USA > Maine > Lincoln County > Bremen > A history of the towns of Bristol and Bremen in the state of Maine : including the Pemaquid Settlement > Part 4
USA > Maine > Lincoln County > Bristol > A history of the towns of Bristol and Bremen in the state of Maine : including the Pemaquid Settlement > Part 4
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50
And what river was it which they ascended 26 miles in the ship, and then, subsequently, in a boat, by " estimation," 20 iniles further, " in that part of the river which trendeth westward into the main ?"
It is not proposed here to enter into a full discussion of these questions, which have in recent times excited so much interest; but their proper solution too intimately concerns the history of Pemaquid to allow us to pass by them without notice.
Three different answers have been given to the above ques- tion. 1st. That the " very high mountains," seen as they lay at anchor near Monhegan, are the White mountains of New Hampshire, towards which they sailed when leaving their anchorage; that Pentecost harbor is the present Boothbay harbor, and that the river, ascended so far by them, is no other than the present Kennebec.
This has been called the Kennebec theory, and was ably presented a few years ago by the late John McKeen, Esq., of Brunswick, in a paper in the Collections of the Maine Historical Society.' Sewall earnestly advocates the same view .?
1 Maine Hist. Soc. Collections, v, 309.
2 Ancient Dominions of Maine, p, 5S, et seq.
30
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
2d. The Penobscot theory, as it has been called. This theory was first presented by Capt. John Foster Williams, who for many years commanded a revenue cutter, connected with the port of Boston, and was familiar with the whole coast of Maine. In 1796, Dr. Belknap 1 placed in his hands an abstract of Rosier's narrative of Weymouth's voyage, requesting him to take it with him, in some of hiscruises on the coast, and from actual observa- tion determine, if possible, the several points in question.
Being thus prepared, Williams decided that the place where Weymouth first anchored was near Monhegan; that the " very high mountains seen from the ship " could be no other than the Penobscot or Camden hills: that Pentecost harbor must be the present George's Island harbor; and that the river, as- cended by them, is the Penobscot.
This view was generally received for many years; Holmes, in his American Annals,2 favors it, if he does not adopt it; Wil- liamson3 and Folsom* accept it without question.
3d. The St. George's theory, first suggested in 1858, by George Prince, Esq., of Bath, but formerly of Thomaston. He accepts Capt. Williams' view as to Pentecost harbor, but claims that the river discovered and explored by Weymouth is the present St. George's river, and not the Penobscot.
The subject is not without its difficulties, whatever view we may take; absolute demonstration in such cases is not to be expected ; but a careful examination of the facts, it is believed, will enable the unprejudiced reader to arrive at very satisfac- tory conclusions.
The narrative of Weymouth's voyage was published in Lon- don immediately after his return, and excited no little attention.5 The idea of planting colonies on the coast of America received a new impulse, and one important result was the chartering, April 10th, 1606, of a company for colonizing America, called the Council of Virginia. . The charter authorized the formation of two companies : one, called the London Company, for coloniz- ing South Virginia, as the southern part of North America
1 American Biog., II, 240, Harp. Ed.
2 Ibid, I, 151.
8 Hist. Meine., 1, 192.
A Hist. Saco and Biddeford, p. 22.
6 Palfrey (Hist. of New England, 1, 76) is evidently mistaken when he says of Weymouth's voyage that, " except for this (the kidnapping of the natives) and for some additions to the knowledge of the local geography, it was fruitless."
31
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
was then called ; and another, called the Plymouth Company, for colonizing North Virginia, meaning by this the - northern part of the continent. This part of the country had not then re- ceived its present name, New England.
Under the auspices and patronage of the London company, the settlement of Jamestown, in Virginia, was begun in 1607; and by the Plymouth company a similiar settlement, called the Popham colony, was attempted the same year, at the mouth of the Kennebec. Now, as the fitting out of this last expedition was chiefly stimulated by Rosier's " glowing narrative," and as the mouth of the Kennebec was finally selected for the site of the colony, it has been assumed that the "river of Weymouth" can be no other than this same Kennebec.
This view is also favored by Strachey,1 in his account of the expedition which brought this Popham colony to our shores ; a matter of every considerable importance, considering that he was contemporary with Weymouth, and wrote his account so near the time, about 1618.
But Strachey never was on this coast; he came to Virginia in 1609, and was for a time secretary of the colony there, but returned to England before 1612. His information, therefore, was all derived from others.
The writer cannot adopt this view, for many reasons ; but only two can be introduced here.
1. The "very high mountains" seen from the. ship, when near Monhegan, could not have been the White mountains. It is, indeed, allowed that these mountains can occasionally be seen from that point ; but it is only, in the very clearest weather, such as actually occurs, on an average, only three or four days a month during the year. Some seasons, for many weeks together they cannot be seen. If Weymouth and his men may perhaps during their stay have occasionally caught glimpses of the White mountains, they were too dimily " discerned," and appeared too far away to require mention. Furthermore, if seen, they do not answer the description, either as to their appearance, or their bearing by the compass.
2. Wednesday, June 12th, (ante p. 27), Capt. W. and seven- teen men went up the river a distance and landed, with the view of making a journey to the mountains, which, being in full
1 Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., III, 280 ; Muss. Hist. Coll., 4th series, 1, 228 ; Narrative of Rosier, by Prince, Bath, 1860.
.
32
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
view, they judged to be " within a league of them !" Moreover, they proposed to make the journey to the mountains, and " re- turn that night to the ship." (Ante p. 28). But after walking four miles, their courage failed them, and they returned. Now, on the Kennebec theory, the company must have landed at, or near the site of the present city of Bath (" near the rail road depot," MeKeen), from which the White mountains can never be seen ; and their distance is not one league, but more nearly thirty leagues. But, supposing them in sight, who would think of making a journey to them on foot, and returning the same day ?
This negative fact seems therefore fully determined, that the " very high mountains " of Weymouth were not the White mountains of New Hampshire !
These mountains were known nearly a century before Wey- mouth's time, being in all probability the " high mountains within the land " mentioned by Verrazani 1; but, if these were the mountains seen by Weymouth, would he not have recog- nized them, as being kuown ? And would not Rosier, the historian of the voyage, have described them as such ?
If the White mountains are not the " very high mountains " seen by Weymouth, then, of course, all other parts of the theory fail.
Of the second, or Penobscot theory, suggested by Williams, only a few words will be required. 2
This theory claims, that the mountains seen by Weymouth, when lying at anchor north of Monhegan, must be the Penob- scot or Camden hills, which admirably answer the description of the narrative; and that when they left their anchorage the next day, and proceeded in the " road directly to the mount- ains," finding at length a good harbor " between the islands," which they called Pentecost harbor, it was the present George's Islands harbor which they entered.
Thus far, every thing seems to be satisfactory ; but, when we come to inquire as to the river they ascended from Pentecost har- bor, the descriptions of Rosier do not apply. The mouth of the Penobscot is too far distant, and when we seek " that part of it
1 Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., 21 series, 1, 205.
2 Very many of those, for whom this work has been especially prepared, are fami- liar with the localities referred to, and will be very competent judges as to the chief points in controversy.
..
33
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
which tended westward into the main," we do not find it. "The river of Weymouth," therefore, cannot be the Penobscot.
3 The George's river theory. The suggestion of Mr. Prince, that the George's river is the true " river of Weymouth," though still rejected by some, will probably, eventually, be accepted as a satisfactory settlement of this long debated question. Rosier's description of Weymouth's river, applies well to this; very much better, certainly, than to any other on the coast of New England. It is indeed true, that the distances given by him, are much too great to apply to this river. Ist. When the party of discovery entered its mouth the first time, they were gone just twenty-four hours from the ship ; but they are credited with the feat of having, in this time, " rowed up the river forty miles, and returned." 2d. Says the writer : "Tuesday, the eleventh of June, we passed up into the river with our ship, about six and twenty miles. Thursday, the thirteenth of June -X
in the light horseman, we went from our ship up to that part of the river which tended westward into the main," rowing up it by estimation, twenty miles." In another place he says, " from the place of our ships, riding in the harbor at the entrance into the sound, to the farthest part we were in this river, by our estimation, was not much less than three score miles."
If these distances are correctly stated, it is admitted that the George's river cannot be the river of Weymouth ; but, as sug- gested by Prince, if we diminish all the estimates (and they are only estimates, for no measurements were made), by about one half, they are not far out of the way,1 as applied to this river.
Allowing, if we please, that considerate men ought not to have erred so egregiously in their estimate of the distances, it is well to note the fact that Rosier's Narrative was written with great enthusiasm ; and his statement in regard to the natural beauties of the river and country adjacent, and its various pro- ductions, etc., are often greatly exaggerated; and it was natu- ral that his estimate of distances should be made in the same spirit. So, the flow of the tide in the river was estimated by Rosier to be eighteen or twenty feet, which, reduced in the same proportion as above, will give us very nearly the actual flow of the tide in George's river. But Rosier was not alone of the carly adventurers here in his manifest disposition to exaggerate;
1 Rosier's Narrative, by Prince, pp. 34, 35, 36.
5
...
34
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN,
two years later, when the Popham colony came to establish themselves at the mouth of the Kennebec, a large party, in two boats, made a tour of observation up the river, and, says the writer, " sayled up into the river neere forty leagues," or one hundred and twenty miles.1 But they were gone only about twenty-four hours, and we know that the performance of such a feat is impossible. Besides this, our knowledge of the river assures us, that, at the utmost, they could not have passed up in their boats more than about one-half the distance they estima- ted, because of the falls that would prevent further progress.
We, therefore, with some confidence, adopt this theory, as to the locality of Weymouth's adventures in this region, asaltogether more probable than any other that has been presented. Indeed, if it is rejected, there is reason to doubt whether the question as to the locality of Weymouth's exploits on the American coast, in the summer of 1605, is capable of solution.2
CHAPTER VI.
Continued efforts to colonize North America - Sailing of the Popham colony under the directions of the Plymouth company - They visit Pemaquid, where they are kindly received ; and finally debark at the mouth of the Kennebec - Voyage of Capt. John Smith to this coast (1605-1614).
The publication of Rosier's narrative in the latter part of the year 1605, as we have seen, very considerably stimulated the colonizing spirit which had for some time manifested itself among the English people. This interest was increased by the sight of the few natives whom Weymouth had kidnapped from this immediate vicinity, and whose appearance before the English public, just at this time, was very opportune. They may not have been the very first North American Indians ever seen in England, but the sight of one in that country was so rare, that, some years later than this, natives of this country were exhibited in London and other English cities, for money.
1 Maine Hist. Coll., HI, p. 300.
2 See Stith's History of Virginia, p. 33, Sabine's reprint, for some early sur- mises on this topic.
35
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
Weymouth, on his return from America, ran into Dartmouth, of which port Sir Ferdinando Georges was then captain ; and he at once became deeply interested in the Indians, and took three of them into his family. Many years afterwards, when writing his Brief Narration of his efforts to colonize New England, he says: "This accident must be acknowledged the means under God of putting on foot and giving life to all our [American] plantations." 1 1686553
Mention has already been made of the chartering of the great Council of Virginia, in April, 1606, authorizing the forma- tion of two companies, called the London and Plymouth com- panies, for the express purpose of colonizing North America. Of the former, or London company, we shall not have occasion to speak further; but the doings of the latter, or Plymouth company, intimately concern us.
Without waiting for the full organization of this company, several gentlemen, deeply interested in its success, sent two or three vessels, at different times, to make discoveries on this coast; but, unfortunately, nothing was accomplished except to largely increase their experience, and convince them of the many difficulties necessarily attending the enterprise they were undertaking.
But the spring of 1607 opened with new and better prospects for the colonization of North America; by the London com- pany the settlement of Jamestown, in Virginia, was begun, which was never afterwards entirely broken up. In the same year, but later in the season, under the auspices of the Plymouth company, came the Popham colony, so called, and made an un- successful attempt to found a plantation at the mouth of the Kennebec, then called the Sagadahoc.
This expedition sailed from Plymouth in June, in two ships, or rather a ship and a smaller craft, called a fly-boat; the for- mer being named the Mary and John, and the latter, the Gift of God. Besides their respective crews, the two brought " one hun- . dred and twenty persons for planters." Leaving Plymouth on the last day of May, they arrived at Monhegan early in August, this island having been agreed upon, as their place.of rendez- vous, before leaving England. Fortunately, we have quite a full narrative of the events of the voyage, including their visit to
' Maine Hist. Coll., II, p. 17.
36
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
Pemaquid, and also the circumstances attending their debarka- tion at the mouth of the Kennebec.1 On one of the islands they saw a cross set up there by Weymouth two years before !
The ships remained at Monhegan ouly one night, because of their exposure to the winds and waves; and the next morning sought a more secure anchorage, very probably " among the islands," as Weymouth had done previously. Possibly they may have found refuge in the very Pentecost harbor of Weymouth. Whatever place it was, they began at once to make preparations for an excursion westward to Pemaquid. Says the author of the narrative :
" About midnight, Capt. Gilbert caused his shipp's boat to be mannde with fourteen persons and the Indian Skidwares (brought to England by Capt. Wayman),2 and rowed to the westward from their ship to the river of Pemaquid, which they found to be four leagues distant from the shipp where she rode. The In- dian brought them to the salvages' houses, where they found a hundred men, women and childrene ; and their commander, or sagamore, amongst them, named Nahanada, who had been brought likewise into England by Capt. Wayman, and returned thither by Capt. Hanam, setting forth for those parts and some part of Canada the year before ; at their first comying, the In- dians betooke them to their armes, their bowes and arrowes ; but after Nahanada had talked with Skidwares and perceaved that they were English men, he caused them to lay aside their bowes and arrowes, and he himself came unto them and ym- braced, and made them much welcome, and entertayned them with much chierfulness, and did they likewise him, and after two howers thus interchangeably spent, they returned abourd againe.
"Sunday 9th, the chief ofboth the shipps, with the greatest part of all the company, landed on the island where the crosse stood, the which they called St. George's island, and heard a sermon delivered unto them by Mr. Seymour, his preacher, and soe returned abourd againe.
1 Maine, Hist. Coll., II, p. 21. Hist. of Saco and Biddeford, p. 21.
2 The author, Wm. Strachey, as we have already seen (p. 31), was not connected with the expedition, but made up his account from the statements of others, some of whom may have kept journals of their proceedings. Strachey's account was written about 1618, bat remained in manuscript until 1849, when it was published by the Hackluyt Society. It has since been published, both by the Massachusetts and Maine Historical Societies. (Maine Hist. Coll., III, 283.)
3 Capt. George Weymouth.
37
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
" Monday 10th, Capt. Popham manned his shallop, and Capt. Gilbert his boat, with fifty persons in both, and departed for the river of Pemaquid, carrieing with them Skidwares, and ar- rived in the mouthe of the river; there came forth Nahanada, with all his company of Indians, with their bowes and arrowes in their handes. They, being before his dwelling house, would will- ingly have all our people come ashoare, using them all in kind sort after their manner; nevertheless, after one hower they all suddenly withdrew themselves into the woodes, nor was Skid- wares desirous to return with them any more abourd. Our peo- ple, loth to proffer any violence unto them by drawing him by force, suffered him to stay behind, promising to return to them the day following, but he did not. After his departure, they im- barked themselves and rowed to the further side of the river, and there remayned on the shoare for that night."
The next day, August 11th, they returned to their ships which were still lying under St. George's Island, and the day following sailed west " for the river of Sagadahoc."
This extract from Strachey is of deep interest to us, as giving us a glimpse of the condition of the place at this early period. We learn from it that one, at least, of the Indians, seized by Weymouth two years before and conveyed to England, was a sagamore of this place.1 His character as a chief of his tribe -- probably the Wawenocks -seems to have been recognized when he was first taken into captivity ; and though compara- tively little is said of him during his residence with the English, - when he is brought before us, he always appears to good advant- age. After a residence in England of about a year, he was re- turned to his native country by Capt. Pring, 2 in 1606; and his kindly reception of the company composing the Popham colony, as just related, as indeed was always his conduct towards the English (when brought in contact with them), was quite in contrast with the treatment he had himself received of Capt. Weymouth.
A month later than this (Sept. 5th), Nahanada and Skidwares with some forty others, in nine canoes, came to visit the new English settlement at the mouth of the Kennebec, where they spent the remainder of the day and night in friendly intercourse,
! He is called Nahanada, Tanedo, Dehaneda, which are only different modes of spelling the same name.
" Strachey says by Capt. Hanam.
68
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
returning home in the morning. Before leaving, however, it was agreed that Capt. Gilbert should make a visit to the bashaba on the Penobscot, and that a delegation of the Pemaquid Indians should accompany him. With our present knowledge of the coast it may seem a little strange that experienced seamen, as they were, should have any difficulty in finding the wide mouth of the Penobscot, but we know not what obstacles, as stormy weather, or dense fogs (which are very common there), may have interfered with their designs. And then it was the par- ticular locality of the great monarch they were searching for, and not merely the Penobscot river.
We next hear of Nahanada Oct. 3d, when he makes his ap- pearance again at the Kennebec, attended by his wife, and having in company a brother of the bashaba, Amenquin, another saga- more, and his ever faithful attendant Skidwares. This time they remained some three days, one of them being the sab- bath; and being invited by the president they attended public worship, behaving in all respects with the most perfect pro- priety. At their departure, Popham, president of the colony, bestowed upon them some trifling presents, promising to visit in person the bashaba at Penobscot, and make arrangements for a regular trade. This promise evidently was made with entire sincerity, but it never was fulfilled. A few months after- wards, President Popham died; and the next spring the colony was discontinued. After this, we hear no more of the Pema- quid Indians, until the arrival of Capt. John Smith, in the sum- mer of 1614. Nahanada then makes his appearance again with the same character as before, treating the English with great kindness, and maintaining the same lofty bearing. Smith, in his description of New England, acknowledges his obliga- tions to him, and in a few words plainly indicates a proper appreciation of his character. 1
-
This seems to be the last mention that is made of the name of Nahanada, or his accompanying friend Skidwares. Very soon after this visit of Capt. Smith, those two dreadful scourges of the human race, war and pestilence, fell upon the natives of
1 Mass. Hist. Coll. 3d, VI., p. 130. " The main assistance, next God, I had to this small number, was my acquaintance among the Salvages, especially with Dohannida, one of their greatest lords, who had lived long in England. By the means of this proud salvage, I did not doubt but quickly to have got that credit with the rest of his friends and alliants, to have had as many of them as I desired in any design."
1
39
HISTORY OF BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
New England, of which we shall have more to say further on, and it is quite possible they were among the very many that per- ished. Certain it is, that the next time we find any reference made to the Pemaquid Indians, the names that appear are altogether new.
Smith sailed from England, March 3, 1614, and arrived at Monhegan the last of April. He had under his command a ship and a bark, and forty-five men. Their object, he says, was " to take whales, and make trials of a mine of gold and copper." The gold and copper they did not find, and were not any more successful in taking whales ; but they secured a good quantity of codfish, and for a small sum purchased a large amount of furs of the Indians, as we have seen on preceding pages.
They built several boats on Monhegan 1 with which they ranged the coast many miles, both east and west. During this time, the ship and bark laid at anchor in Monhegan harbor.
Smith took with him in those excursions eight men, making everywhere as good surveys as was possible with the means at his command, very probably at the time intending to prepare & map2 of the coast, he did two years afterward, (as described on the next page). The map was vastly superior to any that had before appeared ; and as a result of Smith's labors during the season the general knowledge of the country (and its pro- duction) was greatly increased.
When Smith's ships lay at Monhegan, " right against him in the main was a ship of Sir Francis Popham," and "forty leagues to the westward were two French ships, that had made then a great voyage by trade." This shows that, at this period, there was beginning to be considerable intercourse between Europe and the coast of New England.
July 18th, Smith sailed in the bark for England, leaving the ship in command of Thomas Hunt to complete his fare of fish ; but he soon left his fishing, sailed westward to Massachusetts, where he seized twenty-seven1 of the natives for the purpose of selling them as slaves. He took them with him to Spain, and
1 Mes. Hist. Coll., 3d, VI, 120. Smith says " Monhegan (he spells the word Monahigan) is a round isle, and close by it is Monanis, betwist which is a small harbor where we rode." Spark's Am. Biog., II., 355,
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.