunity was the greatest in history-greater than that of Hampden and Pym in the British Parliament, greater than that of Mirabeau in the Constituent Assembly of France, greater than that of Patrick Henry in the House of Burgesses in Virginia, greater than that of Mr. Webster when he made his wonderful speech-the great- est of his life and perhaps the greatest of his age-in the Senate in reply to Mr. Hayne. Mr. Webster could see only the beneficence of the Union and the glory of its flag, but he could not see except in prophetic vision the destruction of the one and the Stars disappearing from the other. But even while Mr.
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Johnson spoke he could feel the earth rocked under his very feet by the storm of dissolution. A nation of forty millions hung in the balance vibrating between union and dissolution, between hope and fear.
This speech, as an argument, as a warning, an inspiration, was a striking one. It flashed as a powerful light on the dark- ness and gloom of the hour. It was the first message of cour- age to the almost despairing North. No other Union man, North or South in Congress, had the boldness at that time to make such a speech.
As the good it accomplished for the country was immense- incalculable-it would be ungracious to search too closely for the motives that inspired it. It is reasonably certain that Mr. Johnson felt confident Tennessee would not become disloyal. He did not believe the common people of the State, with whom lay his strength, could be drawn into a scheme to destroy the Gov- ernment. But few people believed at that time that such a thing could happen. If, however, Tennessee should swing away from the Union and join a Southern Confederacy, his chances for advancement would be better in the North than in the South. His aim was the presidency of his country, whatever that country might be. That had been for years his ambition. That very year he had been a candidate for that office before the Charleston Convention. By remaining true to the Union, and bitterly de- nouncing secession, while other Southern Senators proved faith- less, he would make himself so conspicuously prominent in the North as to be in a direct line to the Presidency. I am far from assuming or supposing Mr. Johnson's heart did not concur in what he did. I have no evidence to warrant such a conclusion. But he was human ; he was a politician. If duty and the con- victions of his mind coincided with his aspirations and his chance of promotion, there should be no surprise that he chose the course that met both conditions. On the whole I am satisfied he was animated by patriotic motives.
After the delivery of the speech, Johnson at once became the most popular man in the North, excepting Lincoln. No other Senator had dared to make such a speech, so bold, so unequivo- cal, so direct in denunciation. No other Union Senator's speech could have produced such widespread and intense effect. The same speech, in substance, if made by Mr. Seward, or Mr. Sumner, elegant, polished, and gilded with beautiful phrases
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and flowing rhetoric, as it would have been, would have fallen almost unheeded on the ears of the country. It was the quarter from whence it came, the person, the opportune moment chosen that surprised and enkindled the country as never before.
It was perhaps well for the fame of Johnson that he did not attempt to repeat this speech during that session of Congress. He did, however, make spirited replies on several occasions to criticisms, and to taunts aimed at him by the friends of disunion. He was their special target during all the weeks of that short session. Some of the Southern Senators had already with- drawn; others remained, but they were aggressive and defiant. Wigfall of Texas had taunted the friends of the Government with the declaration that the Union was no more-was dissolved -dead; and he added that it was only a question whether there should be a decent funeral or an Irish wake.
I take some extracts from a writer descriptive of a remark- able occurrence. *
"The time was the night of March 3, 1861, the very last day of the thirty-sixth Congress-the eve of the inauguration of Lincoln and Hamlin.
"He [Johnson ] was the chief actor in an episode in the Sen- ate of the United States, the most remarkable and the most intensely dramatic which ever occurred in that famous delibera- tive body. It was the only occasion ever known when the spec- tators in the galleries of the senate stood upon their seats, swung their hats in the air and gave three cheers for a speaker, and that, too, in spite of the pounding of the presiding officer, and the stern order to clear the galleries and arrest the offenders."
Johnson had replied to some strictures made by "Old Joe Lane," of Oregon, and the latter came upon the floor with a long manuscript speech, which he read, and when Johnson attempted to answer, he was so continuously interrupted that it was apparent the majority did not intend he should have an opportunity to reply. Stephen A. Douglas, late candidate for the presidency, interfered in the name of fair play, and the Ten- nesseean was allowed to proceed.
Johnson talked of treason and alluded to the touchiness of the Southern leaders on that subject. He asked why it was not a legitimate subject of discussion on the floor. He read
*"Observer" in the Knoxville Journal and Tribune.
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the definition of the crime as laid down in the Constitution, and intimated that the fathers of the country had not been so squeamish about defining it.
"Show me the man," he said, "who has been engaged in these conspiracies, who has fired upon our flag, who has given instruc- tions to take our forts and custom houses, our arsenals and dockyards, and I will show you a traitor."
Here Johnson was interrupted by applause, and the presid- ing officer threatened to have the galleries cleared.
"If the individuals are pointed out to me who are engaged in nightly conspiracies, in secret conclaves, in issuing orders directing the capture of our forts and the taking of our custom houses, I will show who the traitors are; and doing that, the persons pointed out, coming within the purview and scope of the Constitution, were I president of the United States I would do as Thomas Jefferson did in 1806 with Aaron Burr. I would have them arrested, and if convicted within the scope and meaning of the Constitution, by the Eternal God! I would execute them !"
It is difficult to catch the spirit of the scene. A spectator swung his hat and yelled to the presiding officer, "Arrest and be damned !"
Johnson, continuing, alluded to the bullying and truculent attitude of his assailants-Lane himself had the reputation of a fighter, he had gone to Mexico as a common soldier and returned a general, and it was common taunt of the so-called fire-eaters that Northern men would not fight, and of course a Southern "mudsill" with Northern principles was beneath con- tempt-and said:
"These two eyes of mine never looked upon anything in the shape of mortal men that this heart feared."
"Throughout the delivery of the speech the occupants of the galleries themselves had tried to restrain their emotions, and when it was concluded, there was only a buzzing. After a second, Mr. Johnson waved his hand and said: 'Mr. President, I have done.' Then Hon. J. B. Grinel, afterward a member of the House from Iowa, stood up in his seat, swung his hat in the air, and called for three cheers for Andy Johnson and the Union, and then there occurred a scene, the like of which was never known in the Senate before nor since."
On the adjournment of Congress, after some delay, Johnson
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returned to his home in Tennessee, to throw the weight of his talents and influence in behalf of the Union in the contest then fiercely raging in that State. The attempt made by Governor Harris, in February, 1861, to carry the State out of the Union had been defeated by a popular majority of 25,000 votes. He was now making a second effort. He had called the Legislature together to assemble in extra session on the 25th of April, to consider for the second time the question of the secession of the State.
April 12, 1861, there flashed along the wires the news that the Confederate batteries in Charleston had opened fire on Fort Sumter. A few hours later it was heralded over the world that the fort had fallen, that the national flag lay low in the dust. The whole country was frenzied with excitement. Never in our history had there been such universal outburst of feeling and passion as now prevailed. Almost in an hour sixty thousand men, in an unreasoning madness and infatuation, deserted the Union ranks in Tennessee, and went over to the new Confederacy. Nearly every Union leader in Middle and West Tennessee had either preceded or followed the masses in their sudden change. The cry, "To arms !" was heard all over the land. Soon armed squadrons were seen moving to the front.
In April Johnson entered the canvass with more than his usual courage and ability in an effort to save the State. At first he made speeches by himself. Later he and the Hon. Thomas A. R. Nelson, a member of the Lower House, united, and filled a long list of joint appointments. This was a happy arrangement. No man in East Tennessee commanded the con- fidence of the Whigs in so high a degree as Nelson, and no man the Democrats to the extent of Johnson. Both were powerful on the stump; both were earnest and determined, and both were absolutely fearless. The crowds which attended their meetings and followed them from day to day numbered thousands. They spoke in nearly every county in East Tennessee, and in some counties more than once. Mr. Nelson was exact in his state- ment of facts, and scrupulously careful, not to suppress or distort anything. He was also bold beyond nearly any man of his day in denouncing what he believed to be wrong. His speeches in this canvass were fair, high-toned, able, argumenta- tive, but at the same time scathing against secession. They were also full of fire and stirring eloquence.
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Johnson was always at his best before large popular as- semblies. In this canvass he was less bitter than ever before. The supreme peril of the country and the awful momentous- ness of the hour lifted him to broader, more generous views. He pleaded for his distracted country with a passionate earnest- ness that moved men's hearts as he had never moved them before. It is doubtful whether in all the land such impressive and power- ful speeches were made for the Union as were made by these two men. Mr. Johnson did not go beyond the limits of East Tennessee. He gave to me as a reason why he did not go to Middle Tennessee that the people there would not allow him to speak .* That was probably true.
The influence exerted by these men on the general result was beyond doubt marked. In the previous February election, with the same question in substance (but not in form) before the people, the majority for the Union was 25,532. In June the majority dropped down to 19,141-a falling off of 6391 votes -notwithstanding their presence. Mr. Johnson from his pecu- liar position was able to exert a larger influence than any other Union leader.
The remarkable change wrought in the Democratic party was mainly, indeed almost entirely, the work of Andrew Johnson. Of the prominent Democratic leaders in East Tennessee, he alone stood for the Union. There were a few local leaders of influence in their immediate region, but not many, who united with him. The others all promptly followed the logical teachings of the party in the canvass of 1860. The 12,890 Democrats who thus came out of the Breckinridge party and followed Johnson over to the support of the Union cause were composed almost en- tirely of the mass of the people. Nothing in the whole history of Andrew Johnson shows so strikingly as this canvass the dom- inating power he held over the minds of his party in the section where he lived. Perhaps no such example of devotion and con- fidence can be found in our political annals.+
*He urged me to go to Middle Tennessee to make speeches, saying the people there would not listen to him, but he thought they would to me. +The vote in Greene County, the home of Johnson, was a remarkable illustration of this influence. In the Presidential election Mr. Breckin- ridge's plurality over Mr. Bell was 1006 votes, Mr. Douglas only receiving 35 votes. In the following June the Union majority was 1947, notwith- standing several hundred Bell Whigs went over to secession in this election.
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The transfer of allegiance of a majority of the Democrats from the party of their love (a party they had been taught to believe was of almost immaculate purity) to a union with the Whigs whom they hated, and infinitely worse to a union with Freesoilers and Abolitionists, whom they both feared and ab- horred, was one of transcendent ascendency. The number thus influenced would doubtless have been much larger could Mr. Johnson have been heard in the canvass of January and Febru- ary as he was heard four months later. Many, it is true, had read his speech in the Senate of the 18th and 19th of December, but in few men was the difference so marked as in this case be- tween the effect produced by the reading of his speeches, and by hearing him deliver them before a popular assembly. It was as the difference between reading a piece of music by note, and hearing that rendered by a great master. The magnetic voice, the action, the earnestness, the fire, the subtle contagion of sympathy and enthusiasm passing from speaker to hearer, sway assemblies and make the triumphs of oratory. How often are we disappointed when reading with cold criticism speeches pro- nounced great by those who heard them !
While the canvass was in progress Johnson was the object of the most violent hatred on the part of the secessionists. His name was everywhere received with execration. This was mani- fested toward him in a much more intense degree than against Nelson and the other Union leaders. He was regarded as a traitor to his party. It was no surprise that the leaders of the old Whig party were supporters of the Union cause. That had been their creed for thirty years, their rallying cry in 1860. But Johnson belonged to an opposite school of politics, whose the- ories and teachings ended logically in the right of secession. This school had openly inculcated the summer before, in a large part of the South, the duty of secession in a contingency which had now arisen. There had been no condemnation nor dissent from these views, but if newspaper reports were trustworthy, he had once or twice uttered sentiments which could only be construed as an acquiescence in the policy of the leaders. Now, when he denounced these leaders for doing what he must have known they contemplated, and which by co-operation he had en- couraged them to do, he invoked on himself a depth and in- tensity of hate inconceivable in its ferocity. On the railroads he was in deadly peril of life. From three or four points
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he was warned not to attend his appointments, not to attempt to speak. He refrained from going to Middle Tennessee, be- cause of the ill-feeling there against him. Yet for six weeks, heedless of the dangers which daily encompassed him, he bravely went forward in the mission of helping to save the Union. It can be safely affirmed that at no time, either in peace or in war, has any man displayed cooler or higher courage than he during the dark days of April, May, and June, 1861. At no time in his life did he seem so earnest, so brave, so fair, so persuasive, so elevated, and so powerful as when pleading for the Union.
Two or three weeks before the close of this canvass, Thomas C. Hindman of Arkansas, who was born in Knox County, fif- teen miles from Knoxville, near the birthplace of Admiral Far- ragut, was in the above-named city, with a regiment of soldiers, on his way to Virginia. He was the guest of the Hon. Landon C. Haynes, Senator-elect to the Confederate Congress. During the evening nearly all the leading secessionists of the city called on him. Naturally Johnson became the subject of conversation. Hindman thought it a great outrage that Johnson should be allowed to go over the country making Union speeches, though the State had not yet voted in favor of secession. Johnson and Nelson were to speak the next day at Rogersville, sixty-five or seventy miles East of Knoxville. Hindman proposed to take a train and a company of soldiers the next morning and go to that place and arrest Johnson and probably Nelson also. All those present, excepting two, approved of Hindman's proposi- tion. Mr. Haynes, while not expressly approving or dissenting, said that the arrest of Johnson would not stop the trouble, that there were other men of influence besides him who would still lead the people if he were silenced.
At this conference there was present a man who had been a personal and political friend of Johnson from boyhood. Though a warm friend of Southern independence, he disapproved of his arrest. He therefore informed John H. Branner, president of the railroad which Hindman must use in order to reach Rogers- ville, of the latter's purpose. Branner was also a friend of the South, but he feared the Union men would be indignant with him for furnishing an extra train to be used in arresting one of their favorite leaders, and in revenge would destroy railroad property. To avoid a direct refusal to Hindman's demand, he
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sent every engine he had out on the road. The next morning Hindman appeared and demanded a train. Mr. Branner was bland, polite, wished to accommodate General Hindman and help the Southern cause by every means within his power, but he was very sorry that every engine he had in the world was out on duty, and none of them would be in before that evening. He regretted so much that General Hindman had not asked for the train earlier !
It thus came about that no attempt was made to arrest John- son. Those who knew the reckless courage of General Hind- man can easily conceive that if he had gotten to Rogersville, Johnson would have been either arrested or killed. It is morally certain that Johnson and Nelson would not have tamely sub- mitted to an arrest, surrounded as they were by friends .*
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