USA > Maine > Lincoln County > Bremen > A history of the towns of Bristol and Bremen in the state of Maine : including the Pemaquid Settlement > Part 14
USA > Maine > Lincoln County > Bristol > A history of the towns of Bristol and Bremen in the state of Maine : including the Pemaquid Settlement > Part 14
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On the second day, as Major W. with several men went on
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shore, his suspicious eye being on the watch, he discovered a lance partly concealed under a board, and he immediately seized it charging his opponents with treachery, and an intention to fall upon them as soon as the goods were delivered. One of the Indians took hold of the weapon, with the intention of wrenching it from Waldron's hand, as he believed; but he bade them all to stand off at their peril ! He then waved his cap over his head, as a signal for the soldiers to come ashore to his aid ; and it was plain that a murderous fight was about to take place. "A squaw seized a bundle of guns 1 that lay partly concealed near by, and ran with them into the woods. Confusion and conster- nation prevailed. As soon as the soldiers landed Capt. Frost seized hold of Megunaway, a noted leader in several of the late ontrages upon the English plantations, and with the aid of others put him on board of one of the vessels. A charge was now made upon the natives, who fled in every direction, some to the woods, but others to their canoes. One canoe with five Indians was sunk, after leaving the shore, all being drowned. Besides these, it was found that several others were killed, and a few were taken prisoners, among whom was a sister of Madock- awando. The whole party of Indians was about twenty-five. As for Megunaway, who was taken a prisoner on board of one of the vessels, he was shot the same day, without even the form of a trial.
The enemy being put to flight so precipitately, of course had no opportunity to carry away his effects, all which fell into the hands of the victors. Among their plunder, thus obtained, was dried beef (venison), to the amount of a thousand pounds! It was a sore punishment to the Indians; " but the chastisement partook of a severity, which the provocation by no means justi- fied ; nor could it be dictated by motives of sound policy." 2
The vessels, on their return west, called at Arowsic, and left a company of 40 men, to garrison the place, under the command of Capt. Silvanus Davis. They killed two Indian stragglers, and took some large guns, some wheat, and other property, that had escaped the flames, and also the body of Capt. Lake, which was found perfectly preserved by the frost.
All the settlements east of Casco were now completely broken
1 It seems by this that the English too had been induced by their suspicions to introduce arms in a secret way, though they had not had occasion to use them. 2 Williamson, Hist. Meine, 1, 517.
---
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up, but the fishermen from Massachusetts and Piscataqua still continued their operations on the coast, though not without danger, as many of them the next season proved to their cost. The suggestion of Mugg to seize upon the vessels of the Eng- lish, was adopted in practice ; and, in course of the summer, some eighteen or twenty fishing schooners, were captured by the Indians, though it is said, they never could learn to navigate one safely.
Another movement of Massachusetts, by which that govern- ment sought to strengthen its jurisdiction over this eastern set- tlement, a kind of civil coup d'état, though not directly affecting the settlements here, requires to be mentioned. This was the purchase by Massachusetts of the Gorges charter of the province of Maine.
This charter, granted by the crown, April 3, 1639, to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, his heirs, and assignees, was by its plain language, to include all the territory lying between the Piscata- qna and Kennebec rivers, and extending to the northward one hun- dred and twenty miles ; but by some means, a decision had been obtained in England, that the Kennebunk, and not the Kennebec, should be considered the eastern boundary of the province.
The province of Maine, therefore, at this time, included only the above well defined territory. The charter was now in the possession of Ferdinando Gorges, a grandson of Sir Ferdinando, to whom the grant was first made.
The Gorges - father, son and grandson -- had long and carnestly contended for their rights under the charter, but at great cost, and with not a little vexation. Charles II, through his agents, had begun a negotiation with Gorges for the purchase of the char- ter; but money was not plenty with Charles just then, and the negotiation had been for some time suspended. It wasa favorable opportunity for Massachusetts to step in, and make the purchase while the kings' agents delayed. This she did, having appointed for her agent, John Usher, a well known merchant of Boston, then in London, on business of his own. The price paid was £1250 or about $6000. The business was transacted so privately, that Charles only heard of the sale about a year after it was effected; and it is not strange that his indignation should be greatly excited. He rather hastily determined to institute pro- ceedings to oust Massachusetts from her possession of the terri-
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tory, but failed to prosecute the action, and Massachusetts remained in peaceful possession.
Gorges was a loyal subject, and would gladly have obliged his sovereign ; but he acted wisely in accepting the coin ten- dered by the almost rebellious colony.1
The reader will observe that nothing is said of Abraham Shurte, after the giving of his deposition in 1662; and it is pro- bable that, as he was then 80 years old, he did not much longer survive. Williamson in one place speaks of his death as having occurred in 1680, but in another place he supposes that he died in 1690. Probably he died at Pemaquid, but at what time is unknown.
Of John Earthy, who performed such efficient service at the beginning of the Indian wars, we hear absolutely nothing after the negotiation of the Boston Indian Treaty, in Nov. 1676. His name, as appended to this treaty (see copy in Sullivan's History of Maine, p. 410), is spelled Earthly, but probably it is a misprint. The name is very uncommon, and that fact suggests the question whether some great mistake has not been made in regard to it, so that we fail now to identify it.2
CHAPTER XV.
PEMAQUID UNDER THE DUKE OF YORK.
Sagadahoc neglected by the duke's government - Gov. Lovelace of New York, sends a communication to the inhabitants of Pemaquid - A sloop sent from New York for the relief of the sufferers by the Indian wars -- The jurisdiction of the dukes' government extended over the territory of Sagadahoc, and a fort erected at Pemaquid -- Regulations for the trade and business of the settlement - Anthony Brockholls appointed captain of the fort, who was succeeded by Cæsar Knapten and Francis Sharpe - Petitions to the inhabitants to the Duke's government.
The grant to James, Duke of York, of the territories of New York and Sagadahoc, in 1664, and the subsequent visit of the royal commissioners, as previously detailed, was not followed by any events of importance to the English settlements in this region. Manhattan was soon wrested from the feeble hold of the Dutch, and then first took the name of New York, receiving as its first
' Pec. Mass., V, p. 288. Poole's Wonder Working Providence, Introduction, p. lv. For Gorges's Charter see Sullivan's Hist. Maine, p. 397.
2 Hist. and Gen. Register, XXV, p. 131.
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English governor, Col. Richard Nicolls, one of the royal com. missioners just alluded to.
From that time New York became a British province, and was ruled at first by governors appointed by the Duke of York, but afterwards by the crown.
But, excepting what was done by the royal commissioners in 1665, as already described, the duke seems to have utterly neg- lected his territory of Sagadahoc, for quite a number of years. No communications, so far as we know, passed between him and the people of the province, who were left to take care of them- selves, as they might be able. At length the long silence was broken by Lovelace, then governor of New York, by sending the following letter " to ye inhabitants of Pemaquid."
" Gents, It might seem strange to you that in soe long distance of time those parts under his Royal Highness Patronage and Protection, of which you are Members and Inhabitants have not been assumed in any particular care and Goverment, as Substitute to his Royal Highness, by whose Grace and Indulgence I am (under him), appointed Governor of all his Terri- toryes in America ; And truly I migth justly have fallen under yor Cen. sure of Remissness, were not I allwayes in Expectacon that Affayers would have been perfected by my worthy Predecessor Coll : Nicholls, to whom the sole managery of that Busyness was committed ; neither could I ever doubt of the perfecting of it, had it not been interrupted by an Active and furious warr, in wch Expedition hee most sadly, (yet as bravely) laid down his Life at his Masters fleet ; 1 All expectations from him being now wholly extinct, It is a Duty incumbent on mee to erect a superstruction on that ffoundation, which hee in his Lifetime worthily arrived at ; To which end I shall desire you, flirst to give mee a true state of yor Affayres, as they now stand ; next that you would transmitt to me a modell of such a Goverment as shall bee most conducing to the Happyness of that Colony, both to its safety, Traffick, and Increase of Inhabitants, promising upon the reception of that Scheme, not only to Invest you with ample power to Exercise yor Authority both to Eclesiastick as Civill Affayres, but will bee ready on all Occasions to bee assisting to you in the Preservation of all yor Rights and Interest against any sinister obstructions ; Thus desiring to heare from you by the first Opportunity, I heartily recommend you to the Allmighty's Protection, and remain
Yor very Affectionate ffriend, Fran : Lovelace 2
Fort James on ye Island Manhatans in N. Yorke, ffeb. 16th 1673.
' Coll. Nicolls, still in the service of the Duke of York, was killed in a naval en- gagement with the Dutch only a few months before the date of this letter.
* _ Me. Ilist. Coll., v, p. 6.
18
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
A copy of this letter is preserved in the state archives in Albany, but whether the original ever reached " ye inhabitants of Pemaquid" cannot now be known. If the letter was actually sent to Pemaquid, being addressed to the people generally, and not to any particular officer or person, probably no specific reply or direct result was expected ; but it served the purpose of a notice to the parties, that, notwithstanding the present neglect, the duke's claim was still to be maintained.
It is true the letter very kindly suggests to the people, that the governor would be pleased to confer with them as to the form of government that would be agreeable to them, and in fact breathes a very liberal spirit ; but considering the circumstances of the people, at the time, nothing more could have been ex- pected by intelligent meu, from such a proclamation, than to make a favorable exhibition of the duke's government before the people.
In fact, it would have been excellent policy at this time, for the duke's government to use all possible means to conciliate the people, in this part of his dominions. We have seen how steadily all the eastern settlements, for years before this, gravi- tated towards Massachusetts, and the reason is perfectly plain ; Massachusetts was so wise as to make it for their interest to do so. Very many of the people of the Piscataqua settlement, and of the provinces of Maine and Lygonia, who where at first not a little prejudiced against the government of Massachusetts Bay, afterwards, gradually changed their views, and were ready, on invitation, to unite their destinies, for good or evil, with those of their western neighbors. Had the duke's government ma- naged its affairs as wisely, as did the government of Massa- chusetts, very probably, a different and more favorable result would have been obtained.
Since the Duke of York had accepted the proprietory go- vernment of the territory of Sagadahoc, nearly nine years had elapsed, at the date of this letter, but this, so far as we can learn, was the first act of his representatives, in this country, acknow- ledging any claim of the people upon his fostering care and pro- tection. First. Nicolls, and then Lovelace came over to New York, as governors under the duke, but the territory of Saga- dahoc was too insignificant to receive their attention. Sir Ed- mond Andros succeeded Lovelace, as ducal governor, in 1674; but hiscourse, in regard to these eastern possessions of the duke,
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
was the same as that of his predecessors. Even the extremely perilous condition of the defenseless inhabitants, at the begin- ning of the Indian war in 1675, called forth no effort for their protection ; but at length, after the destruction of the settle- ments, the following action was taken :
" At a Councell Sept. 8, 1676,
Present the governor,
Capt. Brockhols, the Secretary, Capt. Dyre."
" Resolved to send a sloope to Piscataway, Salem and Boston, to invite an.I bring as many of the Inhabitants particularly fisherman, as will come driven from the Dukes Territoryes, and parts Eastward, and to supply them with Land in any part of the Government they shall chuse."1
This was, of course, at the governor's residence in New York.
The sloop was actually sent, as here indicated, but the peo- ple of Massachusetts did not favor the project ; and she returned without success. The General Court of Massachusetts began its session in Boston, Oct. 11th, following, and the very next day took occasion to denounce the project of the governor of New York, considering it a mean attempt to take away from them a portion of their population, whom they could not afford to lose. They also determined to protect the eastern settlements against both the French and the Indians, and made provision for sending at once, a force of one hundred and fifty men to the eastward, for this purpose.2
Governor Andros was a Roman Catholic, as was also his mas- ter, the Duke of York, at least at heart; and, very naturally, all their movements were watched by the Puritan colonists with suspicion and distrust. This feeling was constantly showing itself on the most unimportant occasions. We have seen, that, immediately after the destruction of Pemaquid and the neigh- boring settlements, the Indians captured many fishing vessels, then called ketches, some of which they retained, though unable to navigate them. Some of those first captured soon came into the custody of Andros, and petitions were presented to him for their restoration to their former owners; and it is pleasant to
1 Maine Hist. Coll., v. p. 9, 10. Information of the Indian depredations at Pem- aquid and vicinity was received in New York, by a letter " from Mr. Abraham Corbetts who lived to the eastward, on the duke's patent."
2 Rec. Masa., v, p. 123.
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
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know that this was done, only, sufficient bonds were required for the payment of any salvage that might be found due. Among others who presented petitions of this kind, was Mr. Wm. Bow- ditch, merchant of Salem, Mass., who had the satisfaction to receive his property ; and at the same time he was informed, that others who had lost ketches, might probably have received them sooner, " but for severall Reports coming, that some of these owners have said, they had rather the Indyans had kept their Ketches, than that they should come into the hands of the New Yorke government." 1 This was in January, 1677 ; but more than a year afterwards, Mr. Bowditch recovered, in the same way, some fishing schooners which had been captured, but which he had purchased of the former owners,
The fact that several of the ketches had fallen into the hands of the New York government, so soon after the Indian war be- gun in those parts, indicates that Andros's emisaries or agents, were already prowling about here; but it was not until June 9, 1677, that the governor and council in New York, determined formally " to send and take Possession and assert the Duke's Interest at Pemaquid, and parts adjacent Eastward, according to his Roy" H& Pattent." When this was determined on, to their credit it must be said, they agreed if they made "Peace with the Indyans then the Massachusetts to bee comprised if they Please." 2
The thing being resolved on, no time was lost, and only four days afterward, June 13th, four good sloops, loaded with lum- ber and other material for " a strong framed Redoutt" were dis- patched "to take possession and settle in his Roy" Highnesse right at Pemaquid, and defend and secure the ffishery giving notice thereof to the Massachusetts, and our other neighbours." The expedition was commanded by Lieut. Anthony Brockles,3 ensign Cæsar Knapton, and Mr. M. Nicolls; and very full in- structions were given to them, as to the course they were to pursue.4
They were to make their way eastward as speedily as possi- ble, and " having made choice of the most convenient place upon Pemaquid, for shipping, Defence and good fresh water, if itt may
1 Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 12.
2 Maine Hist. Coil., v, p. 15.
3 Brockholls, Brockholes, Brockles.
4 See these in full, Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., III, 248.
1
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
bee about halfe, and not exceeding musquett shot, from the shoare, convenient to command all thither.". If for any cause they should be unable to land at Pemaquid, they were to make a temporary lodgment " upon Cape Anowagon [Capenawagen] Damarell's Cove, Monhigan or other adjacent islands" within the duke's patent. Having landed and made themselves secure against any foes that might make their appearance, they were to despatch one of the sloops to New York with full accounts of their transactions ; and this theywere prepared to do, as early as July 13th, thus showing a very commendable energy in their work. Aug. 2d, the governor and council were again in con- sultation on the affairs of Pemaquid, having received letters from Brockhols and others there, of the date just given, so it would appear that the sloop sent as express must have had rather a long passage, for the season of the year. 1
The fortifications erected at this time consisted of " a wooden Redoutt wth two guns aloft and an outworke with two Bas- tions in each of web two greatt guns, and one att ye Gate ; fifty souldiers wth sufficient ammunicon, stores of warre, and spare arms, victualled for about eight months, and his Roy" High- nesse sloope wth four gunns to attend yo Coast and flishery." 2 This wooden fort or redoubt occupied very nearly the same site as those erected subsequently, but was situated a little farther to the east, as will hereafter appear.
Capt. Anthony Brockhols and Ensign Cæsar Knapton were put in command of the fort and settlement, with a company of fifty soldiers. They called the place Jamestown, in honor of the king, James II. The fort they named Fort Charles.
The duke's government being established, orders were at once given for the regulation of trade and affairs generally, some of which, at this day, appear unnecessarily stringent.
They were not to form any treaty with other parties, or even enter into any negotiation for such a purpose, but to refer every thing of the kind to the governor at New York.
All questions of disagreement between the inhabitants and fishermen to be referred to a justice of the peace, an appeal being allowed in important cases to the governor at New York.
1 Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 16.
2 Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., III, p. 256, 265. The learned editor of these N. Y. Documents in his note on page 256, is evidently mistaken in supposing the fort then described was erected on the Sheepscott river. It evidently was the same fort as is referred to on pages 248-257 of the same volume. See also Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 5.
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" The trading place to be at Pemaquid and no where else."
" All Entryes to bee made at New Yorke and no Coasters or Interlo- pers allowed, but if any found to be made prise."
"Liberty of Stages upon the fishing Islands but not upon the Maine, except at Pemaquid near the ffort."
" The Indyans not to goe to ye ffishing Islands."
" No rum to bee dranke on that side the ffort stands."
"No man to trust any Indyans."
Traders from New York were allowed to establish houses in the place, but only near the fort, and on a street of good breadth, leading " directly from the Fort to the narrowest part of the neck or point of land the Fort stands upon, going to the great neck towards New Harbour."
" All trade to be in the said Street, in or afore the houses, between sun and sun, for which the drum to beate, or bell ring every morning and evening, and neither Indyan nor Christian suffered to drinke any strong drinke, nor lye ashore in the night, &c."
" No Indyans nor Christians to be Admitted att any time within the Fort except some few upon occasion of businesse below, but none to goe up into the Redout, &c."
" Fishermen giving notice to the Fort, to have all Liberty of taking their fish on the fishing Islands, or neare and under the protection of the Fort."
" If Occasion one or more Constables to be appointed for the fishing Islands, and Indyans to have equall Justice and Dispatch." 1
" Fishermen to come to Pemaquid yearly to renew their Engagen's and not to splitt or fling out their Gurry on the fishing ground, or to trade with the Indyans to the prejudice of the fishery and hazard of these parts."
" Land to bee given out indifferently to those that shall come and set- tle, but no trade to bee at any other place than Pemaquid, and none at all with the Indyans as formerly ordered."
" It shall not be Lawful for any Vessels Crew that belongeth not to the Government to make a voyage in the Government, except he hath an house or stage within the Government on penalty of forfeiture of paying for makeing his voyage."
" It shall not be lawful for fishermen to keep any more dogges than one to a family on such penalty and forfeiture as shall be thought fitt by you [Capt. of the Fort]."
" No coasting vessels shall trade on the Coast as Bumboats tradeing from Harbor to Harbor, but as shall supply the Generall account for one boate or more, neither shall it be careful for him to trade in any other
1 Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 18, 20, 21, 22.
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Harbor, but where the boat or boats are, neither, shall it be lawful for him to trade with any other crew for liquors or wine, Rumm, Beer, Sider, &c., on such penalty as you [Capt. of Fort] think fitting."
" All vessels out of any Government if they come to trade or fish shall first enter at Pemaquid, or the places appointed, and they shall not go in any other Harbor except by stress of weather. i
"No stragling farmes shall be erected, nor no houses built any where under the number of twenty." 2
These extracts from orders issued at different times for the government of the place sufficiently indicate the general charac- ter of the whole. They were only military orders, but in the existing circumstances, had the force of law over the duke's ter- ritory of Sagadahoc, which was claimed to include the whole coast from the Kennebec to the St. Croix. The duke's govern- ment determined to secure to themselves an absolute monopoly of the business of the place, without regard to the interests of the settlers; but they meant also to punish the other New England colonies, especially Massachusetts, by excluding them from the trade with the Indians, or taking fish on the coast ex- cept by payment of tribute at the Pemaquid custom house.
The Indians, overawed by this show of military strength and determined purpose of the English, soon made their submission ; and with some reluctance, according to Governor Andros's ac- count, agreed to include Massachusetts in the treaty of peace to be formed, and to give up all captives in their hands, and also to restore any ketches that might still be in their possession. As a result of the treaty, thirty-five 3 captives were soon brought in, and in due time restored to their friends. Most of the ketches before referred to were brought in by the Indians at this time.i
These stringent regulations of trade and business on the coast did not long remain a dead letter ; Mr. John Alden of Boston, had sent his ketch on a trading excursion to the east; and un- fortunately she was seized in the St. Georges river, and with her cargo taken to Pemaquid, in custody of the duke's officers. The case was taken to New York, where Mr. Alden appeared in person before the governor and council, June 12, 1678, pleading for a restoration of his property. Whether or not the ketch
1 Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 35, 36, 37, 75. 2 Doc. Col. ITist. N. Y., ILI, p. 256, 265.
3 One account says near forty. Hubbard says fifty.
4 Hlub. Ind. Wars, Drake's ed., p. 238. Rec. Muss., v, 162.
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was condemned finally is not known, but she was now given up to the claimant upon his giving security for the payment of £120, (the estimated value of ketch and cargo), in case a decree of con- demnation should be rendered.
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