USA > Maine > Lincoln County > Bremen > A history of the towns of Bristol and Bremen in the state of Maine : including the Pemaquid Settlement > Part 17
USA > Maine > Lincoln County > Bristol > A history of the towns of Bristol and Bremen in the state of Maine : including the Pemaquid Settlement > Part 17
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The same day a petition for the continuance of Lieut. Weems in his command at the fort, was forwarded to Boston, by seve- ral of the inhabitants of the place. It contains eight names, but only six are now legible ; these are Elihu Gunnison, Alex. Woodrop, George Jackson, John Bullock, Jonas Bogardus, and John Starkey: On the receipt of the petition a vote was passed by the Governor and Council, in accordance with the request.
But all things at the fort were not entirely satisfactory, as ap- pears by the following.
" Pemaqd June ye fst '89, [June 1, 1689].
I Receid yors, sent by Mr. Hescott who did not come heare but Left itt by the way wherein you Desire me to be carefull of this Garrison and Stores which care you need not be doubtfull of Dureing my Continu- ance here which I suppose will not be Longe unless you take further care of these parts neither have I Bin acustomed to Live upon Sault provisions and Drinking of Bad water however I Rest Satisfied for this place affordeth nothing but poverty, whereas formerly they ware well Suppleyed by ye Costers but now there comes none but passes by to supply the french and Indians, and informs you doe intend to Slight and Dis- owne these Easturne parts which news is like to Cause the people to leave their habitation and Desart the Country neither can I Oblidge the Souldiers to stay with me unless they know upon what tearms, they being in great wante of Seaverall necessaries which would not have bin wanting had the Govern' Contid his power, this is all att presant weighting yor Answer I Remaine. Yours,
-
J. WEEMES.
This Garrison is in noe want of Ammunition nor of Provisions Seaver- all months only Bread and pease and malaties [molasses ?] for Bear of which they have had none this Long time."1
1 Maxs. Arch., vol. 107, 70.
.
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IIISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
From this it appears that Weems did not altogether sympa- thize with the Massachusetts people in deposing Governor An- dros, but was willing, as a true patriot, to submit to the powers that be.
June 14th, 1689. At a meeting of the Governor and Council it was voted " That Lt. Weems be written to forthwith at pemaquid to take care of that Garrison ; And that promise be made him, and his Company of the Kings pay from this time forward, And further order that there be a supply of what provisions, etc. is necessary for sd Garrison."1
But with this the Lieutenant was not altogether satisfied, and, June 23d, in a moment of irritation wrote unwisely as follows :
Gent. Yors I have recd wherein you propose very fair in the respects of ye time to come, and till further order providing it might stand wta my Advantage and Honor I would imbrace, but I must tell you yt my Depen- dance is els Whers Where I hope to be more Servisable to my King and Countrey yn here, for since yº have seen cause to Displace the Govern" and all those Gentlemen under his comand I am resolued to take my for- tune wth them, therefore I advise you to hasten and send yor forces and take possession of this place for I cannot promise to secure it ; my men being all resolued to leaue as some haue done already but haue prevailed wth them for a short time waiting yor speedy releaf and satisfaction from this time. The 20th of this Instant arrived two Captives, who I thought convenient to hasten to you being desircous to know the state of the Countrey and Indians wch they can best relate, hauing no more to add only my Humble Servis and remains.
.
Yours, JAMES WEEMS.
I have ingaged you will satisfey these men for their Boate and time itt [being] for the kings seruis agreed for £3-0-0.
(The letter was addressed to Mr. Simon Bradstreet Esq. Govern' of Boston, he having been appointed provisional governor in place of Andros deposed.)
Who these two captives were, whom he thought it so im- portant to send to Boston by a special messenger, is not known ; but the fact that the Governor and Council refused to pay the three pounds " agreed" on, indicates that they did not consider the matter of special consequence.
1 Muss. Arch., 107,99, and 70, 499.
Mass. Arch., 107, 139.
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
To the above the Governor and Council replied as follows;
"Boston, 12th, July 1689.
Lt. Weems, yors of ye 23th of June ult. came to hand being in a differ- ent Style from yor former, notwithstanding all Encouragement given you by the Convention here to continue yor Post in that place, ordering that yor selfe and Souldiers should be continued in the Kings Pay, the Inhabi- tants haveing also desired yor stay there in yor Command which in yor former you seemed to be contented with, though now [you] intimate that yor Expectations are raysed with hopes of some greater advantage and HIont and yt yor dependance is elsewhere resolving to take yor ffortune with ye Genta now under confinement, the Reasons induceing thereto are with yor Selfe, yet you might do well to consider how honorable and safe it may be for you to leave yor Post and desert this Maties Garrison to be exposed to the Enemy, whereas you have Encouragemt for pay and supplies now sent by Mr. Hobby of Provisions and Clothing, the Convention haveing agreed to continue yor selfe [and] Souldiers there under you in the Kings pay, and past ye some by their vote. Mr. James Cook informing that you did not so clearly understand what was formerly written to you about yor pay, which you may please to understand is agreed to by an unanimous consent of the whole, and that care be taken for ye preservation of that place, and of their Malles Subjects and interests there, which if notwith- standing you do resolve to continue no Longer there, please to give yor Answer therein, that so much may be taken to comit that comand to some other meet person.
By order of the Governor and Council, Isa. ADDINGTON Secry." 1
This called out from Weems, the following apologetic re- sponse :
" Pemaquid, July ye. 23d, 1689.
Gent. Yors. of ye. 12th Instant I recd. And Esteem Well of your Instant Reasonable offers, by which I haue preuailed with my men to stop and Defend this place assuring them their Pay for the time Past and to come. And that by the first occasion you will send them both money and more men as for myselfe I haue more than Ordenary occasion being Constrained to ye Inhabitants for severalls, both for my owne use and the garrisons, as ffireing and Candles, which Cannot be had without Ready money. Your Intimate of my altering my Style and Disarting my Post, for the which I had more Just Cause than some of your Coun- trey officers who Did Desert their Posts to their Great Disgrace and Ruine of the Countrey. I seeing my men wholy Resolved to leave me,
1 Mass. Arch., 107, 227.
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
and being almost without bread, and we not hereing from you in so long time. As for my Proposing of more honor And Advantage it is not Doubtable, wow or Elsewhere. Neither is there any thing that In- duceth me to be confined here, as ye honor I owe to the King and ye Interest of his People, what Else I haue to add I haue Communicated in a line to the Treasurer. And Subscribe myselfe Gent Yor Assurd Servan. JAMES WEEMS.
[In margin] Gent. I Expect yor Speedy Supply of about 10 or twelve men to be in the garrison for we are but weake at Present. Sry it is very hard that the Poor man that brought you ye Captives has not been Satisfied for his Paines, as he Informs me."1
The next day after the above was written an apologetic letter from the soldiers of the garrison was addressed to the Massa- chusetts authorities. They seem to have been in very good humor, but they had evidently felt that their honor had also been called in question.
" Pemaquid the 24 [July], 1689.
Honorable Srs The Reson of our unwillingness to Stay heare was wee ware doubtfulle that Care would not be taken of vs as fformerly and the could winter aproching and our duty Exstrordenary hard and wee but a small number of men not able to hould out with our fatick [fatigue] for to wach in the nights and part of the day which wee most doo to be Secure of our lines hauing bouth the ffrench and heathen nere vs but as wee are Commanded by so good a Commander and officers and whose word of honner with your promise of present payment for the time past Sence the confinement of our gouinnor [governor] will now and for the time to come whareby wee doo willingly consent to continew and give our duty full Sarvices till furder orders from England and Exspeekting heare more men and money for the time past by the ffirst oppertunity and so wee shall remain youre moust vmble Saruants according to youre promas." 2
The anxiety of these men in regard to their pay was not without good reason. The officers of government by whom they had been appointed and stationed at this place had been deposed, and others, their opponents, now filled their places
1 Mass. Arch., 107, 277.
2 Muss. Arch., 107; 228. See also Gyles Memorial by Rev. J. A. Vinton for several of these letters of Weems. The author of this work had procured them from the original sources before that book was published.
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
and administered the laws ; - to whom should the soldiers look for their pay? Would or would not the newly appointed au- thorities of Massachusetts acknowledge their claims. This question being answered in the affirmative, they took occasion to express their good feelings and readiness to perform their accustomed duties.
But we shall still better understand the condition of affairs at Pemaquid fort the early part of this Summer (1689), by state- ments of Weems made eleven years afterward, in a letter to a friend, who seems to have had some special interest in the sub- ject. As will be seen, it is dated at Albany, where Weems was- then serving as Captain of a company of infantry.
" Since my last to you I am Informed it would have been Convenient [desirable] for me to be at Boston myselfe in case of any objection should be offered but it is too. Late neither can I Immagine that any such thing may happen if Rightly considered, for my case was thus Singular, and such perhaps as never or seldome hath happened for an officer to be Posted at a fronteer Garrison by his Generall with a sufficient force to defend it, and afterwards have them privately commanded away from him and he left with a hand full Exposed to all danger, the which proceed- ings gave opportunity to some of my men to Leave me as the Rest did Inland, for they apprehended the dangor that followed and became dis- obedient and told me that I was no Longer their commander since their Capt. Gen !. was out of all power and that they were not obliged to stay after the 3 Companies was gone to become a pray for a morsall of Salt- provision on which I was forced to come with capp in hand to them and used Severall arguments to pursuade them to stay all would not do unlesse I would oblidge myselfe to pay them the kings pay over and above their provissions which proposalls I was very Ready to Embrace which I then thought Reasonable and may appear to men of Sence on which they all promised to Stand by me as Indeed they did till their Enemy knocked them down and accordingly I payed them Every day in money or money worth and if Mr. Jackson who was then our doctor be a Live he can de- clare the truth of the matter so that if those Gent of the Committee should demand any other proove or vouchers it is not in my power to produce it the major part of the men being killed on the spott (and some of the Post since in flanders) whom I was with never neither was it Ever Customary in any Regiment Troop or Companie that a Soldier should Every day give a Receit for his pay, when payed Dayly or weekly for I am this day some hundred pounds out upon my Coup' [account] and no mans Receipt to show for it Except officers, this is all I can offer only my most humble
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
Service to those worthy Gent'men and Except ye same your Selfe from, Sir your most humble Sery,
JAMES WEEMS" 1 Albany ye 2 Feby, 1623
More than ten years had passed since the discharge of the Lieutenant and his men, but their accounts were not yet settled ; - what is the explanation. The authorities at Boston had very explicitly assumed the responsibility of supporting Weeins and his men, and given them the fullest assurance of receiving " the king's pay ;" that is the same pay in amount as was given in the regular service. Why was there this delay of ten years and more ? We shall have occasion to return to this subject again hereafter.
The extremely perilous condition of all the eastern English settlements, at this juncture, was not unknown to the govern- ment and people of Massachusetts, or the people of the settle- ments ; but they had become so exhausted by the long and bloody Indian wars that they hesitated to rush into another war, or even to provide the full means of defense within their power. The revolution in England, followed by a like revolution in the government of Massachusetts Bay, necessarily, for a time, un- settled all authority in the distant settlements; and if any of them had enemies in their neighborhoods, now was the time for them to strike. The Indians of Maine, though nominally at peace with the English, had lost nothing of their bitterness ; but it is not probable that they would have recognized their present opportunity, had they not been advised by their pretend- ed friends, the French. The latter were in full possession of Acadia, Biguyduce, their extreme western settlement on the coast being at the mouth of the Penobscot, though as we have seen they claimed the territory as far west as the Kennebec.
Here the authority of Castine was supreme, both with the In- dians and the French ; and associated with him, or at least living near and ready to give advice, was M. Thury, a Roman Catho- lic priest, who had charge of an Indian mission. Charlevoix" says of him, that he was a good worker, and a man of some ability.
'1 Mass. Arch., 70, 503.
2 Hist. N. F., II, 415. " Un Ecclesiastique, nommé M. Thury, bon Ouvrier, et Homme de tête, gouvernoit une assez nombreuse Mission."
22
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
The French and English being at peace, at this time, neither Castine nor Thury dared to show his hand openly, but both were secretly urging on the Indians to deeds of violence and blood. In other parts of the state, the Indians, though somewhat under restraint, were occasionally committing their bloody depreda- tions ; and the preceding year occurred the disastrous fight at North Yarmouth, and the destruction of the fort and settlement on the Sheepscott. This year (1689), June 7th, occurred the destruction of Major Waldron's prosperous settlement at Dover, N. H., by some 400 Indians, and the outrage was soon followed by others similar, but not so disastrous in other places.
As Biguyduce (Castine) was the extreme western settlement of the French on the coast, so was Pemaquid thie extreme east- ern settlement of the English. The fort at the latter place was in fact only a wooden stockade, but was well constructed and. mounted with seven1 cannons which had been brought from Falmouth when Weems took command. Charlevoix says of it that it greatly incommoded all the neighboring Indian tribes, who had now openly declared for the French, and caused no little inquietude to the governor of Acadia, who greatly feared the intrigues of the English to withdraw these savages from their alliance with his own people.
Considering the very exposed position of Weems and his handful of men at this frontier post, and the murderous out- rages of the Indians on other neighboring settlements, clearly indicating that Pemaquid could not long expect to escape an attack, it seems strange that the Massachusetts authorities did not either send on reinforcements and supplies, or else altogether withdraw the force from the place ; but they probably considered the garrison sufficiently strong to repel any force that would be likely to be broughtagainstit. All were hoping too, that in a very little time, when the governments of England and Massachusetts should be well settled, a favorable change in the aspect of their affairs might be looked for.
The expedition, by which Pemaquid was to be destroyed, was evidently planned at Biguyduce, by Castine and Thury ; but the execution of the project was committed entirely to the Indians. The general plan of operations having been agreed upon, more than usual preparation was made to ensure success. The number of Indians who engaged in the expedition was pro-
1 Charlevoix says 20 cannons ; but probably there was only seven.
.
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
bably more than 100, and perhaps as many as 200, though Charlevoix says there were only 100. To secure the aid of the God of battles they, as good Christians, before starting, all cou- fessed, and many partook of the sacrament; they also made arrangements with the priest for their wives and children to continue the same devotions during the whole time they should be absent, fighting against the heretics. All this, says the French historian, was done with so much piety, as to assure the missionary [Thury] of the success of the enterprise. They even established in the chapel a perpetual rosary, so that the service so edifying should be continued during the whole time the expedition might be absent, without interruption even dur- ing the hours usually allowed for sleep.
All things being in readiness, they sent forward three canoes to see that the way was clear, with orders to join the main body at the place where they were to land, two leagues from the fort ; the other canoes followed keeping near the shore. This seems to indicate that the place of landing was Round Pond, and not New Harbor, as has generally been supposed. Having landed, they marched in a body towards the settlement with the utmost caution to avoid giving alarm. On their march, according to Charlevoix, they made three prisoners, from whom they learned that there were in the fort and village about 100 men, who were scattered about at their work and entirely unsuspicions of danger. 1
Mather's account says, " on Aug. 2d one Starky going early in the morning from the fort at Pemaquid unto New Harbor, fell into the hands of the Indians, who to obtain his own liberty in- formed them that the fort had at that instant but few men in it, and that one Mr. Giles with fourteen men, was gone up to his farm, and the rest scattered abroad about their occasions. The Indians hereupon divided their little army ; part going up to the falls, killed Mr. Giles and others; part, upon the advantage of the tide, snapt the rest before they could recover the fort."2
No attack by the Indians upon a civilized settlement was ever better planned than this, or more completely carried out.
The party seut to the fort, when the attack began, took their
1 Hist. N. F., 11, 415, 416.
2 Mag, 11, 512. The reader will notice further on that the name of Starky does not appear in the list of his men given by Weems, for whom he drew pay, but it is found among those who, May 11th, petitioned for the continuance of Weems in his command.
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
position between the fort and the village so as to prevent any communication between them, and to cut off the men as they came in from the fields ; while the party sent to the falls took care to intercept any that might attempt to escape in the direc- tion of the fort. Besides this the attack seems to have been made at the time of low water, when the boats in which the men had gone up from the fort could not be made available. All the arrangements had been made with such profound secrecy that the surprise of the English was complete ; until the moment the attack began, the English had no suspicion of their presence. The fight began by a furious rush of the Indians upon the fort and village ; and the report of the guns there seems to have been the signal for the other parties at distance to perform the parts assigned them. A very few of the inhabitants were so fortunate as to get within the fort ; and, by the terms of capitulation the next day, were allowed to depart with the soldiers to Boston, but nearly all were either killed or taken captive.
According to Charlevoix, immediately after the attack began, the commander of the fort opened fire upon the beseigers with his heavy cannon, but it had no effect to prevent the Indians from taking possession of ten or twelve stone houses, which were situated on a street leading from the village to the fort. They also took shelter behind a large rock, which stood near the fort on the side towards the sea, and in the cellar of a house near by, from both of which places they kept up such a fire of musketry upon the fort, that no one could show his head above the ram- parts. This was continued from the time the fight began, about noon, until night; and when it ceased, on account of the dark- ness, they summoned the commander to surrender the fort into their hands, and received as a reply from some one within that " he was greatly fatigued, and must have some sleep."
During the night a close watch was kept to prevent any one from going in or out of the fort, and at day dawn, the firing on both sides was renewed, but in a little time the fire from the fort ceased and the commander proposed to capitulate it. Terms being agreed upon, the commander soon came out, at the head of fourteen men, these being all that remained of the garrison stationed there. With them came some women and children, all with packs upon their backs. 1
1 Probably the only stone in these houses was that used in the cellar walls, some of which may have been raised a little above the surface of the ground. The
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
The terms of surrender were that the men of the garrison, and the few people of the village who had been so fortunate as to get into the fort, with three English captives who had pre- viously escaped from the Indians, but were now in the fort. They were also to be allowed to take of their effects whatever they could carry in their hands, and to depart in a sloop taken by the Indians the day before, from Capt. Padeshall, who was killed as he was landing from his boat.
Two others, Capts. Skinner and Farnham, were, in like man- ner, shot down as they were stepping on shore from a boat, re- turning from one of the islands.
CHAPTER XVII.
Lient. Weems and his men allowed to leave according to the terms of capitula- tion -- Too hasty surrender of the fort - Relation of Grace Higiman - Weems and his men kindly received in Boston - Roll of the men in the fort when at- tacked - Weems petitions the British government to enforce on Massachusetts payment of his claim - Answer of the agents of Massachusetts - Order of the British government on the petition - Thomas Gyles and family - Projects discussed in Canada for the expulsion of the English from New England and New York -Gov. Phips's expedition to Port Royal.
In accordance with the terms of capitulation Weems and his men, with a few others who were with him in the fort, were per- mitted to depart for Boston ; but all the people of the place, men, women and children, who were not in the fort, and had not been killed in the fight, were compelled to leave with the Indians for
rock that afforded them shelter was the large granite boulder forming now a con- spicious mark of the place of the old fort. When the stone fort was subsequently erected there by Phips in 1692, this rock was included within the part of the wall called "the greater flanker." The French officer, M. de la Mothe-Cadillac (same as De la Motte) to the French government, a little time after the construction of the new fort, mentions these facts. (Maine Hist. Coll., IV, 282 ; Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., IX, 530, 577.) He says that when the fort was taken by the Indians " they put eighty men to death, but gave quarter to the governor and six of the people, at the request of Madockawando." He is evidently mistaken both as to the number that were killed, and the number that were spared.
The street leading from the village to the fort, on which the houses were situated, was evidently the same as that in which the remains of ancient pare- ments are now found, running northeasterly from the site of the old fort nearly to the present cemetery inclosure.
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
the Penobscot river, where little was expected but hardship and suffering, scarcely less to be dreaded than death itself. They made the passage, some in birch canoes, and the rest in two cap- tured sloops. The whole number of captives thus taken away was about fifty ; but how many were killed we have no means of knowing.
Mather, in his account of the fight, accuses the Indians of having violated the terms of capitulation, and butchered some in cold blood ; but as no such charge was made by those on the spot, who saw the whole transaction, it must be considered im- probable. Charlevoix expressly affirms that after the surrender the Indians allowed those within the fort to depart without being molested, and contented themselves by saying that "if they (the English) were wise they would not return again to the place, as the Abenaquises had had too much experience of their perfidy to allow them to remain in peace ; that they were masters of the country, and would never suffer to live there a people so inquiet as they, and who gave them (the Indians) 80 much trouble in the exercise of their religion," In one of the cellars he says, they found a hogshead of brandy; but they carried their heroic self denial so far that they destroyed it without even tasting it !
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