USA > California > A history of California: the American period > Part 19
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Worn out with the futile efforts to capture the four pounder and convinced that further progress would result in useless loss of life, the Americans resolved to return to San Pedro and await a more favorable time for the capture of Los Angeles. This decision was strengthened by the report that the pueblo was defended by some five or six hundred additional troops, and the fear that even if the town were taken, the American force would find itself cut off from communication with the supporting vessels at San Pedro and be compelled to surrender.
On the retreat, Mervine's men were harassed by Carillo's troops as long as the ammunition of the Californians held
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out. Getting the ever present "Old Woman's Gun" upon a hill ahead of the Americans, the Californians fired at the retiring column until their powder, which had been made at the San Gabriel Mission, was wholly exhausted and the usefulness of the little cannon came to an end.
When the Americans reached San Pedro they were so thoroughly exhausted with heat and fatigue that many of them could scarcely drag one foot after the other. In addition they had suffered in the battle, which was a clear victory for the Californians, a loss of at least four men killed or mortally wounded, and six others more or less seriously injured. The American dead were buried on a little island near the eastern entrance of San Pedro Bay. For many years previous to this the island had borne the name of Dead Man's Island, but the burying party from the Savannah christened it thus anew. At the present time the island is rapidly disappearing before the action of wind and tide, and even now there is little left of this first burial place of Ameri- can soldiers killed on California soil.
The battle of Dominguez rancho was followed by an interval of quiet on either side. Flores was proclaimed provisional governor by a sort of rump assembly in Los Angeles, and the revolt spread to nearly every part of the province where the Americans were not in full control. San Diego and Santa Barbara both passed into the hands of their former owners; and in the north Manuel Castro, Joaquin De la Torre, and one or two others carried on an annoying guerrilla warfare which finally culminated in the severe skirmish known as the Battle of Natividad.
This engagement differed from most of the battles in the south, in that no regular United States troops took part in it. It was fought in the Salinas Valley, at one of the fords of the river, some fifteen miles from Monterey. A company of sixty or seventy Americans, with a band of 300 horses brought from the Sacramento, were on their way from San Juan Bautista to join Frémont at Monterey. Learning of this the Californians got together their scattered bands for a surprise attack, hoping if possible to capture the
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horses and thus prevent, or at least delay, Frémont's march down the coast to aid Stockton against Los Angeles.
The leaders of the Californians, who were close to 150 in number, were Manuel Castro, José Chávez, Francisco Rico, and the two De la Torres. The Americans, most of whom were settlers or newly arrived immigrants, were commanded by two recently created captains, Charles Burroughs and B. K. Thompson. In the first skirmish a small scouting party from this force, which included a number of Indians, was surrounded by Castro's men and several of its mem- bers killed or wounded. When the main body of Americans came up, a brief but sharp engagement followed, in which the Californians, after inflicting rather serious injuries upon their opponents, retired from the field. The total American loss in this battle was about the same as that suffered by Mervine on his march from San Pedro-four or five killed and an equal number wounded. Castro's forces suffered somewhat more severely.
After the engagement, most of the Californians, taking with them Thomas O. Larkin, whom they had captured the night before, retired down the coast toward Los Angeles. The Americans in turn, withdrawing to a ranch near San Juan Bautista, united with Frémont's force of 300 men from Monterey, and a little later moved south to cooperate in the capture of Los Angeles.
In the meantime, the Californians had been called upon to face another American force, which was coming upon them from an unexpected quarter. The plans of the United States War Department for the conquest of Mexico called for four lines of invasion of the enemy's territory. The first, under General Taylor, aimed at the subjugation of Tamaulipas, Nuevo León and Coahuila; the second, in charge of General Wool, proposed to subdue the important state of Chihuahua; the third, commanded by General Scott, struck at the Mexican capital by way of Vera Cruz; and the fourth, with which this narrative is alone concerned, had as its objective the conquest of New Mexico and Cali- fornia.
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This last force was under the command of Colonel (after- wards General) Stephen W. Kearny, an officer of consider- able skill and force of character. Leaving Fort Leaven- worth, Kansas, in the spring of 1846, this Army of the West, as Kearny's command was known, marched to Santa Fé and took possession of the province of New Mexico without serious difficulty. From Santa Fé, Kearny set out for the coast, where he expected to cooperate with the naval forces under Stockton and volunteers from the American settlers in taking complete possession of California and establishing there a new government under American control.
To aid Kearny in the enterprise, the War Department later sent a considerable body of reinforcements to the coast, selecting for this purpose a battalion recruited from the Mormon immigrants in Salt Lake, and a regiment of New York volunteers under Colonel Stephens. The Mormon battalion, as it was called, marched overland: the New York regiment went by sea around Cape Horn. Neither force, however, reached California in time to be of any actual assistance in the conquest.
With about 300 dragoons under his command, Kearny left Santa Fé on September 25th over the old Gila River trail, which the Patties had followed twenty years before. Near Socorro, however, he met Kit Carson, who was on his way to Washington with despatches from Stockton. Carson, having left California before the uprising in Los Angeles against Gillespie had broken out, of course knew nothing of the general revolt that had turned the province topsy-turvy since his departure. He therefore informed Kearny that American rule had been established on the coast with little opposition, and that the natives had accepted it in good part.
Acting upon this information, Kearny sent back nearly two thirds of his battalion; but having requisitioned the reluctant services of Carson as a guide, he continued his own way to California with the hundred men who remained. At the Colorado, through intercepted despatches, he learned something of the revolt in California; but the information
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was too meager for him to determine how serious the situ- ation really was.
In crossing the desert west of the Colorado, Kearny's force experienced the greatest privations. The animals were sometimes without water for forty-eight and sixty hours at a time, so that many of them died of thirst.4 And it was not until the party reached the little stream known as Carisso Creek that the way again became endurable. By this time, however, both men and beasts were so exhausted that they were in no condition for a serious test of arms.
On December 2 Kearny's troops arrived at Warner's ranch, where an abundance of food was obtained. On the 5th they were joined by a party of thirty-five men whom Stockton, again in possession of San Diego, had sent under Gillespie and Lieutenant Beale to reënforce Kearny's de- tachment. There was now between the American position and San Diego a considerable body of well mounted Cali- fornians led by Andrés Pico. This force was camped near the Indian village of San Pasqual, and Kearny, with the approval of Gillespie, resolved to order an attack against it the following morning. Camp was broken, accordingly, before daybreak of December 6th. But the American troops were already exhausted by the long march from Santa Fé, and as the preceding night had been cold and rainy, their vitality was running at a low ebb. The Californians, more- over, had already been warned of the impending danger and were prepared to meet the advancing force. In the first attack, Captain Johnson, the leader of the charge, was instantly killed, and only the arrival of the main body under Kearny saved the advance guard from annihilation.
With the appearance of this larger number of the enemy, the Californians fled. But when Kearny's troopers, poorly mounted and somewhat disorganized, were strung out in a long line of pursuit, Pico's forces suddenly wheeled and almost swept the Americans from the field. This contest, the bloodiest in the entire conquest of California, lasted upwards
4 Much of the weary route taken
by Kearny's troops now lies through.
the rich alfalfa, melon, and cotton fields of Imperial Valley.
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of half an hour before the Californians withdrew. Sixteen or eighteen Americans were killed, most of them with lances, and nearly a score seriously wounded.5 Among the latter were General Kearny and Captain Gillespie.
The condition of the American force after the battle was serious.
"Our provisions were exhausted," wrote Major Emory, "our horses dead, our mules on their last legs, and our men, now reduced to one third of their number, were ragged, worn down by fatigue, and emaciated."
The same writer elsewhere spoke of his companions as "the most tattered and ill-fed detachment of men that ever the United States mustered under her colors." The Californians, though they had left the battlefield in possession of the Americans, were by no means beaten, and continued to threaten and harass the exhausted column as it strove to move forward to San Diego.6
Finally, though Lieutenant Godey, Frémont's famous scout, had already been sent to Stockton with a request for aid, Lieutenant Beale, Kit Carson, and an Indian were dispatched under cover of darkness to hurry forward the reinforcements which by this time were imperatively needed. After the severest hardships, the three scouts succeeded in reaching San Diego; and on the 10th a detach- ment of 180 men from Stockton's command made its wel- come appearance in Kearny's camp. On the 12th the combined force marched without incident into San Diego.
The arrival of General Kearny at San Diego was unfor- tunately followed by a dispute over a question of rank between himself and Commodore Stockton. The difference was at last temporarily adjusted through a compromise which left Stockton nominally in command, but put Kearny in actual charge of military operations. It was then decided that the combined forces at San Diego should move north-
5 No two authorities agree as to the exact number.
6 For the most authoritative ac- count of this engagement see Coy,
Owen C., The battle of San Pasqual. Sacramento, 1921. Dr. Coy is Director of the California Historical Survey Commission.
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ward to cooperate with Frémont's advance from Monterey against Los Angeles.
On December 29th, in keeping with this plan, some 600 men marched out of San Diego, accompanied by artillery and a baggage-train, and took the road through San Luis Rey and Capistrano for Los Angeles. Their equipment was not of the best and the going proved difficult. Of this stage of the expedition Stockton wrote:
"Our men were badly clothed, and their shoes generally made by themselves out of canvas. It was very cold and the roads heavy. Our animals were all poor and weak, some of them giving out daily, which gave much hard work to the men in dragging the heavy carts, loaded with ammunition and provisions, through deep sands and up steep ascents, and the prospect before us was far from being that which we might have desired; but nothing could break down the fine spirits of those under my command, or cool their readiness and ardor to perform their duty; and they went through the whole march of one hundred and forty-five miles with alacrity and cheerfulness."
Fortunately for the Americans, no opposition from the enemy was encountered until the expedition came to the willow-lined banks of the San Gabriel River. In its course through the mountains, this stream flows through deep cañons and over a hard, rocky bed. But in the lowlands, where the Americans were compelled to find a ford, the river broadens out and in many places there is sufficient quicksand to make the crossing extremely difficult. The bank opposite the ford selected by the Americans was also commanded by a high bluff, which afforded the enemy a most convenient station for his artillery. This consisted chiefly of two nine pounders, which were well supported by squadrons of horsemen on either flank. The entire force of the Californians amounted to 500 or 600 men. General Flores was in command, with Andrés Pico and José Carrillo serving under him.
With surprising ease, considering the strong position of the enemy, the Americans succeeded in dragging their
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artillery across the river and dislodged Flores from his posi- tion on the bluff. The following brief description by Major Emory, one of the participants, gives a vivid picture of the skirmish :
"Half-way between the hill and the river, the enemy made a furious charge on our left flank. At the same moment our right was threatened. The 1st and 2nd battalions were thrown into squares, and after firing one or two shots, drove off the enemy. The right wing was ordered to form a square, but seeing the enemy hesitate the order was countermanded; the 1st battalion, which formed the right, was directed to rush the hill, supposing that would be the contested point, but great was our surprise to find it abandoned. The enemy pitched his camp on the hills in view, but when morning came he was gone."
Thus in an hour and a half after the first shot was fired the American force, baggage train and all, was across the river and the Californians were retiring toward Los Angeles.
The next day, January 9, came the last battle on Califor- nia soil. As the Americans proceeded from the San Gabriel River toward Los Angeles, the California horsemen again presented some slight opposition, and shortly before four o'clock in the afternoon Flores made his last stand near the banks of the Los Angeles River. As usual, the Cali- fornians confined their activities to artillery fire at long range, supplemented by cavalry charges upon the flank and rear. These attacks resulted in but little damage, however, except to those who made them. As a matter of fact the Californians, realizing the hopelessness of their resistance, seem to have put but little heart in this last skirmish and withdrew before the battle was well begun.
That night Stockton and Kearny camped on the outskirts of Los Angeles and the next day marched to the Plaza, having already received the surrender of the city from a deputation sent out by the inhabitants. Except for insulting remarks from drunken citizens and a hostile demonstration, which cost the lives of two of the Californians, the occupa- tion of Los Angeles was accomplished without incident.
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Gillespie raised once more the flag which four months previ- ously he had been compelled to lower, and the control of the city passed forever out of Mexican hands.
The capture of Los Angeles, however, did not result in the complete disbanding of the California troops. Though many of them returned to their homes and others continued to wander about the country in groups of two or three, the larger part of Flores' command retired to the San Pasqual and Verdugo ranches to await developments. These came quickly with the arrival of Frémont and his battalion at the San Fernando Mission.
Frémont's march down the coast, after the battle of Natividad, had met with little opposition from the enemy. The route, however, was difficult, owing chiefly to rain and mud, and progress was consequently slow. Near San Luis Obispo, Jesús Pico, one of the leaders of the revolt, was captured and sentenced to be shot for breaking his parole. His life, however, was spared by Frémont at the intercession of the prisoner's wife and family. As there were fourteen children to plead for Don Jesús, Frémont's clemency can easily be understood. After his release, Pico became a de- voted friend to his benefactor and served the American cause to good purpose in the final surrender of the Californians.
With Kearny and Stockton in control of Los Angeles and Frémont occupying the San Fernando Valley, further resis- tance on the part of the Californians was unthinkable. Flores, accordingly, surrendered his command to Andrés Pico and left for Sonora. Jesús Pico was sent by Frémont to persuade the Californians to lay down their arms and make peace with the Americans. This they were already eager to do, provided favorable terms could be arranged. After some preliminary negotiations, articles of capitulation were accordingly drawn up and signed at the old Cahuenga ranch house, to which Frémont had moved his headquarters. Though the resistance of the Californians to the American forces had proved futile, it nevertheless had about it a certain dash of gallantry and enough of the old traditional bravery of Spain to excite one's admiration.
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The terms of this "Cahuenga Capitulation," as it is some- times called, were dictated by liberality and common sense. There was to be no revenge for broken paroles, no condemna- tion of property, no discrimination between Californians and Americans, no restriction against the departure of any one from the province, no oath of allegiance, even, until peace had been signed between the United States and Mexico. All that was required of the Californians was the surrender of their artillery and public arms (consisting of two cannon and perhaps half a dozen muskets); a pledge to obey the laws of the United States; and a promise to refrain from joining the war again on behalf of Mexico. It was a treaty drawn in the spirit of Polk's desire for conciliation, and contained little to show that it was the result of military conquest.
When Frémont and Andrés Pico put their signatures to this document on January 13, 1847, the Mexican War, so far as California was concerned, was definitely over. Mexi- can institutions henceforth were to give place to those of Anglo-Saxon origin. Mexican laws, Mexican customs, Mexican inefficiency were to be supplanted by American laws, American manners, and American energy. Cities were to spring up where sleepy pueblos had previously stood. The untouched resources of the generous earth-its mines, its forests, its leagues of uncultivated soil-were to be made to serve the needs of all mankind. A new day was about to dawn on the Pacific slope.
Various articles in the Publications of the Southern California Historical Society, in addition to such standard authorities as Bancroft and Eldredge, have been drawn upon for the material of this chapter. Many of these articles were written by the dean of Southern California historians, J. M. Guinn.
CHAPTER XVII
THE GOLD RUSH
THE Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, by which California formally became a part of the United States, was signed February 2, 1848. Two weeks before, in one of the innum- erable cañons of the Sierra Nevadas, a man named James W. Marshall chanced upon some glittering particles in the tail race of a saw mill belonging to his employer, John A. Sutter. Before the ink was scarcely dry on the treaty, the news of Marshall's discovery had begun to set an eager world in fer- ment and to change the whole course of California his- tory.1
Gold had been found in California long before Marshall gathered it out of the tail race of the mill on the South Fork of the American River. Seven years before, in the Santa Feliciana Cañon of the San Fernando hills back of Los Angeles, Francisco López, a native Californian, came upon traces of the metal as he was digging up wild onions in the shade of an oak tree under which he had stopped to rest. This discovery led to much excitement in the southern part of the province, and even brought a considerable number of prospectors from Sonora, Mexico, to the newly opened field. In spite of lack of water, these San Fernando deposits were
1 Marshall's discovery occurred January 24. The following extract from the diary of Azariah Smith, one of the laborers at Sutter's mill, gives this interesting contemporary account of the event.
" Sunday, January 30. Mr. Mar- shall having arrived, we got liberty of him and built a small house down by the Mill, and last Sunday we
moved into it in order to get rid of the Brawling, Partial Mistress, and cook for ourselves. This week Mr. Marshall found some pieces of (as we all suppose) Gold, and he has gone to the Fort for the purpose of finding out. It is found in the raceway in small pieces. Some have been found that would weigh five dollars."
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worked successfully for a number of years, yielding some four or five thousand dollars annually in gold dust and small nuggets. Mines of other metals, notably the exceptionally rich quicksilver deposits of New Almaden, where the mer- cury was first obtained by heating the ore in gun barrels, were also in operation before 1848.
But until Marshall's accidental discovery, the great treasure of the California mountains remained unsuspected by foreign visitor and native resident alike. Considering all the circumstances, this is one of the strangest facts in California history. The Spaniards who conquered Mexico were among the most indefatigable miners the world has ever seen. For more than two centuries after the landing of Cortés, the history of New Spain was largely the history of men "interested in the saving of precious souls, or of men interested in the discovery of precious metals." From Mexico City northward to Nuevo León and Chihuahua, westward to the Pacific, northwestward to Sonora, New Mexico and Arizona, the conquistadores and their descend- ants prospected for gold and silver, joined in the hectic ex- citement of one mining rush after another, and exploited a thousand rich deposits discovered by their industry and never failing zeal.
Why these same people, so successful and zealous as miners in Mexico, failed to find the vast treasures of the Sierra Nevada, which Nature made almost no attempt to conceal, will always remain a curious problem. The effect of the dis- covery of gold upon California's destiny, if this had hap- pened under Spanish or Mexican rule, has already been pointed out by one of the most authoritative of the state's historians. Assuredly it was the whim of fate-or the hand of a guiding Providence-that delayed this discovery until the territory had come into the possession of the United States. 2
When Marshall and Sutter became convinced that the bits of yellow metal which remained in the tail race were
2 For the origin of this idea, see Chapman, Charles E., The founding of Spanish California, viii.
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actually gold, they agreed together to keep the matter secret, not so much, apparently, because they wished to pre- ëmpt the deposit, as because they feared the mining craze might carry off the needed laborers from Sutter's wheat fields, mills, and numerous other undertakings. To cover up such a discovery for any length of time was difficult; yet for nearly six weeks, few people outside of those at the mill knew of the event. Inevitably, however, the secret at last became public. Teamsters, coming in from the outside, heard of the find and carried the news back to the coast. Mormon immigrants, many of whom worked for Sutter, spread the report among their co-religionists; and Sutter's own agent, sent to Monterey to obtain a grant or patent to the mining rights, told nearly everything he knew about the discovery.
At Monterey, on May 29th, Walter Colton, the American alcalde, made this entry in his diary:
"Our town was startled out of its quiet dreams to-day, by the announcement that gold had been discovered on the American Fork. The men wondered and talked, and the women, too; but neither believed. The sibyls were less skeptical; they said the moon had, for several nights, appeared not more than a cable's length from the earth; that a white ram had been seen playing with an infant; and that an owl had rung the church bells."
On June 20th, after several other reports had been received and the alcalde himself had despatched a special investi- gator to the gold region, this entry was made in the same diary, showing how great an effect the excitement was already having upon the normal life of Monterey:
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