USA > Virginia > Historical collections of Virginia : containing a collection of the most interesting facts, traditions, biographical sketches, anecdotes, &c. relating to its history and antiquities ; together with geographical and statistical descriptions ; to which is appended, an historical and descriptive sketch of the District of Columbia. > Part 13
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" There was no way of getting over," says Washington, " but on a raft ; which we set about making with but one poor hatchet, and finished just after sunsetting. This was a whole day's work. We next got it launched, and went on board of it ; then set off. But, before we were half way over, we were jammed in the ice in such a manner, that we expected every moment our raft would sink, and ourselves perish. I put our my setting-pole to try to stop the raft, that the ice might pass by ; when the rapidity of the stream threw it with so much violence against the pole, that it jerked me out into ten feet water. But I fortunately saved myself by catching hold of one of the raft- logs. Notwithstanding all our efforts, we could not get the raft to either shore, but were obliged, as we were near an island, to quit our raft and make to it."
This was a desert island. They passed the night in extreme suffering, from the in- tense cold, and Mr. Gist's hands and feet were frozen. When morning dawned, a gleam of hope appeared. The ice had congealed to the eastern shore sufficiently hard to allow them to cross to it. At length, after an absence of sixteen weeks, they arrived at Williamsburg.
The intentions of the French being now understood, the Gov- ernor of Virginia acted with energy to resist their encroachments. The journal of Washington was also published. It was reprinted in London, and considered by the government as unfolding the hostile views of the French, and the first proof of their intentions. A regiment was raised in Virginia, under the command of Colonel Joshua Fry, for the purpose of erecting a fort at the forks of the Ohio. Washington was appointed second in command, with the rank of lieutenant-colone !. A small party of Captain Trent's company was hastily sent forward to commence the fort, but were interrupted by the arrival of Captain Contreereur, with a thousand French and Indians, who drove away the English, and erected Fort Duquesne. This was the first act of open hostility. The news reached Colonel Washingion while he was posted at Will's creek (at which place Fort Cumberland was afterwards erected) with three companies, waiting the arrival of Colonel Fry with the
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remainder of the regiment and the artillery. He wrote immedi. ately for reinforcements, and pushed forward with his companies towards the Monongahela, as fast as the process of cutting a new road through the wilderness would permit. His intention was to reach the mouth of Redstone, there to wait for the arrival of the artillery and reinforcements under Colonel Fry, and then drop down the Monongahela by water, to the Forks. He bad designed to descend the Yough'ogheny, but after an examination of the falls, abandoned the design.
" Learning that the French were coming out to meet him, Washington hurried for- ward to the Great Meadows, and threw up a hasty intrenchment. This place is ten miles east from Uniontown, a few rods south of the present national road, between the fifty-second and fifty-third miles from Cumberland. Commanded. as it is, by elevated ground on both sides, within one hundred yards of the fort, it would seem to be injudi- ciously chosen for defence ; but Washington knew the French and Indians could bring no artillery, and the meadows being entirely free from tunber, the enemy would be coni- pelled to emerge upon the open plain, beyond the protection of the woods, before he could efficiently attack the fort. Washington learned from Tanacharison, the half-king. a chief of the Six Nations, and from Mr. Gist, that La Force was out, from Fort Duquesne, with a party of French and Indians, and their tracks had been seen within Sve miles of the Great Meadows. He immediately dispatched 2 party of seventy five on horseback, to reconnoitre their position, but they were not to be found. Washington writes on 29th May, 1754 :
" About nine o'clock the same night, I received an express from the half-king, who was encamped with several of his people about six miles off, that he had seen the tracks of two Frenchmen crossing the road ; and that, behind, the whole body were lying not far off, as he had an account of that number passing Mr. Gist's. I set out with forty men before ten, and it was from that time till near sunrise before we reached the In- dians' camp, having marched in small paths through a heavy rain, and a night as dark as it is possible to conceive. We were frequently fumbling one over another, and often so lost that fifteen or twenty minutes' search would not find the path again."
" When we came to the half-king, I counselled with him, and got his assent to go hand in hand and strike the French. Accordingly he, Monocawacha, and a few other In- dians, set out with us, and when we came to the place where the tracks were, the half- king sent two Indians to follow their tracks, and discover their lodgment, which they did at half a mile from the road, in a very obscure place surrounded with rocks. I thereupon, in conjunction with the half-king and Monocawacha, formed a disposition to attack them on all sides-which we accordingly did ; and, after an engagement of about fifteen minutes, we killed tea, wounded one, and took twenty-one prisoners. The principal officers taken, are M. Drouillen and M. La Force, of whom your honor has often heard me speak, as a bold, enterprising man, and a person of great subtlety and cunning. With these are two cadets."
" In this engagement we had only one man killed, and two or three wounded, (among whom was Lieutenant Wargener, slightly ;- a most miraculous escape, as our right wing was much exposed to their fire, and received it all."
In his journal he had also noted :
" As I marched on with the prisoners, (after the action,) they informed me that they had been sent with a summons for me to depart-a specious pretext, that they might discover our camp, and recongoitre our force and situation. This was so evident, that I was astonished at their assurance in telling me that they came as an embassy. B. their instructions, they were to obtain a knowledge of the roads, rivers, and country. as far as the Potomac. Instead of coming as ambassadors-public, and in an open man- per-they came secretly, and sought out the rest hidden retreats, much better suited for deserters than ambassadors. Here they encamped ; here they remained concealed for wkdle dave together, within five miles of us. They sent out spies to reconnaitre our camp. The whole body then moved back two miles, Thence they sent messengers, es directed in the instructions, to acquaint M. Contrecour with the place we were in, and with our disposition, that he might forward his detachments to enforce the summons as soon as it should be given. An ambassador has no need of spies ; his character is always sacred. Since they had so good an intention, why should they remain two
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days within five miles of us, without giving me notice of the summons, or of any thing which related to their embassy ! This alone would be sufficient to raise the strongest suspicions : and the justice is certainly due them, that, as they wished to conceal themselves, they could not have chosen better places than they did."
" They pretend that they called to us, as soon as we were discovered ; which is abso- lutely false -- for I was at the head of the party in approaching them, and I can affirm, that as soon as they saw us they ran to their arms, without calling, which I should have heard if they had done so."
And in a subsequent letter to Governor Dinwiddie, Washington says, speaking of some deserters from the French : " These deserters corroborate what the others said, and we suspected. La Force's party were sent out as spies, and were to show that suinmons if discovered or overpowered by a superior party of ours. They say the commander was blamed for sending so small a party."
" Washington having sent bis prisoners to the governor, prepared his intrenchments, by erecting a stockade, for receiving a more formidable attack from the French, which he bad good reason to expect, after they should have heard of the loss of Jumonville's party. To this stockade he gave the name of Fort Necessity. Colonel Fry had died in Virginia, and the chief command devolved on Colonel Washington. Captain Mackay. of the royal army, with an independent company of one hundred men, arrived at the Great Meadows. Washington, leaving him in command of the fort, pushed on over Laurel-hill, cutting the road with extreme labor through the wilderness, as far as Gist's plantation. This tedious march occupied them two weeks. During the march, they were joined by the Half-king, and a numerous body of Indians, with their families, who had espoused the English cause.
" A strong detachment was at length announced, as being on their march from Fort Duquesne, under the command of Monsieur de Villiers. It was at first determined to receive them at Gist's ; but on further information of the enemy's force, supposed to
* " No transaction in the life of Washington has been so much misrepresented, or so little understood, as this skirmish with Jumonville. It being the fast conflict of arms in the war, a notoriety was given to it, particularly in Europe, altogether disproportioned to its importance. War had not yet been declared between Great Britain and France. and, indeed, the diplomatists on both sides were making great professions of friendship. It was the policy of each nation to exaggerate the proceedings of the other on their colonial frontiers, and to make them a handle for recrimination and complaints. by throwing upon the adverse party the blame of committing the first acts of aggression. Hence, when the intelligence of the skirmish with Junonville got to Paris, it was odi- cially published by the government, in connection with a memoir and various papers ; and his death was called a murder. It was said, that while bearing a summon's, as a civil messenger, without any hostile intentions, he was waylaid and assassinated. The report was industriously circulated, and gained credence with the multitude. Mr. Thomas, a poet, and scholar of repute, seized the occasion to write an epic, entitled, 'Jumonville,' in which he tasked his invention to draw a tragical picture of the fate of his hero. The fabric of the story, and the incidents, were alike fictitious. But thu tale passed from fiction to history, and to this day it is repeated by the French histo- rians, who in other respects render justice to the character of Washington ; and who can find no other apology for this act than his youth and inexperience, and the ferocity of his men.
" The mistakes of the French writers were not unknown to Washington ; but, cu .. scious of having acted in strict conformity with his orders and military usage, he took no pains to correct them, except in a single letter to a friend, written several years afterwards, which related mostly to the errors in the French account of the subsequent action of the Great Meadows. Unfortunately, all his correspondence, and the otur papers which he wrote during this campaign, were lost the next year at the battle of f. Monongahela, and he was thas deprived of the valy authentic materials that con !! ! " used for explanation and defence. The most important of these papers have recently been found. [by Mr. Sparks, in his researches in England.] and they sfondi not och s complete vindication of Colonel Washington in this affair, but show that it met whh the unqualified approbation of the governor and legislature of Virginia, and British ministry."-Sparks' Life and Writings of Washington-where the incl. of this campaign are ably and fully delineated, and the conduct of Washington. I . this affair and the capitulation at the Great Meadows, are clearly explained au umphantly vindicated against the charges of the French.
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be nine hundred men, it was determined to retreat to Fort Necessity, and, if possible, to Wilis' creek. Their provisions were short, their horses worn down, and it was with excessive labor and fatigue that they reached the fort, after a forced march of two days. Here only a small quantity of flour was found ; but supplies were hourly ex- pected, and it was therefore determined to fortify the place as well as circumstances would permit, and abide the event.
" On the 3d July the enemy appeared, and commenced firing from the woods, but without effect. Washington had drawn up his men outside of the fort, with the view of inviting an encounter in the open field. This the French and Indians declined, hoping to draw him into the woods. It rained constantly during the day, and the muskets became wet, and were used with difficulty. Washington's troops withdrew within the trenches, and fired as opportunities occurred. In the evening the French proposed a parley, which Washington at first declined, suspecting a design to gain an entrance to the fort, and discover his weakness ; but he afterwards consented to send an officer to them. Captain Vanbraam, a Dutchman, who pretended to un- derstand Freuch, was sent to them, and returned with proposals, in the French lan- guage, for capitulation. These proposals, after being modified in some particulars by the besieged party, were agreed to. The garrison was to be permitted to leave the fort with the honors of war, taking their baggage, except their artillery, with them. They were not to be molested by the French, nor, as far as it could be prevented, by the In- dians. Since their cattle and horses had been killed in the action, they were to be permitted to conceal such of their effects as could not be carried away, and to leave a guard with them until they could return with horses to take them away : but on condition that they should not, within one year, attempt any establishment there, or on that side of the mountains. The prisoners taken at the time of Jumonville's death,* were to be re- turned, and Captains Vanbraam and Stobo were to be retained by the French as hos- tages, until the return of the prisoners.t On the following morning, Washington, with
* " In the French proposals this expression was insidiously written, ' à D'assassinat de M. Jumonville ;' and as Vanbraam, the stupid interpreter, did not explain the force of the expression to Washington, the capitulation was signed in that shape."
t It seems (according to Burke) that La Force, one of the prisoners taken by Wash- ington in the skirmish in May, had made strenuous exertions to instigate the Indians to hostilities, and that he had been travelling on the frontiers of Virginia to obtain informa- tion of its resources. When taken, there were found upon him papers, in part disclos- · ing the designs and policy of France.
Viewing him in the character of a spy, Governor Dinwwdie threw him into prison at Williamsburg. To redeem this man, was the principal design of De Villier in demand- ing these hostages. La Force escaped from prison, and the people of the country were alarmed. " The opinion," says Burke, " that before prevailed of his extraordinary address and activity, his desperate conrage, and fertility in resources, was by this new feat wrought into a mingled agony of terror and astonishment. Already had he reached King and Queen courthouse, without any knowledge of the country through which he passed, without a compass, and not daring to ask a question, when he attracted the notice of a back-woodsman. Their route lay the same way ; and it occurred to La Force, that by the friendship and fidelity of this man, he might escape in spite of the difficulties and dangers of bis situation. Some questions proposed by La Force, relative to the distance and direction of Fort Duquesne, confirmed the woodsman in his suspicions, and he arrest. ed him as he was about to cross the ferry at West Point. In vain did La Force tempt the woodsman with an immediate offer of money, and with promises of wealth and pre- ferment, on condition that he accompanied him to Fort Duquesne. He was proof against every allurement, inconsistent with his duty, and be led him back to Williamsburg. The condition of La Force, after this attempt, became in the highest degree distressing. . Ile was loaded with a double weight of irons, and chained to the floor of his dungeon.
" Such was the situation of affairs when Colonel washington, after his resignation, ar- rived in Williamsburg. Here, for the first tine, he heard of the imprisonment and per- zecution of La Force, and he felt himself compelled to demonstrate with Mr. Dusida against them, as an infraction of the articles of capitulation, and of the laws of honor acknowledged by soldiers. His application was strongly backed by the sympathy of the people, which now began to ran strongly in favor of the prisoner ; but the governor was inexorable. Meanwhile, the hostages, Stobo and Vaabraato, had been ordered, for greater security, to Quebec, andin retaliation of the sutterings of La Force. they too were confined in prison, but without any additional severity. Almost at the same moment that La Force had broken his prison, Stobo and Vambraam, by efforts equally extraer-
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the garrison, left the fort, taking such baggage as they could carry, and transporting the wounded upon their backs. The Indians, contrary to the stipulation, annoyed them exceedingly, and pilfered their baggage. After a toilsome march, they at length arrived at Wills' creek, where they found rest and refreshment."
From thence Washington proceeded to Williamsburg, and com- municated the events of the campaign to Governor Dinwiddie.
As soon as the House of Burgesses assembled, they passed a vote of thanks to Col. Washington and his officers, for their brave- ry and gallant conduct. Thus ended the first campaign of Wash- ington. "Although as yet a mere youth, with small experience. unskilled in war, and relying on his own resources, he had behaved with the prudence, address, courage, and firmness of a veteran commander. Rigid in discipline, but sharing the hardships, and solicitous for the welfare of his soldiers, he had secured their obe- dience and won their esteem, amidst privations, sufferings, and perils, that have seldom been surpassed."
Gov. Dinwiddie resolved to prosecute the war, but being wholly ignorant of military affairs, his preliminary measures, in underta- king to organize an army, were injudicious. In August, he wrote to Washington, who was at Winchester, to fill up the companies of his regiment by enlistment, and lead them without delay to Wills' creek. where Col. Innes, with some troops from the Caro- linas and New York, were building Fort Cumberland. From thence, it was the governor's project that the united forces should immediately cross the Alleganies and drive the French from Fort Duquesne, or build another fort beyond the mountains. Washing- ton, astonished at the absurdity of the scheme, contemplated at a season when the mountains would be covered with snow, and the army enfeebled and destitute of supplies, made such a strong re- monstrance that the project was abandoned.
The governor was opposed by the assembly, who would not yield to all his demands, and he never ceased to complain of their " re- publican way of thinking." Ile had lately prorogued thetu, to punish their obstinacy, and wrote to the ministry that he was sat- istied the French would never be effectually opposed unless the colonies were compelled, independently of assemblies, to contribute to the common cause. When the Burgesses again met, they con- tribated £20.000 for the public service, which was soon increased to £30.000 by specie sent from England.
In possession of funds, the governor now enlarged the army to ten companies of 100 men each. and placed them upon the estab- lishment of independent companies, by which the highest officers in the Virginia regiment. among whom was Washington, would be
dinary, had escaped from Quebec, and were passing the cause way leading from the city. at the moment that the governor of Canada was airing in his carriage. Stod: > sacrreded sfeering his excepe ; but Vanbraans, fainting with fatigue and hunger, and despairing et being able to effect his escape, called out to the governor from beneath the arch of the causevres, where he concealed himself and desired to surrender. The governor received him in his carriage, and remanded him to prison, but without any extraordinary severity .. Even these facts were not unknown to Mr. Dinwiddie ; yet, without being touched by so generous an example, he persisted in his unjustifiable rigor towards La Force."
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captains. He thereupon resigned his commission and retired from the service.
Early in the ensuing spring, (1755,) Major-Gen. Edward Brad- dock arrived in the country with the 44th and 48th regiments of royal troops, under Sir Peter Halkett and Col. Dunbar. The peo- ple seemed clated with joy, and in their imagination the intruding French seemed about to be driven back like a torrent upon the frontiers of Canada. Col. Washington, who now was to take an active part in the fearful scenes to be enacted, accepted the ap- pointment of aid-de-camp to Gen. Braddock. At Wills' Creek. (Fort Cumberland,) the royal forces were joined by about 1000 Virginians, but the army was detained for want of horses, wagons, and forage. By the energy of Dr. Franklin, then postmaster-gen- eral of the provinces, the deficiency was supplied. The army mov- ed at length on the 8th and 9th of June, but soon found them- selves so encumbered with baggage and wagons, that it was de- termined, at the suggestion of Washington, to divide the force, pushing forward a small, but chosen band, with such artillery and light stores as were necessary, leaving the heavy artillery, bag- gage, &c., to follow by slow and easy marches.
The general, with 1,200 chosen men, and Sir Peter Halkett, as brigadier, Lieut. Col. Gage, (afterwards Gen. Gage,) Lieut. Col. Burton, and Major Sparks, went forward, leaving Col. Dunbar to follow with the remainder of the troops and baggage. Col. Washington, who had been very ill with a fever, was left in charge of Col. Dunbar, but with a promise from Gev. Braddock that he should be brought up with the advanced corps before they reached Fort Duquesne, He joined it at the mouth of the Yough'- ngheny, on the 8th July. On the 9th, the day of Braddock's defeat, he says, " I at- tended the general on horseback, though very low and weak. The army crossed to the left bank of the Monongahela, a little below the mouth of Yough'ogheny, being prevent- ed by rugged hills from continuing along the right bank to the fort."
" Washington wasoften heard to say during his lifetime, that the most beautiful spec- tacle he ever beheld was the display of the British troops on this eventful morning .-- Every man was neatly dressed in full quiform ; the soldiers were arranged in columbus and marched in exact order ; the sun gleamed from their burnished arms : the river flowed tranquilly on their right, and the deep forest overshadowed them with solemn grandeur on their left. Officers and men were equally inspirited with cheering hopes and confident anticipations."
" In this manner they marched forward until about noon, when they arrived at the second crossing place, ten miles from Fort Duquesne. They halted but a little time, and then began to ford the river and regain its northern bank. As soon as they had crossed they came upon a level plain, elevated only a few feet above the surface of the river, and extending northward nearly half a mile from its margin. Then commenced a gradual ascent at an angle of about three degrees, which terminated in hills of a considerable height at no great distance beyond. The road from the fording place to Fort Duquesne led across the plain and up this ascent, and thence proceeded through an uneven country at that time covered with wood.
" By the order of march, a body of 300 men under Col. Gage made the advanced party, which was inunediately followed by another of 200. Next came the general with the columns of artillery, the main body of the army, and the baggage. At one o'clock. the whole had crossed the river, and almost at this moment a sharp firing was heard upon the advanced parties, who were now ascending the hill, and had proceeded about a hun- dred yards from the termination of the plain. A heavy discharge of musketry was poured in upon their front, which was the first intelligence they had of the proximity of an enemy, and this was suddenly followed by another on the right flank. They were filled with the greater consternation, as no enemy was in sight, and the firing seemed to proceed from an invisible foe. They fred in turn, however, but quite at random, and obviously without etfect.
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" The general hastened forward to the relief of the advanced parties ; but before he could reach the spot which they occupied, they gave way and fell back upon the artil- lery and the other columns of the army, causing extreme confusion, and striking the whole mass with such a panic that no order could afterwards be restored. The general and the officers behaved with the utmost courage, and used every effort to rally the men, and bring them to order, but all in vain. In this state they contioned nearly three hours, huddled together in confused bodies, thing irregularly, shooting down their own officers and men, and doing no perceptible baum to the enemy. The Vrginia* provincials were the only troops who seemed to retain their seuses, and they behaved with a bravery and resolution worthy of a better fate. They adopted the Indian mode, and fought each man for himself, behind a tree. This was prohibited by the general, who endeavored to form bis men into platoons and columns, as if they had been manoeuvring on the plains of Flanders. Meantime the French and Indians, concealed in the ravines and behind trees, kept up a deadly and unceasing discharge of musketry, singling out their objects, taking deliberate aim, and producing a carnage almost unparalleled in the annals of modern warfare. The general himself received a mortal wound,t and many of his best officers fell by his side.
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