USA > California > A history of California: the American period > Part 18
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3 Responsibility for the act has been laid at the door of the notorious Three Fingered Jack. See Chap. XXI.
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In the south, Pico, still somewhat in doubt as to the purity of Castro's motives, sent out one fervid appeal after another to his fellow citizens to rise in arms against the vile Americans.
"Fly, Mexicans," he wrote in one of the most lurid of these proclamations, "Fly, Mexicans, in all haste in pursuit of the treach- erous foe; follow him to the farthest wilderness; punish his audacity, and in case we fail, let us form a cemetery where posterity may remember to the glory of Mexican history the heroism of her sons. . . . Compatriots, run swiftly with me to crown your brows with the fresh laurels of unfading glory; in the fields of the north they are scattered, ready to spring to your noble foreheads."
In spite of such appeals, however, both the citizenry of Los Angeles and of Santa Barbara, where Pico was then located, met the emergency with such indifference that when the governor marched north to form a junction with Castro, he had at his disposal only about a hundred men. The two California leaders, so long bitter rivals, met with a show of friendship at the peaceful ranch of Santa Margarita, near the Mission of San Luis Obispo. What they might have done against the revolting Americans will always remain a matter of conjecture; for by this time the Bear Flag was a thing of the past. Its activities had been superseded by agencies of greater magnitude. The news of war between the United States and Mexico had at last reached California.
What place should the Bear Flag movement have in California history? It was neither authorized by President Polk nor in keeping with his California policy. It put an end to Larkin's hope of peaceful annexation; and was un- questionably responsible for much of the ill-will among the native inhabitants which later made necessary the forceful conquest of the province. It was never a gen- eral movement among the Americans in California, many of whom condemned it out of hand, but was confined to a limited area and carried out largely by trappers instead of by permanent residents. It did not save California from falling into British hands, nor hasten its acquisition by the United States. This much the historian must now admit.
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Yet the sarcastic criticism so often passed upon the move- ment and those who participated in it, since Bancroft and Royce set the fashion, is entirely out of place. Merritt, Semple, Ide, and their companions, it is true, had no respect for California law and institutions, and too little acquaint- ance with conditions in the province. They were also in no actual danger at the hands of Castro before the seizure of Sonoma, though they had substantial reason to think they were. They could not know the actual plans of their govern- ment for acquiring California by peaceful means, but they did know that a deep seated conviction prevailed through- out the United States that annexation must sometime, somehow, be brought about.
If, at the outset, the movement was only a local affair, with no very definite purpose or plan of procedure, yet it soon gave promise of much larger proportions. If its actual accomplishments were of little importance, this was only because the outbreak of the Mexican War made its further progress unnecessary. Had this war not come when it did, there is every reason to believe that the Bear Flag Revolt would have brought to a successful conclusion the third method of securing California, that is, by the agency of an armed uprising among the American settlers in the province. In such case, Ide or Frémont might have stood out as the creator of a new republic, the Sam Houston of the Pacific Coast.
Authorities for the Bear Flag Revolt are numerous. One that has been drawn upon largely for this chapter is:
Ide, William Brown, Who Conquered California? Claremont, New Hampshire. 1880.
CHAPTER XVI
THE CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA
APART from the Bear Flag Revolt there were two clearly defined stages in the conquest of California by the American forces. The first of these, extending from July 7 to August 15, 1846, though devoid of bloodshed, resulted in the tem- porary establishment of American control over every place of significance in the province. The second, beginning with a local revolt in Los Angeles on September 22, was a matter of much greater importance and for a time seriously threat- ened the continuance of American control.
As previously stated, the Polk administration was deter- mined upon the acquisition of California in case of war with Mexico. At the same time the Washington government believed that the Californians, disaffected as they were with Mexico, might easily be persuaded to transfer their allegiance to the United States without the necessity of armed con- quest. The opinion also prevailed that even were the Cali- fornians so inclined, they could not offer very serious resist- ance to the United States because of military weakness and inefficiency.
These views were the basis of the administration's policy regarding California. As early as June, 1845, George Ban- croft, Secretary of the Navy, instructed Commodore John D. Sloat, then in command of the American naval forces in the Pacific, to seize the harbor of San Francisco (in the event of war with Mexico) and such other California ports as his strength would permit. As these harbors were "said to be open and defenseless," little difficulty was anticipated in carrying out the Secretary's instructions. Occupation of the sea coast ports, however, was but the first step in ful- filling the President's program. Sloat was then to use every
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precaution to secure and preserve the goodwill of the Cali- fornians, so that the province might be acquired through friendly cooperation rather than by armed conquest.
In the spring of 1846 Sloat, with five vessels under his command, was on the west coast of Mexico, expecting any moment to learn of the outbreak of war. In April, upon the receipt of an urgent request from Larkin, sent off after Frémont's affair at Hawk's Peak, he ordered one of his vessels, the Portsmouth, under Captain John B. Montgomery, to sail to Monterey. Here, and later at San Francisco, Montgomery kept close watch upon the rapid development of the California situation, including the Bear Flag Revolt; but knowing nothing as yet of any declaration of war, he was able to play only the rôle of an observer in the pro- ceedings.
On May 17th word reached the American fleet at anchor in the harbor of Mazatlan that hostilities had begun be- tween Mexico and the United States. But as the report was not official, Sloat contented himself with despatching a single additional vessel, the Cyane, under command of Captain Mervine, to join the Portsmouth at Monterey, while he remained in the Mexican harbor with the remainder of the fleet. A few weeks later, receiving additional confirma- tion of the earlier report, he quietly slipped out of Mazatlan and sailed direct to Monterey.
In taking this course Sloat was not only guided by Ban- croft's orders of the previous year, but also by evidence, apparently genuine, that the British government planned to check the American occupation of California. Admiral Seymour, whose interest in California has already been referred to, was then cruising in the vicinity of Sloat's com- mand and had shown an unpleasant curiosity in the doings of the American fleet. It was credibly reported that he intended to forestall Sloat's occupation of any California port; and as later evidence showed, only the absence of official orders prevented him from making this attempt.
As it was, however, Sloat found no obstruction in his way at Monterey. His flagship, the Savannah, anchored in the
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harbor on July 2; but instead of taking immediate posses- sion of the fort, with a hesitancy and vacillation strangely out of keeping with the tradition of the American Navy, he delayed action until the morning of the 7th. The inter- vening time was occupied in conferences with Larkin, in the preparation of plans and proclamations for the conquest of the province, and in the exchange of official courtesies with the California authorities.
At last, however, stirred by news of Frémont's activities in the north, the fear of Admiral Seymour's arrival, and the urging of his own officers, Sloat decided to act. The occu- pation of Monterey then became almost a matter of routine. There had been no powder in the fort to salute the American vessels when they sailed into port; all the soldiers-a mere handful-had gone south with Castro; and a Mexican flag had not been seen in the town for three months.
Accordingly, when the formal demand for surrender was refused, because there was no one with authority to grant it, Sloat disembarked some two hundred and fifty men, who marched unmolested to the customshouse, where they raised the American flag, fired a salute, and formally proclaimed California annexed to the United States. Two days later, the flag was raised over San Francisco and Sonoma, and on the 11th at Sutter's Fort. In all these proceedings, and in the proclamations accompanying them, it is worth recording that the American officers sought, according to their instructions, to conciliate the Californians and to treat them with all possible consideration.
Two weeks after the occupation of Monterey, new vigor was instilled into the American activities by the resignation of Sloat and the transference of his command to a more aggressive leader, Commodore Robert F. Stockton, who had arrived on the 15th of July from Norfolk, Virginia, in the Congress. Just before leaving Norfolk, Stockton had held a conference with the Secretary of the Navy and was there- fore far better acquainted with the plans of the administra- tion than was Sloat. Nor by temperament was he given to halfway measures.
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Having assumed command of both naval and land opera- tions in California, Stockton at once enrolled the Bear Flag battalion (which Frémont had brought to Monterey), as volunteers in the United States Army. At the same time he commissioned Frémont a major and Gillespie a captain in the battalion. He then proceeded, after issuing what has generally been regarded as an unfortunate proclamation against the California leaders, to carry out the conquest of Southern California.
In keeping with this plan, Frémont and his command were sent to San Diego on the Cyane, and Stockton with some 360 men landed at San Pedro. The California army under General Castro, at this time consisted of only a hun- dred men, almost without arms and so disaffected that they could not be counted upon to obey their officers. Under such conditions both Castro and Governor Pico gave up all thought of resistance to the American advance, and after vainly seeking to negotiate a suspension of hostilities with Stockton, adjourned the California Assembly (then in a last forlorn session at Los Angeles), and fled into retirement. Castro went immediately to Sonora by way of the old Anza trail through the Colorado desert; while Pico, after remain- ing some time on his ranch near San Bernardino, took refuge at last in Lower California.1
1 In February, 1846, Pico had sent José María Covarrubias to Mexico with an urgent request for aid. Covarrubias's instructions, which Bancroft says "are not extant" are here published for the first time, through the courtesy of Judge Grant Jackson of Los Angeles.
Instructions to be followed by the Señor Secretary of this Government Don José María Covarrubias, on his commission to the Most Excellent Señor Minister of Relations.
1st. He shall proceed to the Capi- tal of the Republic and present the correspondence of this Government to the Supreme powers of the Nation.
2nd. Recognizing the condition existing in this Department he shall
give account in detail to the Most Excellent Señor Minister of Relations of all occurring, not neglecting to relate very particularly to the extent of his knowledge concerning the sup- positions that this country will be the object of a foreign conquest and the great necessity of the Supreme Government assuring the National integrity on these frontier points with military troops, which at the same time are the support of its powers.
3d. In case the Supreme Govern- ment can not send said troops he shall implore its support to supply arms, munitions of war, and resources with which the Comandante named will be able to organize a permanent force of hijos de pais to the number of three hundred men.
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Deprived of these two leaders, the Californians made no resistance, either to Stockton's advance upon Los Angeles from San Pedro, or to Frémont's expedition northward from San Diego. On August 13th, the united command of Frémont and Stockton entered Los Angeles, raised the American flag, and received the allegiance of the leading citizens. Four days later Stockton proclaimed the province a territory of the United States. The first phase of the con- quest, except for a few minor episodes, was completed. It had been accomplished without loss of life and distinguished by no very exciting incidents.2
The second phase of the conquest was characterized by some pretty vigorous fighting and a considerable amount of bloodshed. Stockton and Frémont, apparently misled by the ease of their triumph, left Los Angeles early in September in command of Captain Gillespie and a force of fifty men. As events proved, this garrison was wholly inadequate to control the turbulent element in the pueblo and only invited insurrection by its presence. Gillespie himself was lacking in tact, while the population over which he ruled had always been distinguished for an unusual readiness to revolt.
The first outbreak occurred before daylight, September 23, when a motley company of Californians, "filled with
4th. He shall beg the Supreme Government for the appointment of a Constitutional Governor to succeed me; inasmuch as I desire, for the better administration of the Cali- fornias, that the Government despatch an officer who can with ability guide them into prosperity and aggrandize- ment, saving them from the critical circumstances in which they are placed.
5th. Considering the lack of law- yers in this Department and not having a sufficient number of Sub- jects qualified for the offices of first Minister and Attorney-general of the Superior Court the commissioner shall make efforts to have persons of aptitude and fitness come to fill said offices, each having assigned two thousand dollars annually; likewise asking for another officer of ability
and integrity for the fulfilment of the Secretaryship of this Govern- ment, as he who now fills the office has repeatedly indicated the desire of resigning.
6th. He shall do all that he can to return as quickly as possible by the same boat, in order to give imme- diate information of the result of his mission through which this Govern- ment is informed of the will of the Supreme Government of the Nation and may issue from the sad alterna- tive in which unfortunate circum- stances place the country. Angeles, February 13, 1846.
[Signature] Pio Pico.
2 From this statement of course the Bear Flag movement is excluded. As has been shown it was not properly a part of the conquest by the United States government.
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patriotism and perhaps with wine," attacked the adobe quarters in which Gillespie's men were sleeping. The party was led by Sérbulo Varela, a frequent disturber of the peace even when Los Angeles was under native rule, and his follow- ers belonged to the semi-outlaw class of California society. The attack was easily repulsed; but when Gillespie the next day sought to arrest the offenders, he found a revolution of no mean proportions already under way. Before the end of twenty-four hours, he and his men were surrounded by a force of several hundred Californians and the revolt was in full swing.
As leaders of the movement, several of Castro's former officers, all of whom had given their parole not to take up arms against the United States, now came forward. Chief of these were José Maria Flores, José Antonio Carrillo, and Andrés Pico. The success of the movement which, all things considered, was quite surprising, was due, however, not so much to the ability of these leaders, as to the popular enthusiasm which supported it and to the swiftness with which the revolutionists carried out their operations-a swiftness made possible by the superior horsemanship for which the Californians had long been noted.
The first victory of the uprising occurred while Gillespie was shut up in Los Angeles. About a score of Americans under command of B. D. Wilson,3 hearing that the country was up in arms, took refuge with Isaac Williams, one of the early Santa Fé traders who had settled on the Chino Rancho some twenty-five miles east of Los Angeles. On September 26th this party was surrounded by a force of seventy mounted Californians and compelled to surrender after a short skirm- ish in which one of the Californians was killed and several of the Americans wounded.
The success of this engagement greatly encouraged the Californians in their attack upon Gillespie. The latter, who had taken up his position on what was afterwards known as Fort Hill, back of the old Plaza church, was in a serious predicament. His supplies were cut off and a force, over-
3 Afterwards the first mayor of Los Angeles.
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whelmingly superior to his own, kept him continually invested. The nearest assistance to which he could look was at Monterey, approximately four hundred miles away; and the route over which a courier had to pass, even should he elude the besieging force, lay through a country where every native inhabitant must be counted upon as an enemy. These difficulties, however, did not prevent one of Gillespie's men, John Brown, or Juan Flaco (Lean John), as he was commonly known, from carrying the message for aid to Commodore Stockton, who was not at Monterey, as Gil- lespie supposed, but at San Francisco, a hundred miles beyond.
Leaving Los Angeles at eight o'clock on the evening of September 24th, with a short message from Gillespie written on cigarette papers and concealed in his hair, unarmed, and equipped only with spurs and reata, Brown successfully passed the enemy lines. He was pursued, however, by fifteen Californians but escaped from them by jumping his horse, already mortally wounded, across a thirteen foot ravine. Two miles more and the horse died. Lean John walked twenty-seven miles to the ranch of an American, where he secured another horse with which he reached Santa Barbara. From here, obtaining fresh horses as he could, he rode almost continuously until he arrived at Monterey on the evening of the 29th. Up to this time, according to the report of an eye witness of his arrival, Brown had had neither rest nor sleep since leaving Los Angeles. He slept three hours at Monterey, then pushed on to San Francisco which he reached either late on the 30th or early the next morning. The distance covered was over 500 miles. Brown's actual riding time was less than five days. It is a record not easily matched.
Upon receipt of Gillespie's message, Stockton at once ordered Captain Mervine to sail for San Pedro in the Savannah with 350 men. At Sausalito, however, the relief ship encountered such a heavy fog that progress was impos- sible for several days, and Mervine did not reach San Pedro until the 7th of October. As it proved, however, even
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without this delay, Mervine's assistance would have been too late. On the 30th, even before Lean John's arrival at San Francisco, Gillespie had realized the hopelessness of his position and accepted the only chance of escape by surren- dering to the California commander. Under the terms of the agreement the Americans were allowed to withdraw unmolested to San Pedro, without the loss of flags or weapons. Here they were under pledge to embark immedi- ately upon a merchant vessel then in the harbor. But Gillespie, hoping for the arrival of one of Stockton's fleet, delayed this feature of the agreement for four days after his arrival at the harbor. At the end of that time, not knowing whether or not the message carried by Brown had reached Stockton, he spiked the cannon he had brought from Los Angeles on ox carts, threw one of them into the bay, and took his men on board the waiting Vandalia. Here Mer- vine found him when the Savannah reached San Pedro on the 7th.
At six o'clock on the morning following Mervine's arrival, some three hundred men, including Gillespie's command, disembarked from the vessels and prepared to march against Los Angeles. For the first four or five miles the mounted Californians, who were present in considerable number on the hills surrounding the landing place, made no serious attempt to retard the American advance, but confined their efforts to a few volleys at long range. Captain Mer- vine's force, however, found they had entered upon some- thing very unlike a holiday.
"Our march," wrote Lieutenant Robert C. Duvall, one of the officers under Mervine, "was performed over a continuous plain overgrown with wild mustard, rising in places to six or eight feet in height. The ground was excessively dry, the clouds of dust were suffocating and there was not a breath of wind in motion. There was no water on our line of march for ten or twelve miles and we suffered greatly from thirst."
Residents of Southern California can appreciate how this October day, surcharged with electricity, intolerably hot,
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and without the faintest breeze, except perhaps a few dry puffs from the Mojave Desert, sucked away the spirits and reduced the energy of the marching troops.
So great was the exhaustion that a halt was called at half past two in the afternoon and camp made for the night on the old Dominguez rancho, some fifteen miles from San Pedro. The Californians by this time had become more threatening, and were forming on a hill or plateau over- looking the American camp for a sudden onslaught. To prevent this maneuver, part of the Americans charged the enemy formation; but inasmuch as the Californians with- drew before their opponents came within effective rifle range, there was no damage done on either side.
No further excitement arose until about two o'clock the next morning. Then the Californians succeeded in bringing up a small cannon with which they sent a single shot into the American camp. A detachment sent out by Mervine to capture the gun found no trace of it or of those who had fired it. But the next day it re-appeared in a most effective and unpleasant fashion.
Camp was broken about six o'clock on the morning of the 9th and the march begun again toward Los Angeles. As the Americans got under way they found the Californians drawn up on either side of the road to dispute their advance. The force, numbering about 120 men under command of José Carrillo, were well mounted and armed with carbines and lances. The guns were of various grades of effectiveness; the lances were eight foot willow poles tipped with blades beaten out of files and rasps. In spite of their homemade appearance, these lances were ugly weapons in the hands of skillful horsemen.
The real strength of Carrillo's company, however, lay in the little cannon which the Americans had vainly sought to capture during the preceding night. This was a bronze four pounder, known as a pedrero or swivel gun. It had long done duty on the Los Angeles Plaza, before the coming of the American forces, in the firing of salutes and in the celebration of holidays. When news of Stockton's approach
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reached the pueblo, at the time of his first occupation of the town, an old Mexican woman, with the pride of her people -or so the story goes-had resolved to save at least one thing from the hands of the Americans. She accordingly hid this gun in the tules near her house, only to dig it up again when Gillespie retreated to San Pedro. The piece was mounted on the front axle of an overland wagon in such a way that the range could be obtained by raising or lowering the tongue.
In the battle of Dominguez the gun was in charge of Ignacio Aguilar, who fired it by applying a lighted cigarette to the touch hole. Eight or ten horsemen dragged it with their reatas into position or out of harm's way as necessity arose. The methods used by the Californians in the handling of this "Old Woman's Gun," as it was appropriately named, and its effectiveness in the battle can best be shown by Duvall's own words, quoted by J. M. Guinn:
"When within about four hundred yards the enemy opened fire on us with their artillery. We made frequent charges, driving them before us, and at one time causing them to leave some of their cannon balls and cartridges; but owing to the rapidity with which they could carry off the gun, using their lassos on every part, they were able to choose their own distance, entirely out of all range of our muskets. Their horsemen kept out of danger, ap- parently content to let the gun do the fighting."
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