USA > Maine > Lincoln County > Bremen > A history of the towns of Bristol and Bremen in the state of Maine : including the Pemaquid Settlement > Part 13
USA > Maine > Lincoln County > Bristol > A history of the towns of Bristol and Bremen in the state of Maine : including the Pemaquid Settlement > Part 13
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tile Indians; and "what do we then but cut our own throats ?" The Indians replied, they had waited long, and now expected a decisive yes or no, whether or not they could be allowed to purchase powder and shot as formerly. The white men allowed that they were not authorized to grant them any relief, as to this matter, even though they waited ten years, which greatly offended the Indians; and the conference was ended.
But both parties desired peace ; and, by agreement, the next day, many of the Indians accompanied the Pemaquid represent- atives down the river, with the expectation that they might meet with some of the western Indians, and pursuade them to moderate and peaceful counsels. And some of these men were met as they expected - but strong drink was there too -- and so, for the present, negotiation was at an end. And the white men, after some delay, returned to their homes.
" The next night save one," says Hubbard, " news came to Kennebec that the Indians had killed divers English in Casco," and, " upon this news, Capt. Davis sent out one sentinel the next night." "The rest (such was their security), went all else to bed, and in the morning were all, like Laish, surprised."
It was only a very reluctant peace that had been maintained between the parties, during the spring and early summer of this year, (1676), but it was not until the month of August, that the fight was actually renewed. As we have seen, it began by an attack of the Indians upon the settlers at Casco (Portland), just as the conference at Teconnet had closed ; and, as might have been expected, was very soon extended to the banks of the Kennebec, and even farther cast. Richard Ham- mond had early established himself, as a trader, at Stinson's Point (now Georgetown), and had given the natives great offence by cheating them in trade. They claimed also, that once, when a party of them were intoxicated, (probably by liquors furnished by himself) he had actually robbed them of their furs.1 Two days after the attack on Casco, on a Sabbath morning (Aug. 13), a party appeared at the fort, during the time of worship, killed first Mr. Hammond, and then all the others, except one young woman, who made her escape to the Sheepscott settle- ment. The number killed was fifteen. The Indians had been prowling about the place Saturday evening; and, as we look
1 Sullivan, (Hist. Maine, p. II, 171), appears to give full credit to the charge.
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upon the affair now, it seems very strange, that a closer watch was not kept on their movements.
At night, the Indians divided themselves into two parties, one party going up the river a few miles, where Francis Card and family lived, and the other proceeding to the establishment of Clark and Lake, on Arowsic island. Card and family were taken prisoners, and carried into captivity, from which Card himself, and some of the others, were afterwards rescued.
At Clark and Lake's establishment about two miles distant, early in the morning of the 14th, another surprise scene occurred, which we can now scarcely look upon with patience. Before it was light, the Indians had concealed themselves in places, where they could see any important movements about the fort, without exposing themselves to view ; and as the sentinel in- cautiously left his place, a little before the regular time for being relieved, the gate of the fort being open at the same time for some purpose, they rushed in almost before their presence was observed. In a few minutes, they were masters of the place, in spite of all resistance the inmates, taken thus by sur- prise, could make. Several of the inmates were killed, and a large amount of property seized and appropriated.
Among those in the fortification was Capt. Silvanus Davis,1 who had just returned from the Indian conference at Teconnet, and he and Capt. Lake, one of the owners of the establishment, when they found themselves overpowered, undertook, with two others, to make their escape in a boat.
Four Indians speedily followed them in a canoe, and fired upon them, just as they reached the rocky shore of a neighbor- ing island, wounding Davis badly, so that he was only able to crawl for concealment among some masses of rock living the shore. Here he remained two days, but at length was able to find a canoe, and make his escape. Lake was killed by a mus- ket shot; but the other two eluded their pursuers, and escaped unhurt.
Before leaving, the Indians destroyed every thing of value, including a mill, and some other buildings, not within the walls of the fortification. The loss of property to the proprietors was
1 Davis lived many years afterward, part of the time in Falmouth, and after- wards in Boston, where he died in 1701. He held several important offices under the government, but was never in special favor with the people. See statement of his, page 115.
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several thousand pounds, and the number of persons killed, or taken into captivity here, and at Hammond's, was fifty-three. About a dozen persons, made their way to the lower end of the islands, and found means to get off in safety. Of these, a few had been inmates of the fort, but others, occupied houses in the vicinity.
At the attack upon Hammond's fort, a young woman made her escape from the savages, and fled across the country to Sheepscott settlement, as just stated, thus giving timely warning to the English settlers of their great danger. Hubbard, the faith- ful chronicler of these Indian wars, unfortunately, does not give her name, and it probably will never be known. When the savages entered the house, she disliked their appearance, and stepped out of the door to avoid their presence ; but one of their number, with pretended kindness, led her back, assuring her that there was no occasion for fear. Soon afterwards, another company of the natives arrived, and her fears became so excited, that she again left the house, and partly concealed herself in an adjacent cornfield ; but at length, hearing much noise and con- fusion in the house, she concluded to make her way, as she best could, to Sheepscott, which was the nearest white settlement. The distance, Hubbard says, is ten or twelve miles, but proba- bly it was more than this, as the path then ran. And it must also be remembered that the whole distance was through a dense forest, infested with bears and wolves and other ferocious animals, native to the region. If the journey was made in the night, as the original account of the matter implies, it would only increase the danger from the wild beasts, while that from the Indians would be diminished.
The people at Sheepscott, being thus timely warned, prepared at once to make their escape, first to Capenawagen (Southport), and then to one of the Damariscove islands, where nearly all the settlers of the whole region were soon collected. They also sent a messenger to Damariscotta and Pemaquid ; and the peo- ple here also, collecting together such of their effects as they could, sought safety in flight. The people here thought first to go to Monhegan, but the wind was unfavorable, and they joined the other fugitives on Damariscove, where were now col- lected about 300 souls.1 The people had but just made their
! Giles Mem., p. 116. James Gyles was probably in the fort at Arrowsic, at the time of the attack, and was one of those that made their escape by running to the other end of the island.
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escape when the Indians arrived, and in a very little time every thing was destroyed. Parties who were sent to Pemaquid, to save such of their property left behind as they could, " saw all the other islands, Widgin's, Corbin's sound, New Harbor and D'emaquid all on fire in two hours time." 1
As the whole white population of this region was now collected together on the island we have probably very nearly the true num- ber, about 300. The number of able bodied men at Pemaquid, at this time, according to Hubbard, was eight or ten ; and we may therefore conclude that of this 300 persons, about 50 belonged to Pemaquid. Probably the population had scarcely increased for the last thirty years, as it is known that at the fall of Charles I, and the accession of Cromwell (1640), immigration to this country, almost entirely ceased.
Their position on Damariscove not being secure against the Indians, except by the most untiring vigilance, and many of the people being restive under the temporary authority they were obliged to maintain for the safety of the whole, it was deemed best, after a week's stay to leave the island, a part going west to Boston, Salem, and Piscataqua, but most of them to Monhegan. They found boats enough to take all away at one time, so that none were left unprotected to the tender mercies of the savages.
Among those that went west, were Wisewall and James Gyles of Sagadahoc, and Collicot of Sheepscott, who engaged to send timely aid from Massachusetts, if the thing was possible. As a result of their efforts, probably, a petition was presented to the General court, for aid to the eastern settlers (as before stated), but nothing came of it, at least, nothing to these people.
Nothing is said here of our good friend, John Earthy of Pema- quid, who had but just returned from the Indian conference at Taconnet with Capt. Davis, but he was here without ques- tion, and in full sympathy with his neighbors, now in the same calamity as himself.
1 Hub. Ind. Wars, Drake's ed., II, 165. Where were Widgin's island (if it be an . island), and Corbin's sound ? Gyles mentions Whidby (Giles Memorial, p. 114), which the author of that work considers the same as Whisgeag, a place on the Kennebec a little below Bath ; but this is too far away from the scene of opera- tions. May it not have been one of the small islands near the coast of Boothbay ? Corbin's sound was probably the name of a small settlement on the coast, in the same vicinity. Corbin's sound is mentioned by Mather (Magnalia, II, p. 553 Hartford, edition).
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The small force sent by the government to protect the eastern settlements made demonstrations at Casco, and other places farther west, but nothing was even attempted for the relief of the more eastern settlements.
The people, therefore, who had fled to Monhegan, after re- maining their two weeks or more, took their departure for the west ; and many of the men were enlisted in the forces to be sent against the Indians. On their passage to Boston, some of them landed at Damariscove, where they found two dead bodies, and the charred remains of the huts and other property they had so recently left there.
During the autumn of this year (1676), the Indian depreda- tions upon the western settlements continued, and murderous surprises were the order of the day ; but in the east, the strife ceased, for the English had all departed, and the settlements were desolate.
The government forces, under the command of Majors Wal- dron and Frost, and Captains Hathorne, Sill and Hunting, though very active, accomplished but little. Though always marching and countermarching with becoming zeal, the enemy with admirable skill managed always to be where the forces were not, except as occasion offered for a surprise, which the Indian always delighted in. Only two other events, that were more or less connected with our history, can be here noticed. .
When a company of the government forces under Capt. Hathorne was at Casco, a- number of his men insisted upon making an excursion to Munjoy's island, only a few miles dis- tant, to recover any property they might find ; and while a part of them were engaged in securing some sheep, they were set upon by some Indians, and slain, though not without making a desperate resistance. Another party in a ketch, commanded by Capt. Fryer, started from Piscataqua, for the recovery of pro- perty that might remain at the now desolate settlements, and came to Richmond island, in Casco bay, where they allowed themselves to be drawn into a contest with the Indians under such circumstances, that their vessel was taken, and the whole company made prisoners, Capt. Fryer being also badly wounded. Amid the many stories of Indian outrage and treachery, it is gratifying to be able to say, that, in this instance, the prisoners were treated kindly by their captors, and permitted to send two of their number to the west in order to obtain the articles de-
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manded for their ransom. One of these messengers was Walter Gendall, who was chiefly instrumental in fitting out the ketch at Piscataqua. The articles agreed upon for the ransom of the whole party were obtained, and taken to Casco, but, in the ab- sence of those for whom the goods were intended, they were violently seized by some other Indians who killed, accidently it was said, one of the three men having custody of the goods, and dismissed the others; and this of course without releasing the prisoners.
This naturally excited great indignation in the minds of the English at Piscataqua, and the other settlements in the vicinity ; and in the midst ofit, Mugg, 1 a distinguished Penobscot chief, who was believed to have been the leader in the recent attacks at Casco Bay, made his appearance, bringing with him Capt. Fryer, who it was plain must soon die, in consequence of his wound. Thus things were becoming somewhat mixed, and the authorities were doubtful in what character to receive the distinguished savage. He however earnestly protested, that the seizing of the property sent down to Casco, was not approved by him, and gave assurances, that the men should be returned, at the same time offering, in the name of the eastern Indians, to negotiate a new treaty of peace and friendship.
Major General Denison, of Massachusetts, happened to be at Piscataqua ; and, after full consultation, it was determined to send Mugg to Boston, to be dealt with as the governor and assistants saw fit. The Indians of the Penobscot ardently desired peace ; and, after a few days negotiation, a treaty of peace between them and the English was duly signed, and was afterwards con- firmed by Madockawando, the responsible chief of the tribe. By this treaty they agreed to return all English captives, then in their hands, and also to restore whatever property of the English they had taken, at any time during the war, to bring to. justice, or hand over to the English, any Indians accused of murder, and to induce the Kennebec Indians, if they could, to unite with them in the same agreement. On the other part, the English were to furnish the Indians with needful ammuni- tion, but they were to buy only of the government agents.
The treaty was signed by Mugg (of course by making his mark), with more than the usual protestations of honor and good
" The name is sometimes written Mogg,
17
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faith. On the part of the settlers, it was signed by John Earthy, Richard Oliver and Isaac Addington.1 The treaty was negoti- ated at Boston, and signed Nov. 6, 1676.2
Before going to Boston, Mugg demanded and received of Gov. Leveret letters of safe conduct; and in other respects, managed his cause with much dignity. Very evidently he made an impression upon the minds of the English negotiators, and others, more favorable to his honesty, and desire for fair dealing, than subsequent events justified.
Late in November, two vessels were despatched eastward, in command of Capt. Moore, to obtain the captives in the hands of the Indians; believed to number between 50 and 60, taking with them the diplomatist, Mugg. They reached the Penobscot, Dec. 2, 'and found Madockawando in an excellent mood, and entirely ready to ratify the treaty. He promised also to restore all the captives in his control, being only two; all the others being in the hands of the Kennebec Indians, over whom he had no control.
What now was to be done. Manifestly the wary diplo- matist had seriously outwitted them in Boston; but he was still professedly desirous to carry out the treaty in good faith. They urged him to make a visit to the Kennebec Indians, to obtain if possible the release of some more of the English pri- soners; but he was reluctant, professing to fear that he might not be well received by them. At length, however, he consented to make the journey ; and when he departed he told Capt. Moore that if he did not return in four days they might conclude that he was either killed or made a prisoner.3
After waiting a week beyond the four days, fearing from the
1 The reader has already been made acquainted with Earthy and Oliver, the two first named ; the third, Isaac Addington, was a well known gentleman of Bos- ton. He was born Jan. 22, 1644, admitted freeman, May 7, 1673, and became a member of the First church in Boston, in 1579. In subsequent years, he filled many important offices, both in the church and in the state. N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg., IV, 117.
" In the Narrative of New England's Delicerances by Rev. Thomas Cobbet, it is said to have been " signed" Dec. 9th ; but probably this is rather the date of its confirmation at Castine, Me., by Madockawando. Williamson (Hist. Maine, I, 543), says this was done Dec. 2. N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg., VII, 216. Sul. Hist. Maine p. 409.
3 'The narrative does not state just where it was expected that he would find these Indians ; but if it was at any point on the Kennebec river, it is plain that the jour- ney could not be made in four days ; and this fact alone ought to have excited suspicion as to the man's honesty. Williamson supposes they were at Taconnet. Hist. Maine, I, 513.
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lateness of the season, that navigation might be obstructed by the ice, Capt. Moore, with three English captives, set sail again for the west, calling at Pemaquid where they arrived Christmas day. They stopped here to inquire whether any thing was known of their friend, Mugg, but heard nothing. It was said afterwards that Mugg boasted of his performances, and said they (the Indians) could drive all the country before them, and even burn Boston. To do this they must go to the islands, and seize all the white men's vessels.
The Indian chief had promised to deliver up only two cap- tives, on Capt. Moore's arrival, all that he had in his control, but he now sailed for the west with three. . This third man was Thomas Cobbet Jr., son of the Rev. T. Cobbet of Ipswich, who was taken with Capt. Fryer, in the affair at Richmond island. 'His story is not a little interesting, and connects itself directly with our history.
Young Cobbet, had been a clerk in the store of Mr. James Fryer at Piscataqua, father of Capt. Fryer, who commanded the ketch, previously mentioned. After this capture, the prisoners were divided among the victors ; and it was Cobbet's misfortune to fall into the hands of a surly, morose savage, who, besides his other failings, was a habitual drunkard. His master first bound his hands, and then taking his knife, threatened to cut his throat, but finally concluded to spare him for the present. The ketch being in possession of the Indians, they started in her, first for Black point, and then for the Sheepscott river, com- pelling young Cobbet to sail her, they not daring to do it with- out aid. For this he was well fitted, having had considerable experience as a sailor. Leaving the ketch at Sheepscott, he was compelled to travel with his master to Damariscotta, and then to paddle his canoe down the river, and along the coast to the Penobscot. Resting there a little time, they proceeded in the same way to Mount Desert, where his Indian master proposed to spend the winter. Here he was required to go with the In- dians in their hunting excursions, and once he became so ex- hausted by over exertion and want of food, and so overcome by the cold, as to fall down in the snow quite insensible. Here he must have perished but for some friendly Indians of the com- pany, who, when they learned that he had been left behind, volunteered to go back and carry him on their shoulders to one of their wigwams. When he had been with the Indians about
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two months, powder and shot were becoming scarce at Mount Desert; and, to procure a new supply, his . master decided to send him to Castine's establishment at the mouth of the Penobscot. Winter, as it was, the young man started on his perilous journey, not without hope, that, in some way, he might turn it to his advantage, and arrived at the Penobscot, very nearly the same time as Capt. Moore with his Indian passenger, Mugg.1 Cobbet was well known to Mugg, who immediately saluted him, calling him by name in a very friendly way, and saying that he had recently seen his father, and promised him that his son should be sent home according to the recent treaty. Madockawando heard the conversation, and gave a general as- sent, but thought that some ransom would be required, as his father was a great " preach-man." At length it was agreed to give him a good new coat, which Capt. Moore had among his stores on board ; and the savage chief expressed himself as well satisfied, though he demanded actually to see the coat before giving full consent. Cobbet thus ended his captivity, and re- turned with Capt. Moore to his friends at Piscataqua.
The sailing master of Fryer's ketch, which, it will be recol- lected, we left at Sheepscott, was John Abbott, of whom little is known except what is connected with these transactions.
The ketch remained at Sheepscott until the month of Febru- ary, when it was determined to fit her up for an excursion to the Penobscot, in order to procure powder and shot for daily use, their stores here, as well as at Mount Desert, having become exhausted. As these articles could not be procured of the Eng- lish, they decided to send to Canada, which they thought could be reached best by the Penobscot route, using the ketch to sail up the river as far as the ice would permit.2
Abbott was ordered to make the necessary repairs on the ketch, and then to sail her ; and in due time, with ten Indians, he was ready to take his departure down the Sheepscott. For some reason they also put on board three children, one of them English, and the other two Indians. Arriving at the mouth of the river, the wind was strong from the east or northeast, with
It would seem that Cobbet's master had great confidence in his fidelity, or cared little for the risk of losing him, or he would not have consented to such an ar- rangement.
" Gun powder about this time is said to have been sold among the Indians in this region, as high as 32 shillings per pound.
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a heavy sea ; and Abbott, who was at the helm, so managed the vessel as to make the passage as unpleasant as possible; and before they got round Capenawagen (Southport), six of his pas- sengers were so sick as to beg to be put on shore. This done, it was found that the ketch did not ride safely in the harbor where they were; and Abbott pursuaded his remaining In- dian friends, that it was very desirable to seek a more secure place. This being agreed to, they started for Damariscove, some five or six miles distant to the southeast. On the passage, Abbott contrived to ship a heavy sea, which considerably alarmed his passengers ; and, as soon as they reached the harbor, taking the bodies of the two Indian children, who had died (probably from the severe exposure at this season), hastened on shore, urg- ing him to go with them. But Abbott's care was for the ketch, which had done such excellent service, and he protested it was absolutely necessary for him to stay on board and keep watch. They left, but evidently not without some misgivings ; and prob- ably were more disgusted than disappointed to see the ketch, in a very little time, make all sail, and steer for the west. The next day, Abbott with the English child, arrived safely at Pis- cataqua.
The forces under Majors Waldron and Frost, on their way to the Penobscot, heard that many Indians with their English cap- tives, were at Pemaquid, and put in there, to make further in- quiry. Here, they found several Indian chiefs who appeared very friendly, and said they were willing to release the captives they had among them, though as they had received them from the Kennebec Indians, and had provided for them all winter, it was only proper that they should receive some compensation. After considerable negotiation, it was agreed that a ransom of twelve skins for each person should be paid; but only three persons could be produced.
Waldron was but an indifferent commander, and a very mi- serable negotiator ; he demanded the immediate release of all captives, and also that they should afford them some assistance, in men and canoes, in the efforts they were making to subdue the Kennebec Indians, all which they claimed was required by the treaty recently made in Boston. But the canoes were all in use, as the Indians claimed, and only a few of the young men, whom they could not control, had any hand in the war.
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