USA > Maine > Lincoln County > Bremen > A history of the towns of Bristol and Bremen in the state of Maine : including the Pemaquid Settlement > Part 7
USA > Maine > Lincoln County > Bristol > A history of the towns of Bristol and Bremen in the state of Maine : including the Pemaquid Settlement > Part 7
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1 The name is often written Somerset, Summerset, Sameset, Sammeset, etc. On the deed his name is written Capt. John Somerset. Mr. Drake (Hubbard's Ind. Wars, II, p. 81, note), supposes that this may not have been his real Indian name, but one given him by the English. His suggestion partakes too much of the fanciful.
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
IIe said he was not of those parts, but of Morattiggon,1 and one of the sagamores or lords thereof, and had been eight months in these parts, it lying hence a day's sail with a great wind, and five days by land. He discoursed of the whole country, and of every province, and of their sagamores, and their number of men and strength. The wind beginning to rise a little, we cast a horse- man's coat about him; for he was stark naked, only a leather about his waist, with a fringe about a span long or little more. He had a bow and two arrows, the one headed and the other unheaded. He was a tall, straight man ; the hair of his head black, long behind, only short before ; none on his face at all. He asked some beer, but we gave him strong water, and biscuit, and batter, and cheese, and pudding, and a piece of mallard; all of which he liked well, and had been acquainted with such amongst the English. * All the afternoon we spent in conversation with him. We would gladly have been rid of him at night, but he was not willing to go this night. Then we thought to carry him on shipboard, wherewith he was content, and went into the shallop ; but the wind was high and the water scant, that it could not return back. We lodged him that night at Steven Hopkins' house, and watched him." 2
Bradford says that " he came boldly amongst them and spoke to them in broken English, which they could well understand." " He become profitable to them in acquainting them with many things concerning the state of the country in the east parts where he lived, which was afterwards profitable unto them." 3
Both of the writers just quoted proceed to show the various modes in which this interesting " savage" made himself " profit- able" to them. He informed them of the hostility of the natives to the English, in consequence of Hunt's+ treachery, some years before, and used his influence to produce a better state of feeling. He introduced to them his friend Squanto or Tisquantum, a native of the place who had been in England, and who afterwards became " a spetiall instrument sent of God for their good beyond their expectation."
' It would seem very evident that this is only another name for Monhegan, or rather a mere modification of the name; but Dr. Young (Chron. of Plym., p. 183,) appears to have some doubts.
2 Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 182.
34 Mass. Hist. Coll., III, p. 93.
* See page 30.
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
Samoset continued in the vicinity some time, always seeking to promote good feeling between the English and the natives. This led to the formation of a treaty of peace between the new colony and Massasoit, sagamore of the neighboring Wampanoag Indians, which remained inviolate more than fifty years, or until the time of King Phillip's war in 1675.
Samoset probably returned soonafter this to his native place, as we hear nothing further of him at Plymouth.
The next we hear of him he is at Capmanwagan,1 (Capenewa- gen) or the coast of' Maine, at the time of Levett's visit there, in the winter of 1623-4. Levett introduces him to us as a " sagamore that hath been found very faithful to the English, and hath saved the lives of many of our nation, some from starving, 'and others from killing."
He received Levett with much cordiality, calling him cousin. He had become so much acquainted with the English as to be entirely free from the timidity usually shown by the natives at this early period, and proposed that perpetual friendship should be maintained between them, " until Tanto carried them to his wigwam, that is, until they died." He had his wife and son with him here, and several noble attendants; and the simple narrative of Levett presents them before us in a very interesting light. His wife in particular conducted herself in truly royal style. " When we came to York the masters of the ships came to bid me welcome, and asked what savages those were. Itold them, and I thanked them; they used them kindly, and gave them meat, drink and tobacco. The woman, or reported queen, asked me if those men were my friends, I told her they were ; then she drank to them, and told them they were welcome to her country, and so should all my friends be at any time, she drank also to her husband, and bid him welcome to her country too ; for you must understand that her father was the Sagamore of this place, and left it to her at his death, having no more children." 2
This interview of Levett with this kind-hearted " savage " of Pemaquid, it will be noticed, occurred only a year, or a little more, before the time of Brown's purchase, and it is possible that Brown and Pierce were even then both of them on the ground. And this kindly intercourse with the English prepared
' Ante, p. 13.
2 Levett, Maine Hist. Coll. II, p. 89. -
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
the mind of the simple-hearted native for the favor the new set- tlers received at his hands.
Samoset lived many years after this in quiet and peaceable intercourse with his new neighbors: certain it is history re- cords no quarrel between the parties ! January 9th, 1641, he with two other " sagamores sold to Richard Pierce, carpenter of Remobseus " (alias Muscongus), a large but ill defined tract of land at that place, said tract being a part of the same previously sold by him and Unongoit to John Brown, as before stated (p. 55). Still another deed of his, or rather a fragment of one, has been brought to light by Mr. Thornton.1 This document is dated July, 1653, and appears to be a deed of land also at Muscongus.2.
Sanioset must at this time have been an old man, and pro- bably soon passed away. Though an " untutored savage," he has left behind him a character highly creditable to him, as a man of elevated rank among his countrymen. He appears not only to have been destitute of the jealousies and petty vices of his race; but, at the same time, to have manifested on all oc- casions a love of justice and truth, a generous confidence in others, and an elevation of soul far superior to very many of the Europeans with whom he was brought in contact. And the fact that twenty years later than the date last above given, his name was still remembered among the natives as that of a " famous sachem," shows that his manly character was not un- appreciated by them.
The settlement at Pemaquid was now beginning to assume considerable importance as a centre of business, much of that formerly done at Monhegan, having been gradually transferred to this place. Fishing vessels in the proper season were con- tinually coming and going ; and there was more activity mani- fested than at any other point on the whole coast.
Other settlements also began to spring up in the neighbor- hood, as at Damariscotta Lower Falls (Damariscotta Bridge), Sheepscott Farms (Wiscasset), Cape Newagen (Boothbay) Nequasset (Woolwich), and perhaps other places. A trading bouse was also established at Bagaduce (Castine) at the mouth
1 Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 188.
2 Such instances show very clearly that the Indians, in selling their lands, really had no proper idea of the nature of the transactions. Their idea probably was that they were simply conferring the right to hunt and fish, as they did themselves.
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of the Penobscot, by the Plymouth colony. This was in 1626. At Pemaquid, St. Georges, and Sheepscott there were in the year 1630 no less than eighty four families, besides the fishermen.1
Williamson thinks that the first settlement at Pemaquid was on the west side, but he gives no reasons for this opinion. The chief business here at this time was in connection with the fisheries ; and the land on either side was well adapted to their operations. The sterile soil did not particularly invite cultiva- tion, but agriculture was not entirely neglected, and even at this early period a considerable commerce was springing up; and this in spite of the various restrictions and monopolies which it was the fashion of those times to establish. Furs obtained of the Indians, and fish taken on the coast, and properly cured, were the chief articles of export; and though their principal market was in the mother country, a regular trade was carried on with the Plymouth colony.
The first fort at Pemaquid was erected in 1630, or 1631; and seems to have been intended rather as a protection against renegades and pirates, that were beginning to infest the coast, then against the Indians, who were in the main very friendly. This fort was only a stockade ; and its site very probably, was the same or nearly so, as that on which all the other forts were successively built.
Among the traders on the coast at this time, whose characters were not above suspicion, was Mr. Isaac Allerton, one of the passengers by the May Flower, who had subsequently made several voyages to England chiefly on business for the Ply- mouth colony, but had so managed the affairs committed to him as to forfeit their confidence. Having chartered a ship in England, he loaded her heavily and "set forth againe with a most wicked and drunken crue " for the coast of New England, where "he set up a company of base fellows, and made them traders to rune into every hole, and into the river of Kennebec?" in a manner altogether contrary to the established rules of trade. By this course he brought upon himself no little scandal, and occasioned much disquiet.
IIe was a man of much energy and industry, and appears to have faithfully transacted the business committed to him as
1 Sullivan, Hist. Maine, p. 167. Files in Secretary's office, Boston.
2 4 Bradford, Mass. Hist. Coll., III, p. 291.
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agent of the colony, but the popular voice was against him, and he left the colony in disgust.1
Very many of unlicensed traders of that day thought it quite allowable, if not meritorious, to overreach the simple natives in trade; and the enmity of those latter was constantly excited, and liable at any moment to break out in acts of open hostility. About the year 1628, one Walter Bagnall took up his residence upon Richmond island, near Portland, for the purpose of trad- ing with the Indians, and in three years acquired a large pro- perty, as was thought in those times. In the autumn of the year 1631, the Indians, stung to madness by his constant cheat- ing them in trade, went to the island and killed all the inmates of his house, which they then sacked and burnt. A party was immediately sent from Piscataqua in pursuit of the murderers, but not finding the real authors of the outrage, they hung a poor wretch, known as Black Will, though without the least evidence of his guilt.2
Among the noted characters, who at this period sought illicit trade with the natives, was one Dixy Bull, of whose history little is known previous to this time. A shallop containing his goods having been seized by the French, he collected a com- pany of characters like himself, and made preparation for a pirat- ical cruise on the coast. It is said that he took several vessels at sea, but with a single exception, we do not know who or what . they were. One of the vessels taken was commanded by Capt. Anthouy Dix, who came to Plymouth in 1623; and probably the vessel belonged to. that place. Coming to Pemaquid in 1632, Bull seems to have taken the fort without any serious resistance, and at once rifled it of its contents, at the same time plundering the neighboring planters, as farmers were then called.
But if the pirates met with little resistance in their attack upon the fort, they were not allowed to leave the place without loss; for, as they were about weighing anchor, a well directed shot from the shore killed one of Bull's principal men. The courageous individual, who fired the shot, is said to have been one of Shurte's men; and, as the pirates made haste to depart,
' Baylies's Hist. of Plymouth, I, p. 204.
? Williamson's Hist. of Maine, I, p. 251.
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
it is probable that the people at the fort were beginning to manifest a little more spirit than they first showed.
Information of Bull's piratical doings at Pemaquid having been received at Piscataqua, notice was given to Gov. Winthrop . at Boston ; and means were taken to subdue and punish them. Four small vessels (" two pinnaces and two shallops")1 were fitted out at Piscataqua, with forty men, and sent to Pemaquid, where they were joined by others from Boston; but the object of their pursuit had escaped some time before to the eastward. A paper was afterwards received, purporting to be from this piratical gang, in which they promised to commit no more de- predations upon their own countrymen; and requested that further pursuit of them should be abandoned, saying that they would die rather then be taken. They also made some restitu- tion for previous wrongs committed by them.
Little more is now known of this bold and reckless man ; but it has been said that he was afterwards taken to England, where he suffered the just reward of his deeds.
Some time before these events connected with the pirate, Bull, a trading house, which had been established at the mouth of the Penobscot by the Plymouth colony, was robbed by the French, who took away every thing of value that suited them ; and there were rumors that the French were also taking measures greatly to extend their influence in that region. These things caused considerable alarm in Boston ; and measures were taken to erect a fort at the entrance of that harbor, but the object was not accomplished until the summer of 1634, several years after the erection of the first fort at Pemaquid .?
An important article in the treaty of St. Germains, March 29, 1632, between England and France, threatened serious evil to Pemaquid. By the third article of this treaty, England relin- quished to France " all the places occupied by the British sub- jects in New France, Acadia, and Canada;" and though the limits of neither of these places were very well defined, it was well known that Pemaquid was within the French claim of New France.
It is perhaps to this period, or possibly to a period a little later, that we are to assign the erection of certain public works
1 Winthrop, vol, I, p. 115.
2 Sewall, An. Dom. Maine, p. 114; Drake, Hist. Boston, p. 172,
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in the vicinity of Pemaquid, the remains of which are yet to be seen. The most important of theseis a canal or watercourse, still plainly to be seen at the falls, just above the head of tide water. It is on the east side, and commences where the bridge now is, and extends down, a distance of fifteen or twenty rods, to a point near where the dam for the old mills stood, forty years ago. This canal was evidently a watercourse for conveying water to mills, which were erected there at an early date. A low dam was probably made exactly where the bridge now is, and a part or all of the water, except in time of freshets, was turned into the canal and used to carry the mills below. When first made, it must have been at least ten feet wide and probably six or eight feet deep. No definite tradition of the existence of such mills has come down to us; nor, indeed, do we know that any mills were erected in this vicinity until a hundred years later than this; but, from sheer necessity, the early settlers must have pro- vided themselves with them; and no other site as good as this could be found anywhere in the vicinity. When the ancestors of the present inhabitants came here, about the year 1730, maple and other trees a foot in diameter were found growing in the canal, which shows that it had long been disused.1
We are told by Belknap,2 that, at this period, "bread was either brought from England in meal, or from Virginia in grain, and then sent to the wind-mill at Boston, there being none erected here" [at Piscataqua]; and from places as far east as Scarboro, we know the inhabitants were accustomed to take their corn there to be ground.3 If, as Mr. Thornton suggests, the people of Pemaquid for a time actually took their corn and grain to Boston to be ground, is it not extremely probable that they very early endeavored to erect mills of their own? Two small mill stones made of granite were found at the head of New Harbor many years ago, which may 'possibly have been used at this early period.
Allusions have been made to the restrictions under which the fisheries were managed at this time, and trade carried on
' Mr. Alexander Fossett of Long Cove, Horatio N. Fossett.
' Belknap, Hist. New Hamp., I, p. 25; Thornton, Maine Hist. Coll., v, p. 204; Popham Mem. Volume, p. 375.
' The first inill for grinding corn in the Massachusetts colony was a wind-mill efected in Newtown, but in August 1032 it was removed to Copp's hill, Boston. Drake, Hist. Boston, 141, 144. The first water-mill appears to have been erected erected in Roxbury in 1633. (Holmes's Annals, 1633.
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HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
with the natives, but some further explanation may be neces- sary. These restrictions were founded in the rights supposed to be conferred on certain of the colonies to enjoy exclusively the benefit of these pursuits in all localities included in the charters respectively. Thus the colony of Plymouth very early established trading houses on the Kennebec, at the mouth of the Penobscot, and still farther east, at Machias. They there- fore, claimed, according to their charters, the exclusive right of trade with the natives of these places, in opposition not only to the French, or English, but also in opposition to the people of other American colonies. At Cushnoc (Augusta), on the Kennebec, a vessel coming from Piscataqua, belonging to lords Say and Brooke, was forbidden to trade with the natives, and ordered to depart ; and the contest was carried so far that one man on each side was killed, which gave rise to the saying that " on the Kennebec they cut throats for beaver."1
The French, as we have before seen, early gained a foothold on the North American coast, and at this period, stimulated by the recent treaty of St. Germain, were disposed to extend their influence. Their claims were, of course, exclusive of all others, and acting under it, in 1633, they attacked the Plymouth trading house at Machias, killed two of the five men in charge of it, and carried the others with all their goods to Port Royal.
The next year Mr. Allerton of Plymouth was sent there to obtain the men, who were held as prisoners, and to demand satisfaction for the goods which had been taken. He was met with great firmness by the French commander of the post, M. La Tour, who affirmed that he had taken them as a lawful prize by the authority of the King of France, " who challenged all from Cape Sable to Cape Cod," and assured them that if the English ventured to trade to the eastward of Pemaquid he would seize them. Being asked to show his commission he answered that " his sword was his commission, when he had strength to overcome, and when he wanted he would show his commission." Only two years later however, that is, in 1636, the French commander at Penobscot, M. D'Aulney de Charnise, in answer to a letter from Governor Winthrop, acknowledged that the claim of France extended no farther west than Pemaquid.
If we may find a reason for this restrictive policy in the mat- ter of trade between the people of different nationalities, it is 1 Baylies's Hist. Plymouth, II, p. 214.
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not easy to see what could be gained, in the long run, by these incipient colonies to hamper each other in the business inter- course of their people with the Indians, or with each other. But such was the spirit of the times; nor has it yet entirely passed away.
CHAPTER X.
Patents granted by the great Council of Plymouth -The Pemaquid patent - Gyles, John and Thomas Eldridge - Nicholas Davison becomes sole owner of the Pemaquid patent - Shem Drowne.
The " council established.at Plymouth [Eng.] in the county of Dover, for the planting, ruling, ordering and governing of New England in America," as the successor of the North Vir- ginia, or Plymouth company (ante, p. 45), was called, consisted of forty noblemen and gentlemen of England, and was to have jurisdiction over all the territory of North America between the 40th and 48th parallels of latitude, but a few months after their organization, they relinquished to Sir Wm. Alexander all that part lying south of the St. Lawrence, and east of the St. Croix.
They were then prepared to apportion the immense territory that remained to them among individuals and companies, as seemed to them proper, by patents or charters, which gave to the patentees the right of property in the soil; but it has always been a question whether they also conferred power to enact laws and establish civil governments. Yet some of them actu- ally did undertake to establish civil governments and enact laws, and were never called to account for it. The corporation contin- ued in operation nearly fifteen years, but finally surrendered their charter to the king, June 7th, 1635. But before thus dis- solving they by lot divided all the remaining territory among themselves, fully expecting that the king would, subsequently, confirm the transaction.
During the short life of the corporation, it made certainly twelve grants of land within the present state of Maine, with- out including the grant to John Peirce and his associates (June
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1st, 1621), of which so much has already been said. Probably two others were made of which no record has been preserved.1
Three of these grants which more particularly concern us in this work, are the following, viz : 1. The grant to Win. Bradford and his associates (January 13, 1630), of fifteen miles on each side of the Kennebec river, extending up as far as the Cobise- contee river, which was afterwards transferred to the Plymouth adventurers, and became known as the Kennebec purchase. 2d. The grant to John Beaucamp and Thomas Leverett (Feb. 12, 1630), of thirty miles square on the west side of the Penob- scot river, which became known subsequently as the Lincoln or Waldo patent; and, eventually, near the close of the last cen- tury, came into the possession of Gen. Henry Knox. 3d. The grant to Robert Aldsworth and Gyles Elbridge (Feb. 29, 163}), of 12,000 acres at Pemaquid.
The limits of these grants being poorly defined, the claimants under them, in subsequent years, found no little difficulty in set- tling their respective boundaries, as will appear in the progress of this work.
These three grants covered substantially, the whole territory on the sea coast from the Penobscot to an indefinite point, somewhere fifteen miles west of the Kennebec.
The Pemaquid patent to Aldsworth and Elbridge is as fol- lows. It is copied from Thornton's Ancient Pemaquid, verbatim et literatim.2
The Patent.
Chis Indenture made the Nine and twenteth day of February Anno D'm 1631, And in the Seaventh yeere of the Raigne of our Sovraigne Lord Charles by the grace of God King of England Scotland Fraunce and Ireland, Defender of the ffaith, &c. Betweene the President and Councill of New England on the one parte, and Robert Aldworth and Gyles El- bridge of the City of Bristoll merchants, on the other parte, Wptitesseth That whereas our Soveraigne Lord King James of famous memori late King of England Scotland Fraunce and Ireland, by his hignes Letters Pattente and Royall graunte vnder the great Seale of England bearing date the Third day of Nouember In the eighteenth Yeare of his Raigne [1620] of England Fraunce and Ireland &e for the causes therein ex-
1 Willis's Hist. of Portland, p. 63, 21 ed.
2 Mr. T. informs us that it was verified by the notarial copy preserved in the library of the American Antiquarian Society in Worcester, Mass. By the kind- ness of S. F. Haven, Esq., librarian of the society, the author had the privilege of examining the interesting relict several years ago. It is on parchment. Mr. T. notices the peculiarity of the date, Feb. 29, 1631.
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pressed did absolutely giue graunt and confirme vnto the said President and Councell and their Successors forever, All the land of New England in America lying and being from fortie to fortie eight degrees of north- erly Latitude and in length by all that breadth aforesaid from Sea to Sea throughout the Main land, Together with all the woods, waters, soils, rivers, havens, Harbors, Iselands, and other commodities whatsoever therernto belonging with divers other priviledges preheminences profits and timbers, by Sea and land As by the said Letters patents amongst other things contayned wherevnto due relacon being had it doth and may appeare Now this Indenture wptitesseth That the said President and Councell of New England by vertue and authoritie of the said L'res Pat- tent and for and in consideracon that the said Robert Aldworth and Giles Elbridge have and will transporte and doth vndertake to Transporte att their owne Costs and Chardges divers persons into New England and there to erect and build a Town and settle diuers Inhabitants for their own safe- tie better assuerance and advancemet of the generall plantacon of that Country and for the furtherance of the said Plantacon and Encouragement of the said Undertakers ACUDE agreed and doe hereby agree graunte assigne allott and appointe to the said Robert Aldworth and Giles El- bridge theire heirs and assignes and every of them one hundred acres of ground for every Person soe by them, or anie of them Transported or that shall now or hereafter be Transported besides diurse other priviledges liberties and Comodities hereafter menconed. And to that intent they have graunted allotted assigned And confirmed And by theis Prsents doe grante allot assign And confirme vnto the said Robert Aldworth and Giles Elbridge their heires and assignes and euerie of them, One hundred seueral acres of ground in New England for every prson transported or to be transported within the Space of Seaven yeeres next ensuing that shall abide and continew there Three yeares either att one or severall times or dye in the meane season after hee or they are Shipped wtb an Intent there to inhabite The same lands to be taken and chosen by them or either or anie of them their deputies or assignes in anie place adjcent to the said Twelve thousand acres of land hereafter menconed to be granted and not lately granted, setled and in- habited by anie English and wherein noe English person or persons are allreadie placed or settled, Together with free libertie to ffish in and uppon the Coste of New England in all Havens, Ports, Rivers, and Creeks, thereunto belonging and not granted to any others And that noe person, or persons whatsoever shall take anie benefit, or lib'tie of or to anie of the said grounde, (excepting the free use of high waies by land, and Naviga- ble Rivers) but that the said Robert Aldworth and Gyles Elbridge their heires and assignes, shall have the Sole right, and use of the said grounds with all their profits and appurtenances AND the said President and Councell doe further grannte assigne allott and confirme vnto the said
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