USA > California > A history of California: the American period > Part 2
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44
The Americans, when hunting by themselves or with Indian crews, employed a specially constructed boat known as the otter canoe. This was generally fifteen feet long, five feet wide, and eighteen inches deep. The ends were pointed and the sides somewhat flaring. Short, thick bladed paddles were used, because the ordinary paddle was not capable of driving the canoe through the thick beds of kelp where the otter were usually found. The crew of such a boat con- sisted of three men, two to paddle, and one to shoot. Three canoes ordinarily hunted in company, one in the center
9
BOSTON CALIFORNIA, AND CANTON
and one on either flank to prevent the animal from escaping. Two or three rifles, a little coffee, tea, and shipbread made up the equipment of each canoe.
There is no way of determining the number of sea otter skins carried from the northwest coast and California to the Chinese market. William Sturgis, one of the best known and most successful of the New England traders, estimated the number at approximately 18,000 for the year 1801. The following table will also help to show something of the importance of the trade from 1804 to 1812:
Year
Number of Skins
Year
Number of Skins
1804-5.
11,000
1808-9.
7,944
1805-6.
17,445
1809-10.
11,000
1806-7
14,251
1810-11.
9,200
1807-8.
16,647
1811-12.
11,593
The profits from the trade were often enormous, though competition among the traders sometimes raised the price demanded by the Indians beyond all reason, or glutted the Chinese market. The vessels, of from 100 to 250 tons burden, usually spent between two and three years away from their home port in New England, making one or two trips from California or the northwest to China during that time. In trading with the Indians, blue cloth, beads, knives, blankets, gunpowder, bright colored feathers from the Sandwich Islands, or even abalone shells were exchanged for the furs. Sturgis on one voyage collected 6,000 skins, purchasing 560 in half a day with goods worth a dollar and a half in Boston. The same skins sold for $40 apiece in the Canton market. On his first voyage Richard Cleveland, like Wil- liam Sturgis a well-known New England trader, succeeded in purchasing from the Norfolk Sound Indians more than 300 skins at a cost of two yards of cotton cloth apiece. The same skins were then selling for $23 each in the Canton market. Jonathan Winship, when master of the O'Cain, bought furs for two cents each from the Indians of Trinidad Bay; another fortunate navigator received $8000 in furs in return for a rusty iron chisel. On one occasion an invest-
10
A HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA
ment of $40,000 returned $150,000; again, a profit of $284,000 was obtained from an outlay of $50,000.
The average price for sea otter skins at Canton was in the neighborhood of $40, but the trade was subject to severe fluctuations. In 1785, prime skins were bringing $120 each; by 1802, however, they were selling for only $20; a few years later, they had a market value of nearly $50.
As the otter decreased in number, the Americans and Russians gradually abandoned the organized expeditions along the California coast. But for many years the business was continued on a small scale. Occasionally a hundred or more skins would be taken by one of these later expedi- tions, but the day of the sea otter as an important factor in California history was definitely over before 1820. While it flourished, however, the influence of this early coastal fur trade and the Chinese commerce of which it was a part can scarcely be over-estimated. From it the American public acquired their first knowledge of the resources and possibili- ties of California. From it, also, came the first impetus in the movement for annexation.2
The material relating to the coastal fur trade and the New England-Chinese commerce is fragmentary and widely scattered. This chapter has been based principally upon the following sources:
1. Unpublished manuscripts in the Bancroft Library.
2. Various articles in such magazines as Niles' Register, and Hunt's Merchant's Magazine.
3. (a) Shaler, Robert, Journal of a voyage from China to the northwestern coast of America made in 1804," in the American Register, III (1808), 136-175. The portion of this narrative re- lating to California will be found in Appendix B of this volume.
(b) Cleveland, Richard J., Narrative of voyages and commercial enterprises (Cambridge, 1842).
2 The sea otter is almost unknown today on the California coast. One herd, however, has been seen within the past few years off Mon- terey. The California law imposes a heavy fine for killing the animals,
and it may still be possible to save the species from extinction. The fur is sometimes obtainable in the London market at an exhorbitant price.
CHAPTER II
RESTRICTIONS AND EVASIONS
So long as California remained under Spanish control, foreign vessels were forbidden to trade along the coast. This restrictive policy, however, was subject to constant evasion, both through the daring and ingenuity of the American navigators; and because necessity and self-interest, coupled with the lack of any adequate means of enforcing the royal decrees, led the Californians themselves to encour- age all manner of illicit trade with the foreign interlopers.
In this conflict of interests between crown and colonists California enjoyed no unique distinction, for the same con- ditions existed everywhere in the Spanish possessions. But inasmuch as the Californians were farthest removed from the seat of authority in Mexico, they were able to enjoy an exceptional freedom in their commercial intercourse with vessels of other nations.
In the province itself, except for a few of the crudest arts, there was almost no industrial life. Because of this lack of domestic manufactures, the comfort and welfare of the Californias could be served, law or no law, only by dealings with the foreign trader. The better classes among the Californians were naturally most dependent upon the commodities obtainable in this way, and the trade was therefore highly favored by the missions authorities, wealthy rancheros, and government officials-the last, especially, obtaining from it not only badly needed supplies, but also very considerable sums of ready money with which to in- crease their meager and precarious salaries.
While the Californians were thus very materially benefitted by the coming of the foreign ships, the latter profitted equally through the trade. The greater part of the business
11
12
A HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA
was carried on by barter, and for this purpose the Americans brought with them a wide variety of goods, chiefly from New England, Europe, and China. Thus the cargo of a fur vessel ordinarily consisted of shoes, hardware, crockery, decorated china, cotton cloth, silks of various hues, shawls, pepper, spices, handkerchiefs of every variety and color, gunpowder, and a hundred and one other articles to meet the needs or vanities of Spanish padre, gallant and señorita.
In addition to the skins received in exchange for such articles, the foreign vessels also obtained large quantities of supplies, especially beef, hogs, beans, and grain, which they carried to the Russian settlements in Alaska, along with merchandise from New England and China. Fresh vegetables from the mission or ranch gardens were likewise in great demand to prevent scurvy among the crews, and not infrequently these were accompanied by presents of fresh eggs or other delicacies from padre or ranchero to the ship's commander. It is not recorded, however, that such marks of hospitality dulled the traditional skill of the Yankee captains in subsequent trading operations with the courteous Californians.
One of the most serious problems of the navigator off the California coast was that of keeping his vessel in repair and free from barnacles and sea growth. These not only retarded the sailing power of the ship, but if allowed to collect too long also furnished a breeding place for parasites which eventually ate through the ship's timbers and made her un- seaworthy.
The usual practice was to careen the ship at certain inter- vals and burn or scrape off the accumulated growth. This could not be done, however, in any of the well known ports of the California mainland, without exposing the ship in its helpless condition, together with the crew, to the danger of capture by some unusually zealous or over-covetous official. This, of necessity, led the American navigators when in California waters to seek out-of-the-way harbors, where the cleaning and refitting of their vessels could be carried on without fear of annoyance from meddling officers
13
RESTRICTIONS AND EVASIONS
of the law. The Gulf of California furnished several bays suitable for such operations; but the most frequented of these ports of refuge were provided by certain islands which lay not far from the California mainland. One of the most favored of these was the well-sheltered harbor of Catalina, since known as Avalon, to which thousands of visitors now go annually to enjoy the restfulness and delight of its climate and semi-tropic waters.
The first American ship of record to sail into this quiet bay was the Lelia Byrd, under command of William Shaler, a northwest fur trader of characteristic New England stuff. Since the difficulties experienced by Shaler in repairing his vessel, and the ingenuity shown in overcoming his pre- dicaments, were typical of many another trader on the California coast in those early days, the story is worth repeating in some detail.
The Lelia Byrd, even when she left Canton for the north- west coast, was so leaky and unseaworthy that "she re- quired pumping every ten or fifteen minutes " to keep her afloat. A year of traffic from the Columbia River to Guate- mala naturally did not improve her condition, and on May 1, 1805, Shaler sailed into the harbor of Avalon to repair the damaged and leaking craft. The harbor he named Port Roussillon, in honor of a Polish exile who had associated himself in the enterprise with Shaler and his partner, Richard Cleveland.
In this sheltered bay, some twenty miles from the main- land, Shaler beached the Lelia Byrd in perfect security and established a temporary camp on shore where he landed all the movable parts of the cargo. In these operations he was assisted by the Indian inhabitants of the island, about a hundred and fifty in number. The method used in repair- ing the vessel can best be described in the mariner's own words:
"After caulking the ship's upper works, and paying or rather plastering them with a mixture of lime and tallow, as we had no pitch, tar or any resinous substance on board, we careened her. We found her bottom in a most alarming state; the worms had
14
A HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA
nearly destroyed the sheathing, and were found to be lodged in the bottom planks. I was now pretty well assured of what I had long before feared; that is, that she would not carry us back to Canton. We, however, repaired the first side in a tolerable manner, and paid it with a thick coat of lime and tallow; righted and hove out the other side, which we found far worse than the first. The keel and stern-post were nearly reduced to a honeycomb. It was necessary to heave her far out, in order to apply effectually such remedies as were in our power, but unfortunately we hove her rather too far, and she upset and filled. This was a sad misfor- tune. It did not discourage us, however, and we went to work with spirit and resolution to remedy it, and had the satisfaction of righting her the next day, without apparently having suffered any material damage. The day following we pumped and bailed out the water, and the day after hove the ship out a third time, but had the misfortune to find her leak so bad that we were obliged to right her immediately. I next determined to lay the ship ashore at high water, and endeavor to repair her when the tide should leave her. The experiment was tried without effect, as she buried herself so much in the sand as to put it out of our power to do anything effectual; but the greatest misfortune was that, as the tide came in again, we found the ship leak so bad that both pumps were necessary to keep her free. This demanded an im- mediate remedy; and as the leak was known to be aft, I ordered the mizenmast to be cut away in order to come at it. The leak was soon discovered by this means, but so situated that we could apply no other remedy than the lime and tallow that had been previously prepared for her bottom; this, mixed with oakum, was driven down on the leak and we had the satisfaction to see it reduced by these means to one pump by the time she was afloat. We now burnt a large quantity of lime, which we put into stiff mortar, and put on the first, laying a platform of boards over it, and covering the whole with several tons of stones to keep it firmly down. This new method of stopping leaks we found to answer very well, as in the course of a few days, when the mass had consolidated, the ship made very little water." 1
As has already been remarked, while the trade carried on by such vessels as the Lelia Byrd was contrary to Spanish law, few attempts were ever made by the government to 1 See Appendix B. Shaler made
two voyages to California in the Lelia
Byrd. The incident recorded here oc- curred on the second voyage.
15
RESTRICTIONS AND EVASIONS
stop the illegal traffic, beneficial to Californian and foreigner alike, or to confiscate the offending vessel. A few instances, are recorded, however, where the unexpected took place and the innocent smuggler found himself in the toils of an almost forgotten law. On her first voyage to California, the Lelia Byrd, armed like most vessels of her class, got into unexpected difficulty with the commandant at San Diego.
This incident occurred early in 1803. Shaler and Cleve- land, after reaching the Pacific by way of Cape Horn, had carried on a semi-clandestine, but highly profitable trade in a number of the Spanish ports of the west coast. At San Blas, to mention a typical incident, they secured sixteen hundred sea otter skins, recently arrived there from California, at a price which ensured them a profit sufficiently large to cover the entire cost of the voyage. After this transaction, in which a Mexican official, as well as the Americans, broke the law and made a fortune, Shaler brought the Lelia Byrd into the harbor of San Diego. Here, or so he had heard at the Tres Marias Islands, "a parcel of sea-otters' skins, which might be obtained advantageously," awaited his arrival.
Shortly after the vessel anchored in San Diego harbor, the commandant of the presidio, Don Manuel Rodriquez, came aboard with all the pomp and dignity he could muster, and left a guard on the Lelia Byrd to see that no contraband trade was carried on. From the sergeant of this guard Shaler learned that a few days before, another American ship, the Alexander, commanded by Captain Brown, had been at San Diego and had succeeded in purchasing several hundred otter skins from soldiers and residents of the town. News of the transaction having come to Don Manuel's cars, he had boarded the ship and seized the skins, together with some of the cargo. Added to those already in his pos- session, the confiscated furs increased the commandant's stock to nearly a thousand.
"These skins," wrote Cleveland, "we made every effort to obtain from him; and, though there is no doubt that he would have been as well pleased to sell as we should have been to pur- chase them, if the transaction had been practicable without being
16
A HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA
known to the people, yet, as this was out of the question, and they were all spies on each other, he dared not indulge his desire of selling them to us. Had Brown negotiated with the command- ant first, it is most probable he would have obtained the whole quantity, and, at the same time, have avoided the humiliating predicament of having his ship taken possession of by the rabble."
Since there was no prospect of securing the furs held by Rodriquez, Shaler and Cleveland prepared to quit the har- bor. But having learned that a few skins might be pur- chased from private parties, the Americans sent two boats ashore under cover of darkness to complete the transaction. One of these boats returned in safety; but the other, which contained the mate and two sailors, was seized by the commandant, who bound the men and left them under guard on the beach. The following morning Cleveland and Shaler rescued the prisoners and regained possession of the confiscated boat. The proceedings were simple, as Cleveland narrates them:
"As a preliminary step, the guard on board were disarmed and made to go below; then I went with four men, each with a brace of loaded pistols, to the rescue of those on shore. On landing, we ran up to the guard and, presenting our pistols, ordered them instantly to release our men from their ligatures; for they had been tied hand and foot, and had been lying on the ground all night. This order was readily complied with by the three soldiers, who had been guarding them; and, to prevent mischief, we took away their arms, dipped them in the water, and left them on the beach."
Having gotten the men safely on board, the next problem was to escape from the harbor without being sent to the bottom by the Spanish fort at the entrance. Shaler had already examined this fortress and found it equipped with eight brass nine-pounders, in fair condition, and an abun- dance of ammunition. In leaving the harbor a vessel had to pass within easy musket shot of this fort, and as the breeze had almost died away, the escape of the Lelia Byrd seemed highly unlikely. The Americans, however, resolved to take the risk, and thus brought on the bloodless Battle
17
RESTRICTIONS AND EVASIONS
of San Diego, March 22, 1803. Of this engagement Cleve- land gives the following account:
"While making our preparations, we perceived that all was bustle and animation on shore; both horse and foot were flocking to the fort. Our six three-pounders, which were all brought on the side of the ship bearing on the fort, and our fifteen men were all our force, with which to resist a battery of six nine-pounders, and, at least, an hundred men. As soon as our sails were loosed and we began to heave up the anchor, a gun without shot was dis- charged from the battery, and the Spanish flag hoisted; perceiving no effect from this, they fired a shot ahead. By this time our anchor was up, all sail was set, and we were gradually approaching the fort. In the hope of preventing their firing, we caused the guard in their uniforms to stand along in the most exposed and conspicuous station; but it had no effect, not even when so near the fort that they must have been heard imploring them to desist firing, and seen to fall with their faces to the deck, at every re- newed discharge of the cannon. We had been subjected to a can- nonade of three quarters of an hour, without returning a shot, and fortunately, with injury only to our rigging and sails. When we arrived abreast the fort, several shot struck our hull, one be- tween wind and water, which was temporarily stopped by a wad of oakum. We now opened our fire, and, at the first broadside, saw numbers, probably of those who came to see the fun, scamper- ing away up the hill at the back of the fort. Our second broad- side seemed to have caused the complete abandonment of their guns, as none were fired afterwards; nor could we see any person in the fort, excepting a soldier who stood upon the ramparts, waving his hat, as if to desire us to desist firing."
In the San Diego episode, no great harm was done either to the battery on shore or to the fur traders. But a few years later, real misfortune befell a certain George Washington Eayrs, whose vessel, the Mercury, had up to that time enjoyed a long immunity in the contraband California trade. The unfortunate (and ungrammatical) navigator afterwards wrote this version of the affair to the viceroy.
"I left China in the Year 1808, with the small Amt of Cargo about five thousand Dolls, my first Business was Hunting Furs, This Business I entered into with the Russian Governor, & con-
18
A HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA
tinued several years, in which time I was in the Winter season as far south as California for supplis, and the purpose of taking Seal Skins, I received several Letters, from the head People and Pardres of California intreating me to bring them many Articles that they was in distress for, & could not obtain them from the Continent- On my return to the Russian Settlement, I obtained all the Farming utentials & that was in my Power, with the promise to make what- ever more the Governor could. The Hunting and sealing Business, I continued in, untill two Years since when I obtained a large Amount of Furs of the Russian Governor. These Furs I obtained on Credit, to bring him a larg Amt from Canton in Goods, & Provisions-
"I Bought an old Vessel at Canton, loaded hir entirely with Provisions, and loaded my own, with Provisions and Goods, and returned to the Russian Settlement, where I landed the two Car- gos, excepting a small Amount that I reserved for the benefit of obtaining Supplis-
"I entered into a Contract with the Russian Governor, to continue in the Hunting Business; while imployed in this Busi- ness, I received Letters from Cape S" Lucas, intreating me to bring them many Articles, that they was Naked, & was in great want-
"I obtained some of the same Articles again that I had Sold the Russian Governor, & took on Board, Wheat, Beans, & other things that was wanting and proseded as far as Cape S" Lucas, I made sale of but little, taryed a few Days and departed for the Russian Settlement, haveing on board the same articles that is now in my Inventory.
"My Ship on my Passage to the Northward, proved very leaky and obliged me to have hir Repaired at the Russian Settlement- my detention was very lengthy, and occationed me to expend nearly all my Provisions, or insted of comeing to California, I should have proceeded on to Canton-after I had completed my Ship, took on Board as I wrote Your Excellency before, many Articles for the Russian Governor, to be left at his Settlemnt at New Al- bian, I delivered all that the Russian Commander could take, leaving some of the things still on board my ship, & departed for California.
"On the 2ª June when lying near Point Conception, with my People filling up Water, my Carpenter cutting out oak for
19
RESTRICTIONS AND EVASIONS
top mast Caps, and tho completing the repairs of my ship, I was taken possession of, by an armed long Boat from the Spanish Merchant Ship Flora of Lima Capta Da Niculas Noar,2 I used no means of defence, my sole purpose being for supplys, though I was treated in a hostile manner-my Ship was taken to S" Barbara the same night, and it would take volumes to note down the Pro- ceedings, all conducted in low, cowardly, mean performances- suffise it to say the Parties expected great Plunder, saying I had half a Milion on board.
The very Comedamt of the Place who seams the most devirted, and has an active part, is the very Government Officer, whom has not long since Received pay to admit me to take on board, Wheat, Beef & other Provisions, & did use his indeavours to get me at Monterray for the purpose of supplying the Coast."
Eayrs and his men were unceremoniously hustled ashore at Santa Barbara and the cargo distributed (according to Eayr's statements) between the officers of the Flora, the Spanish commandant at Santa Barbara, and the Mercury's own crew. For nearly two years Eayrs was kept more or less under restraint, without getting any satisfaction for the loss of his vessel and goods, though he bombarded the officials of the Spanish government, from port commander to viceroy, with indignant protests. Of these protests, the following are typical examples:
"San Diego, July 26, 1814.
To His Excellency, Commander-in-Chief at Guadalaxara.
Sir :- I can inform your Excellency with candor, I have become quite uneasy of my long detention. It is now nearly fourteen months since I was deprived of my ship, my property, and my liberty, nor have I been able in any manner whatever to learn which way that property is going, or receive the smallest redress, whatever. Having wrote your Excellency more than once, how my affairs have been conducted, receiving yet no answer, and being fearful of my letters miscarrying, I must intrude on your Excel-
2 The commander of the Flora was named Noé. Elsewhere Eayrs says of him "It is such commandors as Don Nicholas Noar, that occasions trouble & War between the Na.
tions of the Globe, and it is to be regretted and lamented that a thor- ough stop is not put to all such un- lawful Commanders.
20
A HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA
lency's patience again. The clandestine manner in which my ship was taken and conducted, and my treatment after being landed, by one of His Most Catholic Majesty's commanders, deserves particular attention, especially as this very commander had not long since been the means of my visiting the Coast."
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.