USA > Tennessee > Notable men of Tennessee, from 1833 to 1875, their times and their contemporaries > Part 33
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tracts from the speeches of great orators out of the "United States Speaker." Johnson heard him read from this book, and afterwards went to Mr. Hill to borrow the book, saying that having heard him read from it he had been stimulated to learn to read. Thereupon Hill told him that if he could prove that he could read, he would give him the book. Johnson took the book, read from it, and Hill made him a present of it .*
There is still one more fact bearing on this point. When Johnson worked in Greenville, S. C., before he removed to Tennessee, he became acquainted with a young lawyer there, named Benjamin F. Perry. Perry used to lend books to him. When Johnson was President he appointed this same Benjamin F. Perry Provisional Governor of South Carolina, and it was he who told about lending him books. No doubt the kindness of Perry was recalled long afterward, and had weight in secur- ing his appointment as Governor. The Hon. Kenneth Rayner, formerly a member of Congress from North Carolina, in his anonymous life of Johnson, says, that the latter could read before he left his native State. No doubt he got this fact from Johnson himself.
About 1831 or 1832 I first began to hear of Andrew John- son. He had become a prominent tailor and was considered a very stylish one. At that time he was training himself to think and speak in the town debating society, in which he early became a leader. He read everything he could find, often having an open book before him on his bench while he worked. But in a small out-of-the-way village there were but few books at that day. Hence the range of his reading was then, and afterward, narrow. Throughout his life his quotations and references to history and mythology were nearly always the same. Fond as he was of making a show of extensive reading, by the use of quotations, he had no general storehouse to
*These facts I obtained from a gentleman to whom they were told by one who was at the time of Mr. Johnson's death perhaps his most inti- mate friend. I refer to Hon. Joseph S. Fowler, who was formerly a United States Senator from Tennessee. Fowler once saw this book in Johnson's library. Mr. Johnson once told the same tale to W. W. Jordon, his neighbor, according to a recently published statement, though that statement makes Johnson learn his letters and to read with the aid of a friend from that book. Johnson told Jordon that he still owned the book. The Rev. J. S. Jones has recently published the life of Andrew Johnson under advice of Mrs. Patterson, and he states that Johnson learned to read in North Carolina.
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draw from, and in consequence had to use the same ones over and over again. To one who heard him often they became very trite and commonplace.
In all of Johnson's speeches, there is no evidence that he was familiar with the masters of English literature, such as Shakespeare and Milton, whose works are storehouses of beauty, genius, and thought. His reading was confined almost ex- clusively to political and party questions. In no sense was he a man of general intelligence. How could he have been? He neither had leisure nor books. Greeneville contained only a few hundred people. Its society was excellent. There was some wealth and a reasonable percentage of culture. It was on a par with its neighbors. There was not, however, in the village a single man of wide intelligence, who could become an example to young Johnson. Good books were rare and per- haps there were not one hundred standard works of literature in the town. I doubt if there was a private library, outside of one or two law offices, of two hundred volumes. There was not a public library in the town. It is true that there was an excellent library of six thousand volumes at Greeneville Col- lege, three miles south of the town, but Mr. Johnson had no time to go such a distance for books, even could he have obtained permission to use them. Being poor, and having to work unceasingly to support his family, to buy books was be- yond his power. He had no spare money. There were no book-stores. Books, if purchased, must be ordered from Phila- delphia or New York. So, Mr. Johnson was certainly excus- able in his early career, for not knowing more of books. In his later years, after he became a public man, when he had money, opportunity, and leisure, he made a mistake in not seek- ing more liberal culture, by means of an acquaintance with the great authors of the world.
These were not all of his early disadvantages. There were in those days no popular lectures, no magazines, certainly none for remote Greeneville. There was not a newspaper in his county, none in the State that contained much information. There were no great daily papers, such as we all have now, of from twelve to forty pages, full of valuable matter. The tranquillity of the village was seldom disturbed even by a menagerie, the delight of villagers and rural people. Once, and once only, a wax-work show representing Napoleon and other
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celebrities exhibited there, then passed on like a vision, never to return. How often I have sighed for the return of that exhibition, more marvelous to my boyhood mind than all the wonders of the greatest World's Fair. The average preachers of that day were not educators, but were generally as barren as Sahara. True, there were a few great preachers in East Tennessee, such as Frederick A. Ross, James Gallaher, Dr. Isaac Anderson, and the celebrated David Nelson, but Johnson seldom went to church, and was not fond of Doctors of Divinity.
In spite of adverse surroundings, Johnson grew in mental activity and culture. Surely it was hard to make bricks with- out straw. He literally snatched information from every pass- ing event. Questioning everything, he would know the reason of every fact. With a mind burning with the fires of internal heat, arguing and disputing with everyone and about everything, no proposition was accepted on faith. He sifted and tested every- thing in the crucible of his own mind. The process of analyz- ing, eliminating, and combining was always going on. He was naturally and inherently disputatious, cautious, and pugna- cious, and opposition was his delight. Those who entered his shop were drawn into argument. From the bright young men of the college near by, whose tailor he was, by questions and argument he extracted many a useful fact. By them, too, no doubt, his young ambition was stimulated and set aflame.
In 1835, at the age of twenty-seven, Johnson's political career began. He became a candidate for the lower house of the Legislature for the district composed of the counties of Greene and Washington. His competitor was Matthew Stevenson, a worthy citizen, of moral worth and high social standing, who had been the year before a prominent member of the convention called to revise the Constitution of the State. From the first it was manifest, to the surprise of everyone, that Stevenson was no match in debate for his young antagonist. Johnson hacked and arraigned Stevenson until his friends pitied him. From the first, Johnson manifested that adroitness, ability, and aggress- iveness in debate, as well as a disposition to pander to the prejudice of the people, which distinguished him so highly through all his subsequent career. He was almost brutal in his assaults.
All the kindly amenities of high debate between gentlemen were wanting. When people heard him speak, they could
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scarcely credit their own senses, so much ability did he dis- play. They exclaimed: "Is not this the poor young tailor?"
The canvass resulted as might have been expected between two such unequally constituted men-Johnson was elected by a small plurality. The vote was counted at a point on the border line of the two counties, he being present to witness the count. The next day a number of persons, among them myself, then a mere boy, rode out two or three miles to meet the young conqueror returning home, in triumph, after his first victory. He was calm, cold, unmoved at the demonstra- tion. As I look back now, it seems that he said by his con- duct, "This is only what I deserve and shall expect in the future." It may be safely assumed from the above that I started in life an enthusiastic admirer of Andrew Johnson.
Upon entering the Legislature, Johnson made himself no- torious by opposing a motion to invite the ministers of the Gospel of the city to open the daily sessions with prayer.
It was during this Legislature that a charter incorporating the Hiwassee Railroad Company in East Tennessee, and perhaps granting it State aid also, was presented for passage. Johnson did all he could in opposition to it. This was perhaps the first railroad charter granted in the State, and the Hiwassee Rail- road, as it was then called, was the first one put under con- struction.
It is curious what absurd and ridiculous ideas men of the best sense and intelligence, at that day, entertained concerning railroads. Had I not heard with my own ears, I should hardly credit what I am about to state. In one of Johnson's canvasses for the Legislature-I am not certain as to the year-I heard him make a speech, in which he argued at length that railroad charters were unconstitutional because they created monopolies and perpetuities. But this was not so alarming and dangerous, in his view, as the dire consequences which would result from these roads. He insisted that they would be a fearful curse to the country, because they would stop the travel along our public highways, on horseback, in carriages and with wagons, and thus destroy the wayside taverns. Quite as great an evil would be the fact that they would throw out of employment the many six-horse teams then engaged in East Tennessee, in hauling our surplus produce to distant markets, and in bringing back to our merchants the groceries and merchandise needed by the
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people. I never have known Johnson to plead more earnestly for the rights of the people than he did on these subjects.%
It is perhaps not the duty of the humble biographer to de- cide the desirability of wayside taverns and six-horse teams on one side, and railroads on the other !
As to the higher objection to railroads, urged by Johnson with great earnestness, that they were unconstitutional because they were monopolies and perpetuities, all honest men should bow with respect before the conscientious convictions of the "Defender of the Constitution," as he was sometimes called !
To be serious: whether Johnson's opposition to railroads was the result of want of information, or because he thought he could make votes by it, is hard to tell. Possibly both causes had influence. Here is a dilemma. To conclude that he was conscientiously opposed to railroads reflects on his intelligence. On the contrary, to assume that he was simply trying to catch votes by his opposition, casts a reflection on his honesty, and that I refrain from doing.
But he was correct in his prophetic vision! The good old wayside inns are gone! If there was ever perfect luxury on earth, an old-fashioned country tavern like that of James Bell at Campbell's Station, or that of Mr. Lackey further on, con- stituted that luxury in all its perfection, to the tired, hungry traveler, after a long day's ride on horseback.+
*In olden times, before railroads, goods were hauled by great six- horse teams from Baltimore and from Philadelphia to East Tennessee, and sometimes even to Nashville.
¡Captain James Bell kept one of those ideal wayside inns at Campbell Station, fifteen miles west of Knoxville, on the old main stage road lead- ing to Nashville. He was a bustling, accommodating, delightful land- lord who anticipated every want of the traveler. He was fond of relating reminiscences of distinguished men who had enjoyed the comfort of his house. A short time before his death, a few years ago, he told me the following incident in reference to Andrew Jackson which has never been reported correctly. Jackson always stopped with him in going to and returning from Washington. On one occasion, while President, on his way to the Hermitage, he stopped in Knoxville for the night and sent a message to notify Captain Bell that he would be at his house the next morning with his retinue for breakfast. It happened that Governor John Branch of North Carolina (I think it was he), on his way home from the West, had stopped there also. General Jackson and he were bitter enemies. An old, unsettled difficulty existed between them grow- ing out of the quarrel and disruption of General Jackson's Cabinet, of which Governor Branch was a retiring member, about the celebrated Mrs. General John H. Eaton. Branch was plucky and determined, and when General Jackson drove up to the hotel, to his amazement he saw
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The opposition of Johnson to the first railroad in East Ten- nessee proved a very serious matter to him. He evidently miscalculated its effect on his popularity.
There was in the Legislature of 1835 with Mr. Johnson a young man from Washington County-Brookins Campbell. Educated, amiable in disposition, honorable in deportment, possessed of fair talents, his friends claimed for him exceptional ability, and regarded him with high hopes. In the Legislature he had voted for the railroad measures which Johnson had op- posed. On his return home, a few of the friends of internal improvements in Greene County,-which county Campbell did not represent,-headed by Dr. Alexander Williams, determined to manifest their approval of his course on this question, by asking him to partake of a public dinner in Greeneville, the home of Johnson. The demonstration was also intended as a rebuke to Johnson for his course. Mr. Campbell accepted and at- tended. He was complimented and toasted, and of course made a speech justifying his vote. I was present, though only a mere boy. I cannot say that I had any decided opinions on the question at issue one way or the other. But I wanted to attend a banquet, which word had to my inexperienced mind a magic sound.
After the banqueting was over, I met Mr. Johnson on the street, where he talked to me quite a while. Looking back at it now, his talk to me, a lad of fifteen, seems singular. He was somewhat under the influence of liquor and in a towering rage. Dr. Williams, Campbell, and his other enemies, came in for a due share of his compliments. On account of my age, he seemed not to regard my presence at the banquet as offensive, and treated me as one of tender years.
his enemy sitting on the porch. He realized at a glance that there was danger of a personal difficulty. Captain Bell was at the carriage the moment it arrived to welcome the great Chief. Jackson took in the situa- tion as quick as thought. Without alighting, he explained to his host the danger of a difficulty, apologized for the trouble he had given, asked to be excused, and drove on some nine miles to Captain William Lackey's for his breakfast.
This illustrates what was well known to many persons in Tennessee, that while General Jackson was a man of unquestioned courage, he showed discretion as well as valor where the former was demanded.
This incident very recently, and long after the above was written, has been published in a book entitled "Lost Stitches in Tennessee History," but many of the facts are misstated, according to the statement made to me by Captain Bell.
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The result was, as intended, that when the next canvass came around, in 1837, Campbell was put forward by the friends of railroads as a candidate in opposition to Johnson, to repre- sent Greene and Washington Counties. The race was hot and bitter on the part of Johnson, but dignified, manly, and earnest on the part of Campbell. Johnson proved, as ought to have been foreseen, more than a match for his opponent on the stump. In this canvass he gave evidence of that talent for playing on the popular prejudices and the passions of men which after- ward made him so noted. Campbell had voted in the Legisla- ture for a bill to employ a geologist, to investigate and report upon the mineral and agricultural resources of the State. Under this law, Dr. Girard Troost, one of the most learned scientists of the day, was employed at a small salary. Johnson assailed this law and arraigned Campbell for voting for it with all the arguments and ridicule he possessed. He held up to the scorn and amusement of the people Dr. Troost's travels about the State, peering about for snails, snakes, shells, rocks, and fossils. Here again the people were about to lose their liberties. Extravagance was creeping into high places. Under the lashing ridicule poured upon the head of Campbell, for this and other sins, he appeared a veritable culprit. But notwith- standing, he was popular, especially in Washington (his own) County, and was elected by a small plurality.
Andrew Johnson was relegated to private life, going back to his tailor's bench in no pleasant temper. It gave him, however, two more years for study and preparation for his subsequent remarkable career. Those who may have supposed his political future was ended by this defeat knew nothing of the force of the dormant fires burning within his breast. There never was a time, and there never would have come a time, had he lived years longer and achieved even more distinguished honors, when that restless spirit would have been quiet and satisfied.
In 1835 Johnson was known as a Whig, and in a legislative caucus helped to nominate Judge Hugh Lawson White, of Tennessee, as a candidate for the presidency in opposition to Martin Van Buren. Judge White did not perhaps at that time call himself a Whig, but he was supported by Whigs and by many voters not in that party, in opposition to Jackson and Van Buren. From that time till 1839 Johnson's politics was unknown or not clearly defined. The Whigs thought he was
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still of their faith, but not of a pronounced type. He was certainly not an open Democrat. Many bitter sayings of his against the Democratic party used to be repeated, and are remembered even to this day.
In 1839 Campbell was a candidate for re-election, as a Demo- crat. Johnson arranged with the Whigs of Washington County, as it was alleged at the time, to run as a Whig in opposition to Campbell, provided the Whigs would put out no other candi- date. Soon after this arrangement was made, Robert Sevier, a pronounced Whig, announced himself as a candidate. This disturbed the plans of the Whigs, as well as those of Mr. John- son. In order to defeat Campbell, which was then the ruling passion of this ambitious man, it would not do for two Whigs to oppose him. So he took a new tack. In a speech at Jacob Broyles' in Greene County he declared himself a follower of John C. Calhoun in politics ; in other words, a Calhoun State's Rights Democrat. But by January, 1840, having defeated Camp- bell, he seemed to tire of his loneliness as the almost solitary follower in the State of South Carolina's favorite statesman. So he now joined the regular Jacksonian Democracy, and supported Van Buren for the presidency .*
Early in his political career Johnson found in the labor of the convicts in our penitentiary a fruitful field for the display of his peculiar genius. There were perhaps only two or three hundred convicts in the penitentiary when his keen intellect first detected the danger lurking therein to the free labor of the State. He at once sounded the alarm to his unsuspecting countrymen, and pointed out the danger of this competition. His cry of warning was sounded in all his speeches. This evil must be extinguished! The danger of the people from competition of convict with free labor, arising from these two or three hundred convicts shut up within stone walls, was scarcely less than that threatened by the destruction of taverns, wagon traffic, and by the building of railroads. All were, in the estimation of Mr. Johnson, evils of gigantic proportions, and must, like the infant Hercules, be strangled in their be- ginnings.
*Campbell, who was a quiet, excellent man, lived a retired life, over- shadowed by his great rival, until about the year 1855, when he was elected to Congress, but died before the expiration of his term.
CHAPTER II.
Democracy of Greene County-Johnson Elector for State at Large on Van Buren Ticket, 1840-Elected State Senator, 1841-Elected to Con- gress, 1843-Represented First District for Ten Years-Introduced Homestead Bill During Second Term-Elected Governor of Tennes- see, 1853.
THE Democracy of Greene County in the olden times de- serves special notice, because it was the genuine article and had the true trade mark. There was no such thing as counter- feiting it. It deserves mention for the further reason that upon it, as a foundation, Mr. Johnson builded his political fortunes. To the Democrats of that county, as he always told them, he owed all he was. He took them as babes, and first by milk, and afterward by strong meats, nurtured them into the stalwarts they became. He made of them a muscular race of men. He knew how to build men as well as how to clothe them. No granite foundation was surer or firmer. There was an exact fitness between him and these people. They were solid, compact, petrified. In vain opposition orators launched facts and arguments against the incrustation of prejudice which en- veloped these Greene County Democrats. The impact rang like an anvil stricken by a hammer, but it made no impression. He led them whithersoever he would. He knew their names and they knew his voice. A stranger they would not follow. With an almost religious faith these men had always believed in Andrew Jackson, and they feared when Jackson departed, all would be over with this government, and that there would be left no one fit to rule. When Johnson appeared they were consoled with the hope that he might save the country. Long before any others, the Democracy of Greene County saw in Johnson a successor to Jackson. They always expected his coming "to the Presidency." It was a thing in their estimation that must happen.
While Johnson became a type of those who were to follow, he had a prototype in one John Balch, a man who was in his meridian when Johnson came on the public stage. The former
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was a son of the noted Presbyterian divine, Hezekiah Balch, the founder of Greeneville College. Hezekiah Balch was a ripe scholar, an original thinker, and elegant gentleman, and was, withal, noble and brave. The son, by some freak of nature, was rough, wild, dissipated, and cared for neither God nor man. Ambitious and aspiring, he possessed ability sufficient to be- come a leader of the ignorant. Wholly without the restraint of moral discipline, or fear of public sentiment, there was noth- ing John Balch was not ready for in politics, and he was, more- over, emboldened by his successes.
A few years later there appeared another man, Jacob Bewley, of even more talent and shrewdness. Bewley was rather a phe- nomenal man, possessing great natural ability, and being en- dowed with cunning in a high degree. He always preferred shadowy ways, and could tread the most devious paths. In per- son he was large, his head immense, his voice low and sweet, and his conversation charming, abounding in wit, humor, and pa- thetic incident. Altogether he was perhaps a little too "child- like and bland." He had always not only smiles but a copious supply of tears ready for use.
Balch was educated; Bewley was not. These two men were always candidates for the Legislature against each other, and each was several times elected. Their discussions were pitched on a plane of vulgarity seldom surpassed. Balch was the bolder, Bewley the more artful of the two. There was indeed no limit to Bewley's subtle ways .*
Bewley was not a bad man in the larger sense of the term. He was a good neighbor and citizen. These things I have referred to were simply the innocent divertisements of politics- the means of winning votes. The times were very primitive-a period of Arcadian simplicity. Customs have changed vastly since those days, when the result of an election depended on the
*In one of their canvasses Balch repeatedly charged Bewley with hav- ing voted in the Legislature for some measure that was very unpopular, and read from the Journal to prove it. Bewley became very sore under it. Watching his opportunity, he slipped the book out of Balch's saddle-pockets, tore out the leaf containing the vote, and replaced the book. At the next speaking Balch made his usual charge, which Bewley solemnly denied, daring him to prove it. Balch reached for his Journal, turned to the page, but was confounded to find that the proof was gone. Bewley, exultant, and with tears in his eyes, called on the people to witness how his competitor had slandered an innocent man. Balch charged in vain that Bewley had torn a leaf from the Journal.
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