An illustrated history of Sonoma County, California. Containing a history of the county of Sonoma from the earliest period of its occupancy to the present time, Part 8

Author: Lewis Publishing Company
Publication date: 1889
Publisher: Chicago, The Lewis Publishing Company
Number of Pages: 786


USA > California > Sonoma County > An illustrated history of Sonoma County, California. Containing a history of the county of Sonoma from the earliest period of its occupancy to the present time > Part 8


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N historie events like that of the taking of Sonoma and the hoisting of the bear flag, we naturally expect to find some continuity of antceedent causes leading up to the occur- renee. But that great event stands out, in bold relief, a conspicuous exception to the rule. Like Topsy who averred "I was not born'd-1 jes growed up," the Bear Flag party seemed to be ·laboring under equal perplexity as to their or- igin and ultimate destiny. The happy outcome of their venture can be compressed into the sin- gle sentence, "All is well, that ends well." Search and sift history as we may there can be found no authentic connection between the little band of adventurers and any responsible United States authority. There has been a great deal said and written upon the subject that inclines the casual reader of history to believe that the taking of Sonoma was but the first act


in a well matured plan which was to ultimate in placing California under the stars and stripes of the United States; but we find noth- ing to warrant such conclusion. The majority of the bear flag party were frontiersmen with more nerve than education and to believe them capable of carrying out to a successful conclu- sion the secret orders of United States Govern- ment authorities, and never after disclosing the same, would be too great a tax upon even ex- treme credulity. It is true, General Fremont had been in California for some time. ostensibly at the head of a scientific expedition, but with a force at his back ample to render secure his travels while here, but till now it has never been revealed that he was clothed by the govern- ment that he represented with any powers of a revolutionary character. While his attitude had been defiant of California authority and


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his hoisting of the American flag on Gabilan Peak, almost in sight of the California capital, a bold affront to Castro, California's military chieftain, yet there is no evidence, as yet, that his acts were other than the effervescence of an individual disposed to magnify the importance of his mission. The effects of Fremont's acts were two-fold. The Californians believing him to be acting under instructions from his govern- ment, naturally believed that he was here for the purpose of fomenting a revolutionary spirit among foreigners resident here, and they were more disposed than ever to enforce the laws prohibitory of indiscriminate immigration. The American settlers tinding themselves more and more the objeets of suspicion by the California authorities, naturally took it for granted that as Fremont had been the instrument of ineiting the authorities to a more rigid enforcement against them of existing immigration laws, he knew what he was abont, and would stand by them it trouble eame.


Aside from the fact that all knew that war was imminent between the United States and Mexico, California was rent and torn by internal discord. The Territorial government had ever been, at best, a weak one, but during the past deeade it had gone from bad to worse, until chaos seemed to brood over the Territory from Sonoma to San Diego. The government was divided: one part being administered from Los Angeles and the other from Monterey, and each wing in open revolt against the authority of the other. In the very teeth of a threatened danger from without, Governor Pio Pico at Los An- geles and General Castro at Monterey were seemingly only intent on each other's overthrow. The action of Fremont, already referred to, in Hannting the stars and stripes upon Gabilan Peak seems to have brought General Castro to something like a correct appreciation of the fact that there was great need of unification and effort among California authorities. This he tried to impress upon Pico in the south, but the suspicious governor saw fit to eonstrne the efforts of Castro to get the military upon a de-


fensive basis, into a menace to himself; and the people of the entire South seemed to be in en- tire accord with him on the subject. In truth, the people of the lower and upper portion of the Territory seem to have been as completely estranged and soured against each other as if their origin had been from distinct races. Hence, was witnessed the pitiful endeavor of Pio Pico to gather together a force sufficient to pro- ceed to Monterey for the purpose of subjugat- ing Castro, at the very time the latter was equally intent upon gathering a force to meet what he conceived to be a great danger on the northern frontier. To California, the early months of 1846 seems to have been a dark period to all, fruitful of junto meetings and dark-room cabals, when all were suspicions of .each other, and it seemed politie for no man to let his right hand know what his left hand was doing.


"While this condition of doubt and uncer- tainty was unmistakably true as related to the Californians, it was only less true, in a modified degree, as related to the Americans then resi- dent here. While they were united in heart and sentiment, they were completely out at sea without ehart or compass, in the face of a brewing storm. If Fremont's action in Monterey County had encouraged them to believe that he had authority to raise the standard of revolu- tion in California, that belief must have re- ceived a chill when he, a few weeks later, with his sixty men started northward to Oregon, with the avowed purpose of returning east by that route. That this was not a strategic move- ment on his part is evidenced by letters he wrote at the time both to his wife and his father-in-law, Hon. Thomas HI. Benton.


Thomas (). Larkin was the secret and conti- dential agent of the United States Government in California and he certainly had no commis- sion to do anything in the direction of encour- aging the raising of the standard of revolt in California. Fremont's conduct seems to have been to him a complete enigma. Larkin's in- structions were to feel the pulse of Californians


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as well as Americans in reference to peaceable annexation to the United States, and any demon- stration on the part of the Americans in the direction of violence and force could but com- plieate and render more difficult his task. He had sagacity enough to understand this, and seems to have directed all his energies in the direction of a peaceable solution of the problem he was to assist in working out. It must be borne in mind that Thomas O. Larkin had long been a resident merchant in California and that his intimate connection and association with the leading men of California, both natives and foreigners, peculiarly fitted him for this labor of paving the way for peaceable annexation of California to the United States. But that he was not taken into all the secret couneils of the nation is manifest from the instructions of Hon. George Bancroft, the then secretary of war un- der President Polk, under date of June 24, 1845, nearly a year before war was declared between the United States and Mexico. The secretary's instructions to Commodore Sloat were:


"If you ascertain that Mexico has declared war against the United States, you will at once possess yourself of the port of San Francisco, and oceupy such other ports as your foree may permit. You will be careful to preserve, if possible, the most friendly relations with the inhabitants, and encourage them to adopt a course of neutrality."


On the 13th of May, 1846, war was declared. Ou that very day Secretary Bancroft again in- structed Commodore Sloat to carry out his first orders "with energy and promptitude." Only two days later we find Secretary Bancroft writ- ing the following instructions to Commodore Sloat: " A connection between California and Mexico is supposed scarcely to exist. You will, as opportunity offers, conciliate the confidence of the people of California. You will eonduet yourself in such a manner as will render your occupation of the country a benefit," etc. In a dispatch dated June 8, 1846, the American Secretary comes out a little plainer. He says: " If California separates herself from our enemy.


the Central Government of Mexico, and estab- lishes a government of its own under the auspiees of the American flag, you will take such meas- ures as will best promote the attachment of the people of California to the United States. You will bear in mind that this country desires to find in California a friend; to be connected with it by near ties; to hold possession of it," etc. On July 12 he speaks still plainer: " The ob- jeet of the United States has reference to ulti- mate peace, and if at that peace the basis of the ' uti possidetis' shall be adopted, the Gov- erminent expects to be in possession of Califor- nia."


While the instructions to Larkin seem to have been of an entirely paeifie and diplomatie character, it is quite evident that the authori- ties at Washington did not intend to allow the formalities of red tape to stand in the way of the acquisition of California.


There were two men on the northern frontier, both occupying commanding positions, and each destined to fill a conspicuous place in the his- tory of those stirring times. One was General M. G. Vallejo, and the other Captain John A. Sutter. At this time, when California was nearing her final struggle with manifest destiny, it is important to know just how and where they stood. Muehl has been said and written on the subject, so much that it has become con- fusing and difficult to always determine where history ends and fiction begins. Vallejo and Sutter both were officers of the California gov- ermment and as such owed good faith and allegiance to their country. We find nothing to warrant the conclusion that either proved reereant to their trust.


Vallejo evidently had a very strong premoni- tion that California had reached the beginning of the end. So believing, he evidently had lit- tle heart or concern about the personal quarrels of Pico, Castro and other factious would-be leaders of California. When called into council on the alarming condition of the times, he was free to express his opinions, and so far as reliable evi- dence goes, it was always to the effect that if


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it came to the worst and a change of government had to be made, that it was to the United States that California could look for the strongest arm of protection and speedy development of her latent resonrees. While those were his senti- ments expressed in council with his country- men, he in no wise seems to have abandoned hope that California might yet be safely steered through her dangers. This is evidenced by two circumstances. Governor Pico addressed a let- ter to Vallejo, probably in April, in which he chided him somewhat sharply for his apparent adhesion to Castro, the every act of whom Pico seemed to regard as dangerous usurpation of military power, the ultimate aim of which was the overthrow of the civil government. Vallejo's reply to Pico was both temperate and patriotic. Ile did not hesitate to admonish Pico that he was allowing his jealousy to befog his better judgment-that Castro was making an effort to properly face a real danger, and he warned Pico that the time had come when unity of action was imperative if California wonkl continue to exist in her present form. He pointed out to the Governor the folly of expecting a General in the face of a threatened danger, to wait for the transmission of orders such a long distance as intervened between Los Angeles and Monterey. These wise and temperate counsels of Vallejo seem to have been wasted upon Pico, for he appears to have gone forward in his endeavor to marshal a sutheient force to march to Monterey and overthrow Castro. The second cireum- stance which shows that Vallejo had not yet lost all hope is the fact that early in June Cas- tro visited Sonoma on his mission of gathering war supplies, and secured a large number of horses. Of these horses more will be said a little further on. Of what occurred between Vallejo and Castro at that time there seems to be little of record. Intelligent reflection draws two conelsions somewhat difficult to harmonize. That a matter of 170 horses was furnished by Vallejo to Castro would clearly indicate that the former was willing to contribute liberally otward the common defense, for Castro lacked


the power, if he had the will, to exact from Vallejo forced contributions. The next ques- tion to harmonize with a cheerful desire of Vallejo to heartily second Castro's seeming patriotic efforts is. why was it that Sonoma with an armament of nine eannons of various caliber, and at least two hundred muskets, was not brought into requisition in a time of such great peril? It was to the east and north that Castro was looking for lurking danger, and if that General and Vallejo were working together in perfect accord it seems little short of amazing that Sonoma was left to repose in sleepy security without a cannon shotted or a musket in hand or sentinel to signal the alarm of an approach- ing foc.


Of Captain John A. Sutter little need be said. Being a citizen by naturalization, his position was different from that of Vallejo. It is true he was holding position under the Cali- fornia government, but his attachment to the country of his adoption never seems to have ontweighed his own personal objects and aims in business. But even he is not chargeable with having been guilty of gross perfidy to the land that had given him wealth and honor. This is evidenced by the two-fold fact that he took pains to warn the government at Monterey that a man named Gillespie, who had been at Monterey and was then following Fremont north, was a secret emissary of the United States. At the same time. and with possibly a less patriotie motive. he again called the atten- tion of the California government to the im- portance of strengthening itself in the Sacramento Valley, and for that purpose offered to sell his establishment at New Helvetia. This. on his part, was business, simon pure, and should not be allowel to connterbalanee too mueh of the good deeds and kind offices of that historie pioneer to the weary, travel-worn American immigrants, so many of whom en- joyed his benefactions. Sutter was a man of pretty good common sense and was not blind to the fact that California was liable to be in an eruptive state at any moment ; and, like Micaw-


.


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ber, " was just waiting for something to turn up."


It was now in early May of 1846, and Gen- eral Fremont, with his sixty explorers, was well on his way northward, having pitched camp on the shores of Klamath Lake. General Castro, doubtless elated at having achieved a bloodless vietory in taking the abandoned fort of Fremont on Gabilan Peak, was now seeking new fields of glory. l'io Pieo was yet in the south in- tent upon marshaling a sufficient force to war- rant him in visiting the northern end of the Territory of which he was governor. Consul


Larkin was inditing confidential epistles to all such as to whom he thought could be entrusted the secret and work of peaceable annexation of California to the United States. General M. G. Vallejo was in quiet repose at Sonoma, appar- ently having converted his sword into a plow- share, his spear into a pruning hook, and his martial field-glasses into a medium through which to watch his herds and floeks upon a thousand hills. Captain John A. Sutter was looking after his fields of waving grain at lawk Farm, doubtless anticipating a paying harvest, for the incoming immigration expected from over the mountains was variously estimated at from 1,000 to 5,000 souls. The hills and val- leys of this genial clime were doubtless clad in verdure and flowers; and yet the very air was oppressive with the forecast of revolution and sanguinary strife.


A new Richmond, with closed visor, had now appeared upon the field. Ile anewered to the plain name of Archibald Il. Gillespie, amd had reached Monterey the 17th of April. Larkin had already received a letter from James Bu- chanan, the then Secretary of State, informing him that, " Lieutenant Archibald II. Gillespie, of the marine corps, will immediately proceed to Monterey, and will probably reach you before this dispatch. He is a gentleman in whom the President reposes entire confidence. lle has seen these instructions, and will co-operate as a confidential agent with you in carrying them into exeention." Gillespie was a month behind 4


time in reaching Monterey in consequence of unavoidable delays in Mexico. That his dis- patehes to Larkin were of a very important and seeret character is evideneed by the fact that lest they might fall into Mexiean hands, Gillespie had memorized them and then de- stroyed the paper upon which they were written. On reaching Monterey he was plain Mr. Gilles- pie. an American merehant. traveling for the benefit of his health. He was also the bearer of a letter of introduction from Hon. Thomas II. Benton to his son-in-law, General Fremont, as well as a package of private letters from the sanie distinguished statesman to the " l'ath- finder." After lingering a little at Monterey, doubtless to give color to his assumed character, Lieutenant Gillespie one night embarked for New Helvetia, and arriving there at once began to arrange for an escort to accompany him on the trail of Fremont. It was then, as already stated, that Captain Sutter conveyed to the au- thorities at Monterey his suspicion that Gilles- pie was a secret emissary of the United States Government. Lieutenant Gillespie made all haste northward. Ilistorian Baneroft gives the following graphic account of this journey and the tragie oeeurrenees attending it:


"This offieer, of whose arrival I will have more to say presently, had reached Sutter's April 28th, and Lassen's the 1st of May. From that point, with only five companions, Lassen, Neal, Sigler, Stepp and a negro servant named Ben, he started May 2d. on Fremont's trail. On the 7th two men were sent in advance, and the others encamped at the outlet of Klamath Lake, unable to ford the river, and having nothing to eat for forty hours. On the morning of the 9th a party of Indians made their appearance, who, with great apparent kindness, gave the travelers a fresh salmon for food, and ferried thein over the water in canoes. After a day's journey of some thirty miles, Gillespie met Fremont at sunset, at a stream named from the events of that night, Ambuscade Creek. The sixteen tired travelers retired early after the two parties were united on May 9th, and were soou sleep.


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ing soundly Fremont sitting up later than the rest to read his dispatches and letters from home. The Indians were deemed friendly, and no watch was kept. Just before midnight the camp was attacked by savages, Basil Lajeunesse and a Delaware were killed as they slept, by blows from axes. The sound of these blows aroused Carson and Owens, who gave the alarm ; when the Indians fled, after killing with their arrows a Delaware named Crane, and leaving dead a chief of their number, who proved to be the very man from whom Gillespie had that morning been furnished with food and aid further south. Next morning they started northward to join the main body, burying the bodies of their slain comrades on the way. The whole party started on the 11th down the east- ern side of the lake, wreaking terrible vengeance on the innocent natives along the route, if we may credit the statement of Kit Carson, who played a leading part in the butcheries. They reached Lassen's rancho on their return the 24th, and a few days later moved their eamp down to the Buttes."


This awakens the reflection that the greatest of human events are subject to the modifying influence of currents and eross-currents; for had the Indians who made that midnight attack been successful in their evident design to massacre all in that unguarded eamp, it is more than probable that the bear flag revolution would never have formed a chapter of Sonoma County history. Mr. Bancroft expresses the opinion that Gillespie's meeting with Fremont had nothing to do with the latter's return north- ward-that " the Captain had nearly deter- mined, on account of the difficulty of crossing the mountains into Oregon on account of the snow," to retrace his steps. We dissent from this view of the subject. If Gillespie was only the bearer of instructions to Fremont couched in the same language of diplomacy as that used by Secretary Buchanan in imparting to Larkin the duties devolved upon him by the President, then the continued presence of Fremont eould have served no good end. In truth, his con-


tinued presence would be detrimental to the very objeet Larkin was expected to achieve. Gillespie must have had full knowledge of what Fremont had done at Gabilon Peak, and as he was the duly accredited secret agent of the United States government it is but reasonable to suppose that he would have at least some ad- visory influence with Fremont. Then, again, Fremont and Larkin were occupying entirely different positions, and it is quite probable that while the latter was expected only to use the weapons of diplomacy, the former may have been accorded discretionary power, if circum- stances seemed to warrant, to use more weighty arguments. But outside of all this it must be remembered that Gillespie had placed in Fre- mont's hands letters from Hon. Thomas Il. Benton. The latter was just as near to the war-making power as was James Buchanan, and he was under no trammel to measure his words with red tape. While he was not in a position to give Fremont either instructions or orders, it is fair to presume that he would intimate to the husband of his favorite daughter the true con- dition of affairs and impress upon him the im- portance of holding himself in readiness to improve any opportunities, such as were liable to suddenly arise, for preferment and position. To believe that Fremont had any serious in- tention of leaving California just at a time when he must have known that right here and then he was upon the very eve of the fruition of Ben- ton's most ardent expectation, would be to int- pute to him a lack of regard for name and fame singularly at variance with reputed character of either himself or Mr. Benton.


But we now put behind us matters specula tive and enter upon the domain of thrilling facts. During Fremont's absence north there were all kinds of wild rumors afloat, and they lost nothing as they passed from mouth to mouth. Castro's war preparations had been magnified into an expressed purpose on his part to drive the American settlers out of the coun- try. It was rumored and so believed, that the Indians of the Sacramento Valley were being


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incited to an uprising and that as soon as the grain fields were far enough advanced to be combustible, the torch would be applied. Cap- tain Sutter seems to have given eredenee to these stories, for he was on an active Indian campaign against some of the lawless tribes. Fremont had moved camp from the Buttes to Bear River, near where Nicholas now stands. It was but natural that his camp should become the head centre, around which the hopes and ex- peetations of his fellow-countrymen should clus- ter. The settlers knew that Gillespie was act- ing upon some authority of the United States government, and his swift haste northward af- ter Fremont, and the latter's equally speedy re- turn, had to them a significance that they were close to exciting times. There is nothing of re- cord to show that General Fremont either coun- selled action, or quiet, on the part of American settlers. Ile seems to have been a passive lis- tener to the recital of their plans and grievances, but somehow, the most unlettered of those frontiersmen, gathered from his very silence, assent that he would stand between them and harm. The people were ripe for revolution and the favored chance to strike the first blow op- portunely eame.


As has already been stated, General Castro's visit to General Vallejo in the first week of June resulted in his securing 170 horses. Having achieved this inch toward placing himself up- on a stable war footing, Castro returned by boat to Yerba Buena, entrusting the horses to the care and management of his private secretary, Francisco Arce, Lieutenant José Maria Alviso, and an escort of eight men for safe eonduet to Santa Clara. Leaving Sonoma with the band of horses, they reached what is now Knight's Landing, on the Sacramento River, where a crossing was effected, and on June 8th they reached Sntter's Fort. It is alleged that Arce toll some one on his route that the horses were for Castro, and to be used in driving the Amer- ican settlers out: but this was probably idle rumor. But whether true or not, it served to in- tensify the excitement, which was now at abont


white heat. On the afternoon of June 9th, eleven or twelve Americans started on the trail of Arce and Alviso and their band of horses. These men are said to have started from the neighborhood of Fremont's camp, and a mian named Ilensley is the authority that they were sent by Fremont; but this lacks the evidence that should baek a historic fact. In passing New Helvetia, this company was increased by two new recruits. Ezekiel Merritt commanded the expedition. Of its members, Sempel, Henry L. Ford and Granville P'. Swift, afterward for long years a resident of Sonoma County, are the only names known with certainty. Cross- ing the American River late in the evening, they made their first stop at the rancho of Allen Montgomery, who not only furnished them a supper, but he, with another man, accompanied them to lend a hand at striking this first blow of revolution. Arce and Alviso had stopped for the night at the rancho of Murphy, using his corral for their horses. Merritt and his men eamped within three miles of the place, and at early dawn, on the morning of the ever memor- able 10th of June, 1846, swooped down upon the unsuspecting Arce and Alviso, and in a trice had them and their men disarmed. That Merritt and his men were not heartless desper. adoes is apparant from the fact that they allowed the vanquished to retain each a horse, and recog- nized Alviso's claim to a few more as private property; after which their arms were restored to them and they were made the bearers of a message to Castro, that if he wanted his horses he could come after them. Arce also reported to Castro that the insurgents had declared their purpose to take Sonoma. This declaration of their intent was a subject of official announce- ment at Monterey two days before Sonoma was captured, which proves that Aree and Alviso had not falsely reported the utterance of Merritt and his followers. The revolutionists, with their band of horses, were back to the neighborhood of Fremont's eamp within forty-eight hours af- ter they set out on their mission. While there seems to have been no preconcerted action on




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