USA > Maine > Lincoln County > Bremen > A history of the towns of Bristol and Bremen in the state of Maine : including the Pemaquid Settlement > Part 21
USA > Maine > Lincoln County > Bristol > A history of the towns of Bristol and Bremen in the state of Maine : including the Pemaquid Settlement > Part 21
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50
Villebon, governor of the French settlements in Acadia was accustomed to receive his supplies from the home government early in the spring of the year, and a plan was devised in Bos- ton to seize upon the vessels bringing them, on their passage. For this purpose an English armed ship was the year before sent down from Boston to cruise off the mouth of the St. John's river, but the Frenchmen were found too strong to be attacked, and nothing was accomplished. This year (1696) it was determined to send a stronger force ; and two ships of war, the Newport and the Sorlings, with a small vessel to act as a tender, were put in readiness and ordered to cruise to the east- ward, and if possible intercept the expected store ship.
These ships, however, instead of the expected rich store ship, fell in with two French ships of war, l' Envieux and la Pro- fonde, under D'Iberville, both well provided and armed, and destined together to make an attack on fort William Henry, at Pemaquid. The French ships were superior to the English ; and in the fight that ensued, the Newport soon lost her topmast, and was obliged to surrender; and the Sorlings and the tender only made their escape in a thick fog, which now very oppor- tunely settled down upon them.
These French ships had been fitted out at Quebec 1 for the express purpose of reducing Pemaquid; but the English had failed to learn the fact, or had neglected to make any special preparation in self-defence.
With their prize, the Newport, the French ships made sail for St. Johns, where all needed repairs were made, and the
' In Garneau's Hist. of Canada, translated by Bell (vol. 1, 318), it is said they sailed from Rochefort.
206
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
Indians conciliated by presents freely distributed among them. At Cape Breton one of the ships had taken on board some fifty Indians, and here fifty more were put on board the other. They then sailed for the Penobscot, where Castine, who had engaged in the service two hundred of the Penobscot tribe, was in readi- ness for them. Here also another French officer, Villieu, with twenty-five French soldiers, joined the expedition ; and the three ships sailed together for Pemaquid, Castine and his two hun- dred Indian warriors having previously started in their canoes. Castine and his Indian allies reached the place August 13th, and D'Iberville with the men of war the next day - the ships taking their position a league from the fort, thus manifesting for it a very proper respect. At five o'clock, P. M., of the 14th, a summons was sent to the fort to surrender, to which Capt. Chubb, with no little bluster, replied, that he would not do so even "if the sea were covered with French vessels, and the land with Indians." 1
The French had already landed several field pieces ; and with this, the attack was begun, the Indians also firing their mus- kets as occasion offered. The fort replied in like manner; but as the fort was provided with heavy cannon of long range it is difficult to understand how the beseigers could approach near enough to produce any effect with field pieces and muskets ! Probably little was accomplished by these preliminary move- ments ; but during the night heavier cannon and mortars were landed, and put in position in the early part of the next day, so that by three in the afternoon they were ready for more deci- sive operations.
Some gentleman, a few years ago, after personal examination of the place, came to the conclusion that the place selected by the French for landing their cannon and mortars -- certainly the latter - was a little cove that makes up from the south on the west side, beyond the Barbacan. The point probably was then well covered by a heavy growth of spruce, which, espe- cially in the night, would perfectly conceal them from observa-
1 Charlevoix, Hist. N. F., II, 262 ; Hutch. Hist. Mass., II, 89 ; . Will. Hist. Maine,, I, 643 ; Doc. Col. Ilist. N. Y., Ix, 658. Hutchinson says the fort was captured July 14th ; and Williamson and Dexter (Church's Eastern Erpeditions, p. 88, note) fol- low him ; but the date given in the text is probably the true one. Mather (Magn. IT, 549) says the " fifth or sixth of August," which of course is to be understood as O. S., while the date given in the text, being taken from the French accounts, is according to the N. S. The 14th, N. S., would correspond to the 3d, O. S.
207
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
tion by those in the fort. Searching on the shore they thought they found some masses of rock so placed artificially that they may have been used as bases on which the heavy mortars were supported. The idea of course is that the bombs were thrown across the water a little outside the point of rock, called the Barbacan. 1
Another circumstance may perhaps favor this view. The place alluded to is almost exactly opposite the west angle of the fort, so that it would be extremely difficult to train upon it the heavy guus of the fort from either the southwest or north- west sides.
They began by throwing into the fort several bombs from their mortars, producing no little consternation in the minds of the besieged. Just at this time Castine found means to convey a letter into the fort, threatening that if they refused to surren- der until the place should be carried by assault, they would have to deal with the Indians, and must expect no quarter, for such were the commander's instructions from the king. 2 This produced the desired effect. After a short parley between Chubb and the French officers a surrender was agreed to, and before night the French took possession.
The terms of surrender were that the officers and soldiers of the fort should be sent to Boston, and the same number of French and Indian prisoners returned ; and that they should be specially protected from the malice of the Indians. Chubb and his men then marched out of the fort, and for security from the savages, were conveyed to an island (probably Ruther- ford's island) near which the ships were anchored; and Vil- lieu with sixty French soldiers entered and took possession. On entering they found an Indian in irons, who had been held a prisoner since the fight in the month of February, as heretofore described. He was in a miserable condition, having suffered greatly from his long confinement ; and when the other Indians became acquainted with his case, they were exceedingly en- raged. But for the precaution which the French commander had taken to remove all the English from the place, they would have been in great danger from the fury of the savages. 3
1 R. K. Sewall, Esq.
2 When Hutchinson wrote his History of Massachusetts he had before him the original note which Castine sent into the fort, and which led to the surrender.
'Some writers - and among them Williamson ( Ilist. of Maine, 1, 644) - affirmn that the Indians, in their rage, did actually fall upon several of the soldiers and murder them ; but the statement is not supported by the best authorities.
208
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
Unfortunately, Chubb left in the fort some of his private pa- pers, and among them was found an order, recently received from the Massachusetts authorities, to hang the wretched In- dian prisoner; but the French officer wisely kept the fact from the knowledge of the Indians. 1
The conduet of Chubb in thus surrendering the fort, without even a serious effort to hold it, was severely condemned by the government and people of Massachusetts. The fort was in good condition, with a well supplied bomb-proof magazine, situated, according to Charlevoix, partly under the large rock within the walls, and had fifteen mounted cannon. The garrison consisted of ninety-two men, with sufficient supplies for a long siege; and French writers admit that if the fort had been properly defended the result would have been doubtful. Cer- tain it is that it could have been captured only by a long siege, and the shedding of much blood. No one in the fort was in- jured; and the French lost but one man, who died some time after the capture of the fort, of pleurisy, contracted, as was supposed, by his labors and exposure during the siege.
The cannon and other property of the fort were then removed on board the French ships, except the small arms, which, with much ammunition, were distributed among the Indians, much to their satisfaction. The fort, and everything about it were . destroyed ; the walls thrown down as far as possible; and, on the eighteenth of the month, they took their departure- to the Penobscot.
Chubb, on his return to Boston, was arrested and thrown into prison, where he remained several months; but it is be- lieved he was never brought to trial. The following is a petition of his addressed to the general court, to be released from prison :
"To the Greate and Gen"! Court of his Majtys Province of the Massa- chusetts Bay in New England Assembled att Boston by adjournment November 18th, 1696.
The Petition of Pasco Chubb Late Commandr of his Majtys Fort at Pemaquid
Humbly Sheweth
That yor Petition Stands comited a Prison' in the Boston Goale for his Late Surrendering & delivering up the aforesaid Fort and Stores thereto belonging unto his Majtys Enemies, &c.
And Whereas Yor Petition' is a very poore man, having a wife and 1 Charlevoix, Hist. N. F., ILI, 263.
209
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
children to Look after weh by reason of his confinem' & poverty are reduced to a meane and necesstous condition, having not wherewith all either to defray bis prison necessary charges or to relieve his Indigent family
Yor Petition' Therefore humbly prays that this high and honble Court will please to considr the premises Soe that he may either be Brought to his Tryall, or else upon giving Sufficient Bayle, be released from his pre- sent Confinement whereby he may be enabled to take some care of his poore family for their Subsistence in this hard and deare Winter Season.
And yr Petition' as in duty bound shall ever pray." 1
The general court took action upon the petition, March 31st, 1697, and in consideration of his long imprisonment ordered . payment to be made him for his services ; but did nothing fur- ther. Not long afterwards he was discharged from prison, by what process has not been ascertained, and allowed to return to his family in Andover, where himself and wife were killed by the Indians, Feb. 22d, 1698. The Indians, about thirty in number, it is supposed, visited the place with the special desigu of seeking revenge upon Chubb for the wrongs they believed he had done them; but in the attack several others were slain, and some taken into captivity. 2
It has been suggested - and with much plausibility -- that both Chubb and his meu, in so cowardly surrendering the fort at Pemaquid, were influenced not a little by fear of the savage vengeance that would probably be executed upon them, should they fall into the Indians' hands. More than this, their own consciences accused them of wrong doing in regard to these vindictive people.
The first intelligence of the capture of the English ship Newport, and the fall of Pemaquid, was brought to Boston by the shallop sent there with the prisoners to be exchanged according to the terms of capitulation. . The event was consi- dered by the Indians and French as a matter of the greatest importance; and it was supposed that the same forces would proceed at once to attack other English settlements on the coast farther west, as Casco, York, or Piscataqua. There was
1 Mass. Archires, 70, 307 and 335.
? Journal of John Pike, N. H. Hist. Coll., 111, 43.
27
210
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
need of prompt action on the part of Massachusetts, and a force of five hundred men under Col. Gedney was sent east to York, for the protection of that settlement, and Major Church with as many more men in three ships of war, and one or two tenders, was despatched to Pemaquid, to give battle to the French fleet if it could be found, and to punish the enemy, either French or Indians, as they might have opportunity. They landed at York, as they sailed east, called and inspected the ruins of Pemaquid, but found no enemy to fight, as the French fleet had left those waters, and the Indians were careful to be out of the way. To give the latter an opportunity to leave their hiding places Church anchored his ships in the har- bor of Monhegan, and hoped to catch the Indians about the mouth of the Penobscot by sending his armed boats there in the night ; but nothing of any importance was accomplished.
Thus passed away the autumn of 1696; and if the French did not follow up their advantage with becoming energy, it was for the reason that the next year, with better preparation, they proposed for themselves a magnificent enterprise, which had often been suggested, but never before undertaken. Immedi- ately after the capture of fort William Henry, the French easily reduced whatever other impoverished English settlements there were to the east of Pemaquid ; and by right of conquest, the whole country east of the Kennebec became subject to the crown of France.
This proposed enterprise was the reduction of all the En- glish settlements on the coast as far south as, and including New York. A magnificent project truly, as it appears to us at the present day, and of doubtful execution; but the French government, intoxicated by their successes of the preceding year, were disposed to make the attempt. Therefore, early in the spring (of 1697) a formidable fleet of "ten men-of-war, a galliot, and two frigates," were put in readiness and ordered to sail for those shores.
The plan was for them to leave the port of Brest, not later than April 25th ; but various delays occurred, and they did not reach Placentia Bay in Newfoundland until July 24th. Here they came to anchor, and had communication with the French officials residing in the place, and here the commander, the Marquis of Nesmond - an able and experienced officer - seemed first to have formed some adequate notion of the mag-
211
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
nitude of the enterprise in which he was engaged. Ilis officers also shared the same feelings with him; and it began to be seen that the season was too far advanced to begin so extensive a plan as that proposed ; therefore when a council of war was called to determine whether they should proceed immediately to make an attack upon Boston, every voice was given in the negative.
The Massachusetts people were not ignorant of these designs of the enemy against them, and such preparations were made for self-defense as they were able. An expedition under Major March - the same who had previously been commander of Pemaquid fort - was sent to scour the coasts to the eastward; but nothing of any importance was accomplished. In attempt- ing to land somewhere at the mouth of the Damariscotta river, he was fired upon by Indians lying near in ambush, and several killed. He, however, soon rallied his men that remained, and, charging upon the enemy with fixed bayonets, drove them in every direction, several on both sides being left dead upon the field. This occurred Sept. 9th, 1697.
The treaty of Ryswick, by which peace was restored between England and France, was signed Sept. 11th, but the fact was not officially made known in Boston until Dec. 10th. By this treaty a nominal peace was restored to the country ; but the chief point in dispute- the true western boundary of A.ca- dia, or, as we should now express it, the true boundary line between Maine and New Brunswick - remained just as before. All places, forts, &c., conquered by either party from the other during the war, were to be restored, and all questions as to the proper western boundary of Acadia remained still unsettled. Massachusetts, backed by the British government, still claimed jurisdiction as far east as the St. Croix river, while the French still asserted their rights as far west as the Kennebec.
Thus terminated, just at the close of the 17th century, this disastrous Indian war of New England, usually called the second Indian war, or King William's war.
No one can read the short and melancholy history of fort William Henry without interest. Though the people felt deeply the heavy burden imposed upon them without their con- sent, by the expense of its construction, and were greatly divided in opinion as to the propriety of the expenditure, there can now be no question of the great importance of the fortification in
212
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
the condition of affairs at the time. The excellent effect upon the Indians was plainly seen; and if it could have been main- tained with the same spirit as Phips manifested in its construction, the subsequent enormous expenditure of blood and treasure would have been avoided.
The appointment of so incompetent a commander as Pasco Chubb, in so important a place, at such a critical juncture, was an official blunder, for which no excuse can be allowed ; but still the fatal disaster, which terminated its existence so soon in its history, must be ascribed in no small degree to the coldness, not to say the hostility of the people of Massachusetts, Feats of self-sacrificing endurance and deeds of heroic daring ought not to be expected of even good soldiers, when they know that a spirit of repining and complaint is abroad among those who ought to be their supporters.
A few of the personages who had a hand in the transactions, heretofore described, require some further notice here. John Palmer and John West were two such characters. Palmer came to Pemaquid from New York in the summer of 1686, by appointment of Gov. Dongan, having received his commission June 19th. His chief business was to attend to the collection of the revenues, the chief part of which was to be derived from the quit-rents, or moneys received for leases of land to the settlers; for while government claimed to own all the land, it was not the policy to sell farms to settlers, giving deeds thereof, as is now done with us; only leases were given, the considera- tion being a certain amount per acre, or per hundred acres, to be paid annually as quit-rent. He and his associates seem to have been allowed to fix their own scale of prices, which of course were limited only by the supposed ability of the settlers to pay. He was also clothed with some civil authority, not very well defined. He had been a member of Gov. Dongan's council in New York, and was by natural disposition and habit a fit instrument to be sent here, as assessor and collector of an unjust and unwilling tribute from the poor settlers. He was here when Gov. Andros with his soldiers arrived, late in the autumn of 1688 or early in the year 1689, and probably left with him for Boston on hearing of the revolution in England. At Boston with Andros and others he was imprisoned several months, and afterwards took his departure for England.
1
213
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
John West, an Englishman, came to New York in 1678 in the same ship with Gov. Andros, James Graham, and others. IIe was appointed to several important offices by Andros, as secretary of the province, clerk of the court of assizes, and clerk of the city of New York. In old documents he is sometimes styled " Merchant of New York." In 1680, he was appointed by Andros " Justice of peace at Pemaquid and its dependen- cies :" but it is believed he did not remove there for several years. October, 1684, he was married to Anne Rudyard, daugh- ter of Gov. Rudyard of New Jersey. We first hear of him at Pemaquid in 1686, when he was associated with John Palmer, as deputy secretary, for the collection of the revenue. He was a fit associate of Palmer, but, if possible, still more arbitrary, and greedy of money. It is believed that he was here at the time of Andros's visit, and probably returned with him and Palmer to Boston: He was one of those imprisoned in Boston with Andros, Palmer and others by the uprising of the people, and probably died not long afterwards.
James Graham, who came to this country with Andros and Palmer, as before mentioned, was by birth a Scotchman, but strong in the confidence of Andros. He first engaged in mer- chandise in New York city, and entered largely into the pur- chase of lands in New York, New Jersey, and elsewhere. But he soon found his way into office, as was of course the understanding. He was first made attorney general, though not bred to the law, and member of the council for New York, but when Andros was appointed governor of New England, Graham came with him, as his attorney general, and long re- sided in Boston. His fondness for holding real estate is seen in the fact that on very easy conditions, as previously mentioned (ante, p. 154), he obtained, apparently without rendering any consideration whatever, the large grant of one thousand acres of land at Pemaquid. He was never in the place; and his association with Palmer and West, as previously related, was only advisory, as law officer of the government. He was im- prisoned in Boston, at the same time with Gov. Andros and others, and was not released until several months.
He removed from Boston to New York in 1691, and in the latter part of his life resided at Morrisania, where he died about 1702 or 1703.
-
214
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
Henry Joscelyn (Josselyn) came to this country in 1634, and settled at Black Point (Scarboro'). He was a man of strict integrity, and, at different times, was appointed to several import- - ant offices ; but he always favored the views and interests of the royal government, and the proprietors holding grants under it, and opposed the schemes of Massachusetts. Becoming dis- gusted with the course the public affairs were taking in the western part of the present state of Maine, he with his family left it, and removed to Pemaquid, where he spent the rest of his life. He came to reside at Pemaquid very soon, probably, after the occupation of the place by the agents of the Duke of York, about 1677 or 1678. In 1680, he was appointed "Justice of the Peace in Quorum," by the governor of New York, and subsequently received other marks of confidence. In September of the same year, Gov. Andros wrote to Ensign Sharpe, then in command of Pemaquid, as. to " Mr. Joslyne whom I would have you use with all fitting respect Considering what he hath been and his age. And if he Desire and shall build a house for himselfe to lett him Choose any lott and pay him ten pound towards it or if he shall Desire to hyre soe to live by himself then to Engage and pay the rent either of which shall be allowed you in yor account as alsoe sufficient provision for him- selfe and wife as he shall Desire out of the stores." He died previous to May 10th, 1683; as Capt. Brockholls writing that day to Lawrence Dennis speaks of him as deceased. He was an honored and worthy man; and if the spot where his dust reposes could now be known, it would constitute an addi- tional attraction for visitors to old Pemaquid.
Many writers mention Pemaquid as the probable birth-place of Sir Wm. Phips, afterwards governor of Massachusetts, under the Charter of William and Mary, but others say, probably more truly, that he was born at Woolwich, on the Kennebec. Others still, who allow that he was born at Woolwich, claim that he lived some time at Pemaquid. Mather says that " he was born Feb. 2, 1650, at a despicable plantation on the river of Kenne- bec, and almost the furthest village of the eastern settlement of New England." This despicable village is believed to have been the ancient Nequasset, at or near which is the present village of Woolwich.
When about twenty-four or twenty-five years old he con- tracted to build a vessel at Sheepscott, and had just finished it
215
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
when the Indian war began here, which was in August, 1676. From this circumstance it is, probably, that it is sometimes said he was born at Sheepscott.
The remarkable history and career of Sir Wm. Phips are well known, and would not require mention here but for the fact that it is so often said that Pemaquid was his birth-place. Pemaquid, probably, would not refuse the honor implied, pro- vided only that the " facts of history," as recorded by the most reliable historians would allow its acceptance. 1
CHAPTER XX.
ANCIENT RUINS AT PEMAQUID.
Fort William Henry and Fort Frederic - Geology of Pemaquid Harbor -Ruins of the old forts --- Pavements -May the relics found here pertain to a period more ancient than the occupancy of the place by the English ?-- Ancient streets - Lewis's field - Ancient canal at the Falls - Gyle's field - Population and business of the place -- Vessels built at Pemaquid -- Claims to land in this place entered in the book of " Eastern Claims."
The name Pemaquid has sometimes been used to designate the whole coast from the mouth of the Kennebec river, to the St. George, but it properly belongs only to the peninsula where the old fort stood and the adjacent harbor and river.
The accompanying map of fort Frederick, and the Pemaquid peninsula on which it stands, will be understood without any special description. This fort, erected by Col. David Dunbar, in 1729, under the direction and at the expense of the British government, has not yet been described in this work. Like fort William Henry, constructed by Phips in 1692, as previously described (ante, p. 168), it was built of stone, and probably occupied the same foundations, though of this there may be some doubt. But whether or not the foundations are the same
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.