USA > Maine > Lincoln County > Bremen > A history of the towns of Bristol and Bremen in the state of Maine : including the Pemaquid Settlement > Part 16
USA > Maine > Lincoln County > Bristol > A history of the towns of Bristol and Bremen in the state of Maine : including the Pemaquid Settlement > Part 16
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Copies of several grants of land are given in the fifth volume of the collections of the Maine Historical Society, which has so often been referred to. They are nearly all in favor of gentlemen said to be of New York city, and give no metes or bounds. One of
1 Hutch. Coll., p. 563.
2 Hist. Maine, p. 162.
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them gives " Liberty and Lycence" to John Spragge" 1 " of this Citty of New Yorke " to take up and Enjoy. a Certaine Island called and Knowne by the name of Summersett Island [Loud's Island] and the small Island thereunto adjacent [Marsh Island].
To " James Graham of the city of New Yorke Merchant" a grant was made of one thousand acres of land at Pemaquid in the county of Cornwall, " provided that not above one hundred acres of the said land be fronting on the ea or water side, also provided the same be not appropriated or legally disposed of to any others." This Graham was for a time associated with Palmer and West in the management of affairs at Pemaquid- and, subsequently, was appointed attorney general of Massachu, setts under Andros, and resided in Boston.
John West, at the same time, received a grant of Arowsic Island, in the Kennebec, or rather all of it except a small tract at the south end, which had previously been granted by Andros to " Mr. Lawrence Dennis and others," " and called New Towne.'
Thus were the government agents well provided for, whatever might be said of the poor settlers.
Palmer and West appear to have spent the Summer of 1686 at Pemaquid and vicinity, where they, as we have seen, succeeded in making themselves sufficiently odious. They had exercised the almost unlimited powers entrusted to them in the most arbitrary manner; but it is not to be forgotten, that the people collected here at this time, were not the most orderly or intelli- gent. Mention is made several times, in the records, of the governor and council in New York, of information received there, of " disorders and confusion amongst the Inhabitants of Pema- quid." 2 Considering the position of the place so completely isolated on the very borders of civilzation, and the fact that the present population had but recently come together, some from New York, brought there by the agents of the government, such as they could readily gather together from the streets and wharfs of the city, and the rest, returned old residents, who, since the destruction of the place, had been wandering from place to place, it is not strange, perhaps, that they did not sustain an elevated moral character.
1 This Gentleman was long a member of the Governor's Council in New York, and at one time secretary.
2 Maine Hist. Col., v, p. 107, 111.
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We have no means of knowing what proportion of the former inhabitants returned, after the war, to become citizens under the duke's government.
Palmer and West, in their greed for money, sometimes did not hesitate to resort to doubtful means to accomplish their purpose. During their stay at Pemaquid, a report came that a - ship from Piscataqua, was landing some wine at Penobscott without having first entered it at the custom house, in Pema- quid ; they therefore dispatched a sufficient force to seize the wine and bring it to Pemaquid. This was within the letter of their instructions, which authorized them to assert the duke's au- thority and claim all the land as far east as the river St. Croix ; but the French were in possession of the place when the wine was landed, and both they and the people of Massachusetts took serious offence. The government of Massachusetts issued a circular warning the fishermen on the coast, and also the peo- ple of Maine and New Hampshire, to avoid the harbors on the castern coasts, lest they should be seized, and held to answer for crimes not their own. After some time the English govern- ment, at the request of the French minister at that court, ordered a restoration of the property.1
Nicholas Manning was appointed "Sub-Collectors Surveyor
1 Hutch. Coll., 547. Was there a second case of this kind ? Or does the follow ing extract have reference to the same transaction. It is from a work, not often met with in American libraries, entitled " Memoires des Commissaires du Roi et de Ceux de sa Majesté Britannique, sur les Possessions et les Droits Respectifs des Deux Couronnes en Amérique, avec les Artes publics et Pièces justificatives. 4 tomes, Paris, 1755-7.
Tome II, p. 32S. Les soussignés, Ambassadeurs et Envoyés extraordinaires de France, etc. etc. représent à Votre Majesté, que le nommé Phillippe Syuret, maitre d'un vaisseau, nommé La Jeaune, étant parti de Malgue pour la Nouvelle France, chargé de marchandises pour le compt des Sieurs Nelson, Watkins et consorts, et les ayant délivrés, suivant ses connaissances, au Sieur Vincent de Castène, mar- chand établi à Pentagoet, situé dans la province de l'Acadie, le Juge de Peniquide, qui est sous l'obéissance de Votre Majesté, fit équiper une vaisseau qu'il envoya à Pentagoet, d'où il enleva les dites marchandises comme étant de contrabando et pretendant que Pentagoet appartient à Votre Majesté, mit en arrêt le vaisseau du dit Syuret, et refuse encore présentement de la restituer. * * *
Les dites soussignés, Ambassadeurs et Envoyés, espèrent de la justice de Votre Majesté, qu'après avoir pris connaissance de tous ces faits, elle desavonera le procede du Juge de Péniquide, défendra qu'il se conimitte de pareilles contraven- tions à l'avenir, et ordonnera que toutes les marchandises du dit Syuret lui seront restituées, on le juste valeur ; que son vaisseau lui sera rendue incessament, et qu'il sera dedomage de tous les frais que cette interruption dans son commerce lui a causés, 1687. BAJHELLON & BONREPANS."
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and Searcher of his Maties Customes and Excise" for the county of Cornwall, Sep. 7, 1686; and it is more than probable that he ought to share largely in the odium of these transactions. He had, two years before, been appointed Captain of a " Foot Company" at Pemaquid ; and conducted himself in such a man- ner as to call out a petition from the people to the authorities at New York for his removal. The little regard the authorities had for the wishes of the people is seen in the fact that he now received the appointment just mentioned, and also a commis- sion as justice of the peace. It is not known at what time he came to Pemaquid ; but in 1680 he was living at Salem, Mass., where he was accused by female servants in his family of crimes too indecent to be mentioned.1 His character seems to have been in every way despicable.
The commerce of the place at this time was becoming of some importance, and merchant vessels were constantly passing between Pemaquid and the other colonies, and especially New York.
CHAPTER XVI.
James Duke of York becomes King of England, as James II, and New York and Sagadahoc, in consequence, become Royal Provinces - The Sagadahoc territory, including Pemaquid, detached from New York and transferred to Massachusetts - Increased burdens of the people under their new rulers - Baron de St. Castine, becomes a resident at Biguyduce and marries a daughter of Madockawando- Gov. Andros makes an excursion to Biguyduce, with a small military force, and pillages the house of Castine - Returns to Pemaquid and proceeds to Boston - His efforts to conciliate the Indians unsuccessful - Dis- gusted, because they pay no respect to his proclamation, he resolves on a coer- cive policy, and with a military force marches to the eastward to chastise the disobedient natives - At Pemaquid he hears of the Revolution in England and hastily returns to Boston - Lieut. James Weems, commander of the Pemaquid fort, remains at his rost, with a few men, and reports to the authorities at Boston - Capture and destruction of the fort and settlement at Pemaquid by the Indians.
The connection of the Sagadahoc territory with the govern- ment of New York was attended with many inconveniences, 1 Mass. Arch., vol. 8, p. 8.
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both to the officers of government at New York and to the people of the distant territory, and was not likely to be con- tinued longer than the extraneous reasons existed, for which the unnatural connection was first made.
The duke of York, by the death of his brother Charles II, in 1685, became king of great Britain, as James II, and the ducal province of New York and Sagadahoe became in con- sequence a royal province, and of course, attached to the crown.
The condition of the people of Massachusetts had also greatly changed within a few years, as their charter by a writ of quo warranto had been taken from them ; and the government of the colony became dependant directly upon the crown, pre- cisely às in New York, of which mention has just been made. As a natural consequence of this, the home government and its faithful adherants began to manifest Jess jealousy of Massa- chusetts than formerly ; and a suggestion of governor. Dongan " to draw off the men and arms" from Pemaquid "with the guns," and "to annex that place to Boston," was received with favor .! Accordingly, Sep. 19th, 1686, by a royal order the " ffort and Country of Pemaquid in Regard of its distance from New Yorke" was detached from New York and placed under Sir Edmond Andross, " Captaine generall and governourin chiefe of the territory and dominion of New England."
This " territory and dominion of New England" consisted of Massachusetts Bay, New Plymouth, New Hampshire, Maine, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, and to these, the territories of New York and East and West Jersey were subsequently added. The jurisdiction of Gov. Andros, therefore, extended over all the English settlements north of Pennsylvania.
Gov. Dongan being thus superseded by Andros, quietly re- linquished the government of New York ; but the people there felt not a little degraded, in being made an appendage to another government not greatly respected by them. The au- thorities of New York were also very reluctant to yield their hold upon Pemaquid ; and as late as March 28, 1688, at a " Coun- cil Held at ffort James," N. Y., they ordered a remonstrance to be drawn up against the proposed measure.2 But it was of no avail; and the transfer was made, as just stated, and the great
' Doc. Coll. Hist. N. Y., III, p. 391.
Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 132.
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guns of the fort were removed first to Boston, and then, in the spring of 1691, to New York.1
Andros, thus entrusted with the government of so large a territory now, 1686, entered upon the discharge of his duties with vigor ; but by the people of all New England, he was watched with a jealous eye. And events soon proved that their fears were not without foundation, as is fully recorded in his subsequent history.
The people of Pemaquid and vicinity felt severely the in- creased burdens imposed upon them. Edward Randolph, who accompanied Gov. Andros to the place, in the spring of 1688, speaks thus of them.
" The poor have been very much oppressed here, the forte run all to ruin, and wants a great deale to repair it ; the Governor has ordered it to be well re- paired; it stands very well to command a very good bay and harbour aboutit, and will in time be a good place, being the only good porte for all vessels eastward to ride well and secure by the forte from danger. Capt. Palmer, and Mr. West laid out for themselves such large lotts, and Mr. Graham, though not there, had a child's portion. I think some have 8 or 10,000 acres ; I hear not of one penny rent comeing to the King from those who have their grants confirmed at Yorke, and this 5s. an hundred acres was only a sham upon the people."
" The addition of New York to this government does very much inlarge our bounds and may be of great service to the crowne, but they have been Equeesed dry by Collnoll Dongan and his agents, West and Graham, that there is little good to be done. *
* It was well done of Palmer and West to tear all in pieces that was settled and granted at Pemmequid, by Sir Edmond, that was the scene when they placed and displaced at pleas- ure, and were as arbitrary as the great Turke ; some of the first settlers of that eastern country were denyed grants of their own lands, whilst these men have given the improved lands amongst themselves." 2
These remarks apply to the oppressions upon the people here during the preceding administration of Gov. Dongan, but we do not learn that any measures were adopted to lighten their burdens by the administration of Andros who succeeded him.
We have seen that Dongan, while Governor, at one time medi- tated a visit to these eastern parts of his dominions, but he never accomplished it. No doubt there was abundant need of such a visitation in Dongan's time, but there was even more
1 Idem., p. 131.
" Hutch. Coll., p. 563, 565.
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need now. Acadia had been ceded to France in 1668, by the treaty of Breda, but an carnest, not to say angry, dispute as to the proper western boundary of this territory had ever since been in progress, between the two governments. On the part of England, it was claimed that the river St. Croix must be con- sidered the true western boundary of this territory, but the French insisted, that Acadia extended farther west, even to the Kennebec, or at least to Pemaquid, and actually were in posses- sion of all the country east of the Penobscot. 1
Soon after the adoption of the treaty of Breda, just alluded to, an enterprising and unscrupulous Frenchman, Baron de St. Castine, had taken his residence at Bagaduce, " a place near the mouth of the Penobscot ; and having married a daughter of the Indian chief, Madockawando, was gradually acquiring great influence among the natives, as well as considerable wealth. As a matter of course, his position there could but create some un- easiness in the minds of the English; but, as the two nations were at peace, though the dispute in regard to the jurisdiction was still in progress, it is not easy to see how the Frenchman could be rightfully disturbed.
Some apprehension of danger from the Dutch, was also felt at this time, as the Dutch fleet had previously made some demon- strations on the coast, and might possibly again seize upon some portion of the disputed territory, between the Penobscot and St. Croix rivers.
Having, therefore, made suitable preparations, early in the spring of 1688, Gov. Andros, with a number of attendants started from Boston on his proposed eastern tour. They went as far as Piscataqua by land ; but here took passage in the Governor's sloop which, with a commodious barge, awaited his arrival. Orders were sent to Col. Mason, a faithful friend, who had been sent some time previously on a tour of inspection among the provincial militia of Maine, to meet him at Casco bay ; and from this place they proceeded leisurely to Pemaquid, visiting some of the settlements on their way and even passing some distance up the Kennebec. As had been previously arranged, the British frigate, Rose, Capt. George, lay at anchor in Pemaquid harbor, and was ready to sail with them for the Penobscot.
The Memorials of the English and French Commissioners concerning the Limits of Nova Scotia or Acadia, vol. I, p. 9.
" Bagaduce, Biguyduce, Majorbiguyduce.
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Arrived at Bignyduce, the frigate anchored in front of Cas- tine's residence, and a lieutenant was sent ashore to acquaint the Frenchman of their presence ; but he, on learning that Gov. Andros was on board, being incapable of successful resistance, and too suspicious of their designs to trust himself in their hands, immediately with his family made his escape to the woods, leav- ing all his effects to the mercy of the unwelcome visitors.
The Governor, with some attendants, then landed, and by some means gained access to the house which they pillaged of whatever they chose, but carefully respected an altar they found in one of the rooms, and other religious emblems.
They had carried with them some boards, nails and other materials, and also workmen, to repair the fort there; but he found that it would require a much greater outlay than had been expected, and the project was therefore abandoned. The expedition, with their booty, returned to Pemaquid, Andros tak- ing care to say to an Indian sachem, neighbor to Castine, that all the goods would be restored to the former owner, if he would make application at Pemaquid, and promise to " come under obedience to the [British] King." 1
Immediately after returning to Pemaquid, Andros sent mes- sengers to several Indian chiefs in the vicinity, inviting them to meet him at Pemaquid, where he treated them with presents and drink, and advised them not to fear the French, or follow them, but to call home their young men and live quietly under the protection of the English.
Andros at the time hoped for good results from his efforts to conciliate the Indians, whatever they may have thought of his treatment of their friend, Castine; but he was doomed to be disappointed. Ever since the peace agreed upon with the In- dians at Pemaquid, in 1677, comparative quiet had prevailed, but causes of discontent were not of unfrequent occurrence, and only the influence of Castine was needed to bring on the war which followed, and which is sometimes called the second In- dian war.
Andros returned to Boston very early in the summer, and proceeded to New York, not returning again to Boston until September. The Indians at the east had begun their depreda- tions upon the settlements, and some preparations were making
1 Hutch. Coll., p. 562.
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1
in Boston, for the contest which it was seen must soon take place; but Andros, still adhering to his conciliatory policy, ut- terly refused his assent to all proposed methods of coercion, and as late as Oct. 20th, even ordered all Indian prisoners to be unconditionally set at liberty. At the same time by a formal proclamation he commanded the Indians, at their peril, to set at liberty all English captives in their hands, by the 11th of November, and to surrender for trial and punishment all who had been concerned in the late outrages.
Considering all the circumstances of the case, the governor in Boston, with but a feeble force at his command, issuing his edicts to the ignorant savages, quite at ease in their native haunts two hundred miles distant from him, with the wily Frenchman, Castine, among them, smarting under a sense of the recent wrongs committed on him by Andros himself, one can hardly read these accounts without a smile of contempt at his weakness. Yet it would probably be wrong to accuse him of any want of sincerity, in pursuing this course. Soon, how- ever, rapidly transpiring events convinced him that mere pro- clamations, even though accompanied by acts of kindness to- wards the savages, in their present temper, would avail absolutely nothing ; and he, therefore, determined to change his policy, and by force compel them to a course of conduct so kindly recom- mended to them in his proclamation. In the language of the old fable, if "grass would not do, he would try what virtue there was in stones."
Without waiting for the full time to elapse (until Nov. 11th), which he had named in his proclamation, for the Indians to make their submission, he hastily began his preparations for sending an expedition eastward; and by the last of November, had collected together a force of about 800 men, most of whom were impressed into the service from the vicinity of Boston, but some were regular soldiers. The command of the expedition was first offered to " Major General Winthrop, one of the Councill," but he declined, and Andros determined to march, himself, at the head of the troops. All considerate men saw the folly of the proposed enterprise, as clearly. as did Winthrop; but the governor was in a rage, and was not to be dissuaded from his purpose.
Late in November the march commenced, the weather being unusually mild; but they were destitute of baggage trains or
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tents, or other comforts, now deemed absolutely essential in such expeditions; and we are not surprised to be told that the men suffered incredibly by cold and fatigue, and that some even died from their exposures. Andros himself partook of the same fare as his soldiers, and freely submitted to the same hardships.
The expedition did not march always together, but parties were occasionally sent in different directions, where the Indians were supposed to be; and some damage was done them in the destruction of their canoes, which were laid by for winter, and the seizure of ammunition and goods, said to have been pre- viously taken from the English; but not one Indian was killed, or taken captive. In one instance a company "of 160 men marched above 120 miles right up into the country, in a deep snow, and burnt two Indian forts," doing also other damage ; but the Indians themselves, forewarned of their approach, made their escape.
The governor and some part of the force marched the whole distance to Pemaquid, but it is believed all did not come here. The number of men lost on the march probably exceeded the whole number of Indians at the time in hostility.1
The fort at Pemaquid was immediately put in good repair, and new ones erected at Sheepscott and Pejepscot [Brunswick] and garrisons stationed at as many as eleven different places between Pemaquid and Piscataqua.
Two companies of 60 men each, and 36 regulars were stationed in the fort at Pemaquid, under the command of Capt. Anthony Brockholes and Lieut. James Weems. 2
Here, or in this immediate vicinity, Andros was early in the" Spring of 1689, when news was received of the abdication of James II, and the probable accession of William and Mary to the throne of England; and he hastened to return to Boston. Leaving Pemaquid March 16th, he arrived in Boston about a week afterwards ; his subsequent deposition from office and imprisonment, April 18th, and return to England at a later period, are familiar to every student of American history.
1 Hutch. Hist., 1., 331 : Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., III., 581.
2 Williamson's Hist. of Maine, 1, 589, says " at Pemaquid, he stationed two com- panies of 60 men each under Col. E. Tyng and Capt. Minot, joinedby 36 regulars, and gave the command of the garrison to Capt. Anthony Brookholt and Lieut. Weems."
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But in the midst of these momentous changes, what was to become of the garrison and settlement of Pemaquid. Randolph, secretary to Gov. Andros, who accompanied him in this eastern expedition, and was imprisoned with him on their return to Boston, says, " as soon as those souldiers had notice of the dis- turbance in Boston, some forsooke, others revolted, and seized upon their officers, and sent them bound prisoners heither; so that all the country, extending above forty leagues upon the sea shore, that was secured in their fishery and sawmills is now de- serted and left to the ravage of the barbarous heathen."1 Noth- ing is said in this connection of Brockholes whom Andros had placed in chief command in the fort, but very probably he "for- sooke" at the same time with his master. We hear of him in New York near the close of the year, but he does not again ap- pear in our history.
The history of the next few months will be best given in the following documents, which, fortunately, have been preserved in the Massachusetts Archives.
Before the summer had fairly arrived, of the 156 men who constituted the garrison at Pemaquid, all had left except about 30 who remained under the command of Lieut. James Weems ; and the following letters which passed between him and the authorities at Boston, during the few months before the cap- ture of the fort by the Indians, August 2d, will well illustrate the condition of things there at the time.
The first letter is dated Pemaquid, May 11, 1689, and is ad- dressed to the authorities in Boston. He says ;
" This Day Arrived a party from New Dartmouth [Newcastle] to take the fort and Seaze us, nott meeting with any Resistance, I being willing to have Rendered itt up before had a positive order binn sent from your hands, or, line from Sr. Edmond Andros [here a part of the document is illegible, but the names of Mr. Gullison and Maj. Brocketts, can be made out] speaks of being " obliged to stay in the fort itt being my Post wch I shall Honorably maintain and Defend agst all Enimis in vindication of the true Protestant Religion, and maintains thereof in the mean time, Expecting to hear from " them" &c. ?
2 Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., III, 581. Randolph wrote May 29th, 1680, " from the Common Gaole in Boston."
Mass. Arch., vol., 107, 33.
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
The men who came down from New Dartmouth [Newcastle] to take possession of the fort were evidently patriotic citizens, who, supposing that the regular garrison had deserted, or be- come entirely demoralized, proposed to hold the place against the Indians and other enemies until the government in Boston should have opportunity to send reinforcements and reestablish their authority ; but, finding affairs in a better condition than they expected, and Weems the commander favorably disposed towards the new condition of public affairs, were content to leave things as they were.
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