USA > Maine > Lincoln County > Bremen > A history of the towns of Bristol and Bremen in the state of Maine : including the Pemaquid Settlement > Part 18
USA > Maine > Lincoln County > Bristol > A history of the towns of Bristol and Bremen in the state of Maine : including the Pemaquid Settlement > Part 18
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That Weems acted hastily in surrendering the fort as he did, without further effort in self defense, is very plain ; but we have reason to believe, the result would have been no less disastrous if the struggle had been prolonged. How many of his men were killed during the fight we may not certainly know ; but he had with him at the beginning just thirty ; and according to Charlevoix, there was only fourteen left besides himself at the time of the surrender. The number of soldiers killed therefore wassixteen ; - but the same author says the English allowed only a loss of seven. He however intimates that the new-made graves inside the walls showed a greater number of burials. Weems himself was badly burned in the face by an accidental explosion of some gun-powder.
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According to Charlevoix, some of the Indians after thoroughly destroying everything about the fort and settlement at Pema- quid, desired to proceed further and drive the English from an island three or four leagues distant, but the greater part were opposed to it. The island referred to very probably was either Monhegan, or one of the Damariscove group, where there may
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
have been a few settlers, or fishermen's huts, of which no record has been preserved.
The following " Relation of Grace Higiman," who was one of the captives taken at the time, is of sufficient importance to re- ceive insertion here.
" Grace Higiman saith That on the second day of August, 1689, the day when Pemaquid was assaulted and taken by ye Indians I was there taken Prisoner and carried away by them, one Eken, a Canada Indian pre- tending to have a right iu me, and to be my master, I apprehend that there were between two and three hundred Indians at that assault (and no French) who continued there for two days, and then carried away myselfe and other Captives (about fifty in number) unto the Fort at Penobscot. I continued there about three years, removing from place to place as the Indians occasionally went, and was very hardly treated by them both in respects of Provisions and clothing, having nothing but a torn blanket to cover me during the winter season, and oftentimes cruelly beaten. After I had been with the Indians three years, they carried me to Quebeck, and sold me for forty crowns unto the French there, who treated me well, gave me my liberty and I had. the King's allowance of Provisions, as also a Room provided for me, and liberty to work for myselfe. I continued there two years and a halfe, During which time of my abode there, several of the Eastern Indians came, viz. Bomaseen, Moxis his son, and Madock- awando's son and divers others, and brought in English Prisoners and Scalps, and received as the French told me for each scalp (being paid by the Intendent) Twenty French Crowns, according to a Declaration which the Governor there had emitted for their encouragem', and the Captives they sold for as much as they could agree with the purchasers. The Indians also had a Reward allowed them for bringing Intelligence from time to time. Soon after the Submission made by the Indians at Pemaquid in 1693, Bomaseen came to Quebeck and brought a paper containing the Substance of the articles of Submission which he showed unto me, and told me that the Governour of Canada said to him, That he should not have made Peace with the English and that he seamed to be much displeased for their having so done, however said they might carry it friendly to the English, till they should meet with a conveniet opportunity to do mischief." 1
Weems and his men, with a few others that were in the fort, on their arrival at Boston, were kindly received by the people, but the hasty surrender of the fort was not approved of; and -
1 Muss. Archices, 8, 36. This affidavit, which, it is believed, has never before been printed, was sworn to in Boston before the Governor and Counsel, May 31st, 1592. A part of it is omitted, as not pertaining directly to our subject.
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
it was probably owing to this fact that a long time elasped before he could procure a settlement of his accounts, and pay- ment of his claims. As we have seen, he was obliged for several months to pay his men daily or weekly in order to secure their services; and his bill against the government was as follows, viz :
" Lieutenant Weems' Accompt of his Pay and Disbursements at the Garrison of Pemaquid, From the 18th day of April 1689 unto the 13th day of august Ensueing being 117 days.
To the Lieut. pay and his servants a 4 pence pr £27-6
Diem,
To ye Gunners pay a 18 de pr day 8 -- 15-6
To ye Sergeants pay a 18 de pr Diem 8 -- 15-6
To ye Corporals pay a 12 de pr day 5-17 ---
To ye Drums pay a 12 de pr day 5-17 --
To the pay of 30 Private men at 6 de pr Diem 7- 0-
87-15 ---
To Cash Paid for fyre and Candles.
To Boat hyre in Several Times to give Intelli- 6- 0
gence to Boston of ye Condition of the Garrison. £ 157 -- 6
JAMES WEEMS" 1
" A List of ye men that was under ye Command of Lieut. James Wemmes when ye Enemy did attack that Garrison at Pemmequid in August 1689.
Rodger Sparkes gunr.
William Jones,
Paul Mijkam Surgt, Mat. Taylor,
Jones Marroday Copl, Fredek Burnet,
Robert Smith Drumer, Robt Baxter,
Ruland Clay,
John Bandles, ?
John Pershon,
Thomas Shaffs,
William Gullington,
John Allen,
Brugan Org, Rodger Heydon,
Richard Dicurows,
Joseph Mason,
Thomas Mapleton, John Ilerdin,
Richd Clifford,
Benj Stanton,
John Boirnes,
Robt Lawrence,
Thomas Barber,
Thomas Baker,
Henry Walton, Orrel James,
Robt Jackson, Ralph Praston.2
Mass. Arch., 70, 500.
2 Mass. Arch., 70, 501. Several of the names are written very obscurely in the original document, and may not have been copied with perfect correctness.
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
These are to Certify that Capt. James Weems hath this day made affirmation before us that the above number of thirty men was actually with him in the Engagement when ye Enemy did assault the Towne and fort of Pemmequid and yt ye said Thirty men was dayly paid yo Kings Pay in Money or Money worth by Said Weems according to his account, now in hands of Mr. Thomas Newtoune at Boston. Given at Albany this first day of June, 1700."
Sworn to before the Mayor and Recorder of Albany.
It is presumed that Weems's claims for services at Pemaquid were now (1700), settled and paid, though no express statement to this effect has been found; but it was not without the most earnest efforts on his part, and the bringing of his case twice before the king and council. Dissatisfaction with his conduct in surrendering the fort so hastily, was probably the first cause of delay; but after his appeal to the home government, the Massachusetts authorities were content to let it take its course.
Weems's first petition to the British government, has not been found, but probably it was forwarded very soon after it became evident that the authorities in Boston were not prepared to give his claims the prompt attention he desired. Of the pre- cise character of the petition we are also ignorant, but we may presume it mainly consisted of a statement of the grounds of his claim, as given by him at a later period, and inserted on a preceding page.
Massachusetts was at the time represented in London by four commissioners, who, on the reception of the petition, were called upon to make answer before the privy council ; this they did in writing as follows :
" To ye Rt. Honble the Lds of their Maties most honble privy Councill.
The Answer of Sr Henry Ashurst Barronet, Increase Mather, Elisha Cooke and Thomas Oakes, gentlemen [so far forth as they are concerned] to ye petion of L' James Weems.
Having received a Copy of ye sd pe'tion and your Lordships Order for the Agents of New England to put in their Respective Answers Doe with all humility lay before your Ldpp's That they are Only Imployed and in- trusted by the Governor, Councill and Representatives of ye Colony of the Massachusetts Baye in New England and for no other part of New England. And the sd Respondents Sr Henry Ashurst and Increase Mather doe humbly represent vato your L'pp's that neither of them was in New England during the Transaction in the petition mentioned and know
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
nothing thereof. And the Other Respondents Elisha Cooke and Thomas Oakes doe most humbly acquaint your Lepp's that they doe not know that ye ffort of Pemaquid was so distressed or taken by reason of such Defect or in such manner as the petition sets forth. And with submission your Lepps doe apprehend that ye governmt of ye sd Colony can make it ap- peare that the petitioner hath not truly represented matters in his petition. And none of the Respondents know that ye 172-06-10d in the petition mentioned, or any part thereof is Due or unpayed to the petitioner. And if any thing appeares to be Due to him They humbly conceive that had Le remained upon the place Or shall make application to ye Governmt; that he might or will there receive satisfaction for his Demands. However these respondents deny that they were or are any waies entrusted or had or have any Authority from or effects of the sd government in their hands or power to pay the petitioner his Demands or any part thereof. But shall by the first opportunity represent to the Government there wt Lt Weems has Represented to your Ldpp's in his petition. And doe not question but they will enable us to returne your Lopp's a very satisfactory Answer. All which is most humbly Said before your Lordships.
March 18, 1699 ELISHA COOKE, HENRY ASHURST, THOMAS OAKES, INCREASE MATHER." 1
What further transpired at this time we are not informed ; but at length, October 22, 1694, an order was transmitted from the privy council to the government of New England for the pay- ment of the claim, but so far as we can learn, nothing was done. But Weems was not to be easily turned aside, and again by peti- tion called the attention of the home government to his claim which remained unsatisfied. This resulted in the issue of the following order; or perhaps we should rather call it a recom- mendation.
" Att the Council Chamber in Whitehall the 26th day of August 1697 Present
Their Excellencies the Lords Justices, in Council upon reading this day att the Board the humble Petition of Captain James Weems, humbly praying, that his Majties Order of the Two and twentieth of October, one thousand six hundred ninety and Four may be Renewed to the Govern-
1 Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 276. This document was first published by Mr. Thornton, by favor of Charles H. Morse, Esq., of Cambridge. Though making an import- ant part of the history of the controversy with Weems, no copy of it has been found in the public archives. The amount here claimed to be due him, it will be noticed, is £5-0-10 more than his bill as presented for settlement three years afterwards.
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
ment of New England, for paying the Petitioner for his Services and Dis- bursements att Pemaquid against the French, out of the Publick Revenue of that Province.
Their Excellencies the Lords Justices in Councill, upon Consideration of the matter are pleased to Order that it be Recommended to the Right Honoble the Earle of Bellamont Governour of the Massachusetts Bay to take Effectual Care that the Petitioner be Satisfyed what shall appear due to him for his Services and Disbursements att Pemaquid in Course out of the Publick Revenue of that Province according to his Majesties Order. Wm. Bridgeman." 1
On the receipt of this order, Weems again addressed a peti- tion to His Excellency Earle of Bellamont, then Governor of Massachusetts, reciting his services, sufferings and " disburse- ments" at Pemaquid as before given, and requesting payment out of the revenues of the province. This appears to have led to a settlement of the claim though not until three years more had elapsed. 2
French officials in Canada, in the year 1692, claimed that in the various Indian fights of the preceding years, they had de- stroyed for the New Englanders besides Pemaquid, no less than
1 Mass. Arch., 70, 502. " Against the French". Other documents in the Archives of Massachusetts speaks of this fight as having been against the French and Indians; but there is reason to believe that not one Frenchman accompanied the expedition. Whatever aid the Indians received from the French, was supplied before the expedition left the Penobscot.
2 Mr. Vinton (Giles Memorial, p. 106), has raised the question whether August 2d, as given by Gyles in his Narrative and by Mather a contemporaneous authority, correct, for the reason that Weems, in settling his accounts with the government, charged, and actually received pay for the services of himself and men until the 13th; but this probably was the date of their discharge from the service. They left Pemaquid in the sloop of Capt. Padeshall, the 3d or perhaps the 4th of the month ; and sailing directly to Boston were ready for their discharge the 13th ; and would of course receive pay to this time. We concluded therefore that Aug. 2d is the correct date. It is interesting to notice that the affidavit of Grace Higiman (p. 175), sworn to less than six years after the transaction, gives the same date.
Charlevoix (Hist. N. F. II, 415) says, the party of Indians was organized (xe mit en Campagne) at the Penobscot Aug. 9th ; and afterwards, in describing the attack upon the fort, he says it was continued from noon of the 14th until night, both dates, of course, being according to the New or Gregorian style, then in use by the French. These dates correspond to July 30th and Aug. 1th, O. S. used at that period by the English. The first date may be correct, but the latter is in error by two days. Aug. 14th, N. S., that year fell on Sunday, when a " strict sabbatarian," as the excellent Thomas Gyles was, would not with his men be at work upon his hay.
A
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
16 pallisadoed forts and settlements, in which were 20 cannon and about 200 men. 1
Thomas Gylos, above referred to, was one of three brothers who emigrated to this country from Kent, England, probably in 1668 ; the names of the others being James, and John. Mr. Vinton in his elaborate work the Giles Memorial, (p. 101), supposes they may have been sons of a Thomas Gyles formerly of Salem, but probably without sufficient reason. We shall have occa- sion further on to speak of the two brothers James and John, but at present we will follow the history of Thomas and his family.
He (Thomas), was one of the chief men of the place, and ap- pears to have carried on a considerable business. On the morn- ing of that memorable day when the fort was captured, with his three oldest sons, Thomas, James and John, and several hired men, he went up to the falls, to work in a field he had there, some at haying, and some in gathering grain. They labored until noon, and took their dinner together at the farm house, without suspicion of danger. Having finished their dinner the men went to their work; but Mr. Gyles and two of his sons, remained at the house, when suddenly firing was heard from the direction of the fort. Mr. Gyles was disposed to interpret the occurrence favorably, and so remarked to his sons; but their conversation was cut short by a volley of bullets from a party of Indians who had been hitherto concealed, awaiting the signal from the fort to begin their bloody work! The party of Indians numbered some thirty or forty, who now rising from theirambush, finished their work in a few minutes, killing or cap- turing all except Thomas Gyles, the oldest son, then about nine- teen. Where the latter was when the attack began, we do not know, but he was so fortunate as to make his escape unhurt from the field, and passing down on the west side to Pemaquid harbor, was taken on board a fishing schooner which was just ready to sail.
Thomas Gyles, the father, was mortally wounded by the first volley from the Indians, and afterwards despatched with a hatchet.
1 Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., Ix, 433, 437, 440. Charlevoix's list. N. F., II, 419. This author says fourteen forts in the neighborhood of the Kennebec River; he says, further, that 200 persons were killed, and that the chief benefit of all this to the French was, that it effectually prevented any alliance of the Indians with the English.
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
--
His son John, who was taken captive, says that when the attack was made, "my brother ran one way and I another, and looking over my shoulder, I saw a stout fellow, painted, pursuing me with a gun, and a cutlass glittering in his hand, which I ex- pected every moment in my brains." Falling down the Indian did him no injury, but tied his arms and bade him follow in the direction where the men had been at work about the hay. " As we went," he says, " we crossed where my father was, who looked very pale and bloody, and walked very slowly. . When we came to the place, I saw two men shot down on the flats, and one or two knocked on the head with hatchets. Then the Indians brought two captives, one a man, and my brother James, who, with me had endeavored to escape by running from the house, when we were first attacked."
At length the savages were ready to start with their captives, and the narrative continues, " we marched about a quarter of a mile, and then made a halt. Here they brought my father to us. They made proposals to him by old Moxus, who told him that those were strange Indians who shot him, and that he was sorry for it. My father replied that he was a dying man, and wanted no favor of them, but to pray with his children. This being granted him, he recommended us to the protection and . blessing of God Almighty; then gave us the best advice, and took his leave for this life, hoping in God that we should meet in a better land. He parted with a cheerful voice, but looked very pale, by reason of his great loss of blood, which now gushed out of his shoes. The Indians led him aside. I heard the blows of the hatchet, but neither shriek nor groan. I afterwards heard that he had five or seven shot holes through his waist- coat or jacket, and that he was covered with some boughs.
Thomas Gyles, whose useful and honorable life was thus brought to a close, was a remarkable man. At what time he came to this country is not certainly known, but May Sth, 1669, he purchased land on the north side of the Pejepscot, or Andros- coggin river, a few miles below Topsham village, where he located his family and resided several years. His father who was a man of considerable wealth in England, having died, he with his family left for England probably in 1674, and returned soon after the first destruction of the English settlements in this region. To avoid trouble with the Indians, he removed his family to Long Island, New York, and lived there several
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
years ; but fancying that the atmosphere there was not suited to his constitution, and learning that the agents of the duke of York were about establishing a regular government here, and erecting a fort, he returned to this place, and became a permanent resi- dent. He derived an annual income from the estate ofhis father in England, and probably was the most wealthy citizen of the place ; and being strictly methodical in his habits, he took care to purchase of the constituted authorities, what landed estate he needed, probably about the falls. He also purchased one or more lots near the fort, where the family lived.
He was a man of the most unbending integrity, and always exerted great influence in the community where he lived, but was not particularly popular. In his religious opinions he sym- pathized with the puritans, and was very particular in regard to the proper observance of the sabbath ; and his earnest attempts to discharge-every duty as an upright magistrate sometimes brought him in collision with his neighbors. In 1683, he united with many of the inhabitants in a petition and 'remonstrance to Governor Dongau against the ruinous restrictions imposed on trade by the rules (pp. 141, 143) adopted, showing among other things that the money the authorites supposed they were getting out of the traders, was really paid by the settlers in the increased price of the goods they were obliged to purchase.
The next year we find his name on a petition from the inhabit- ants of New Dartmouth to have their titles to their lands con- firmed, as had been promised them, as other claimants were making their appearance, and causing much uneasiness. In the same document they also took occasion to remonstrate against the misdoings of " one Capt. Nicholas Manning, Capt. of a Com- pany That is very Troublesome, and Doth much Obraide and Disturbe vs in our buisenesse &c." His son John, in his narra- tive, says that "when Pemmaquid was set off by the name of the county of Cornwall, in the province of New York, he was com missioned chief justice of the same" by Gov. Dongan ; but pro- bably he was only an associate justice. 1 But to him, a puritan, such an appointment from the royal governor was every way
1 See the commission, - Maine Hist. Coll., v. p. 113. The original commission is preserved among the New York Archives, in the State Hall at Albany, where the writer, by favor of Dr. Hough, then superintendent of the Census, had the privi- lege of examining it, and also the other Pemaquid papers, several years ago, and before their publication by the Maine Hist. Society.
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
honorable, as showing the confidence reposed in him by all parties.
Ilis children were four sons, Thomas, James, John and Samuel, and two daughters, Mary and Margaret. The latter at the time of the attack of the Indians was about four years of age, the eldest, Thomas, being nineteen.
At the time of the attack by the Indians Mr. Gyles's house was about a quarter of a mile from the fort; but the onset was so sudden and unexpected that Mrs. Gyles and her two young daughters were seized before they could make their escape within the walls, and consequently, with the two sons captured at the falls, were taken captives to the Penobscot. Their youngest son, Samuel, then a little boy, was at play near the fort, and took refuge within the gates; and of course was in- cluded in the terms of capitulation, by which, as we have seen, all within the fort were allowed to depart in peace. The mother and daughters, after suffering much with the Indians for several years, were finally restored to their friends in Boston, where Mrs. G. soon died. Of the two sons, James and John, the former after being in captivity three years, and suffering great hard- ship, made his escape to New Harbor, with another boy who had been captured at Casco. Here unfortunately, they were both taken prisoners again by the Indians, and returned to the Penobscot, where they were tortured to death at the stake by a slow fire.
John, the other son, after being with the Indians about six years, was sold to a French gentleman, who lived somewhere on the Penobscot. By this man and his family he was treated with much kindness, being known among them as Little English. Finally, in the summer of 1698, a favorable opportunity occur- ring for him to secure a passage by a trader to Boston, his mas- ter voluntarily gave him his liberty, and he rejoined his two brothers and sisters in Boston, his mother having died several years previously.
As he was about eleven years old, when captured at the falls, he was of course now about twenty, with only the litttle educa- tion he had received before his capture. Having obtained a good knowledge of the Indian language, and also the Canadian French, he was often employed by the government, as well as the traders, to act as interpreter with the Indians. In 1700 he re- ceived a commission as Lieutenant, and was put under regular
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
pay by the government; and six years later, he was made cap- tain. In 1715 he superintended the erection of the fort at Bruns- wick, which was named Fort George. Here he remained ten years, being in 1725 transferred to the command of the garrison on St. George's river. Subsequently in 1728 he was appointed a justice of peace, which in those days was considered a high honor.
Mr. Gyles in 1736 published a very interesting account of the capture of Fort Charles, and the attending circumstances, and a narrative of events during his residence with the savages. About the same time the garrison at the fort was considerably reduced, and Gyles retired from the service. The rest of his life was passed in Salisbury and Roxbury. He died in the latter place in 1755, at the age of 77.
He was twice married, 1st to Ruth True at Salisbury, Oct. 26th, 1703, and 2d to Hannah Heath at Roxbury, Nov. 6, 1721.
James Gyles before alluded to, was a brother of Thomas of Pemaquid, probably he was the elder of the two, though this is not certain. Nearly all that is known of him is contained in a manuscript narrative 1 of his, recently discovered in New Jersey, to which place he removed during the Indian troubles in this re- gion. With his family he came to Boston, Nov. 1668, and passed the winter in Braintree, but, in the spring, removed to the Kennebec, and finally settled on a farm in the present town of Topsham, on Muddy river, a stream which empties into Mery- mating bay.
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