USA > North Carolina > Edgecombe County > History of Edgecombe County, North Carolina > Part 10
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Meanwhile local sentiment in Edgecombe was shaping the minds of the people for participation in the pending struggle. The elec- tions for delegates to the convention was held in April, resulting in the defeat of the Federal element. In this election the Revolu- tionary spirit had not entirely disappeared, and it was natural that men of the conservative type should have the honor of repre- senting the county in the first State convention. Edgecombe elected Elisha Battle, Robert Digges, Etheldred Gray, William Fort, and Bythel Bell. Elisha Battle was a man of considerable ability, wise, and an ardent Republican. He was a survival of the Revolutionary struggle, who still kept intact his wisdom, counsel, and his usual fairness in political controversy. The other dele- gates were also of the Republican tendency.
The delegates met with the convention in Hillsboro, July 25, 1788. The principal object was to deliberate and determine a plan for a Federal Government. Battle was placed on the committee to draw up rules of decorum. Gray was placed on the committee of elections. During the procedure of the convention James Ire- dell, a strong Federalist, proposed a series of amendments to the Constitution, whereby certain power was to be delegated to Con- gress, which would strengthen the Federal Government. This proposal strengthened the existing party lines, and the Edgecombe delegation, true to the principles of Republicanism, cast its votes
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solidly in the negative and with the majority. The convention, while the majority wanted ratification, neither ratified nor re- jected the Constitution proposed for the government of the United States.
It is obvious, according to the Edgecombe vote, that Republican tendencies were predominate in the county. Later evidences sub- stantiate this statement. This did not mean, however, that the county or its delegates were adverse to ratifying the Constitution, but that objection was voiced to the Federal amendment proposed by Iredell.
In the meantime the people of Edgecombe addressed a letter of grievance to Governor Samuel Johnson, in which they claimed they suffered by the decision of the late convention. They accord- ingly recommended another convention. The following year a convention was called to meet in Fayetteville on the 3d of No- vember. Edgecombe sent Etheldred Gray, Jeremiah Hilliard, Etheldred Philips, William Fort, and Thomas Blount. Only two of the previous delegates were returned. Thomas Blount was per- haps the most able man in the delegation. He was a man of the Revolutionary school, having enlisted as an ensign, at the age of seventeen. He was taken prisoner during the war; sent to Eng- land, and returned after the cessation of hostilities. At the time of the convention he was a merchant in Tarboro, and later became one of the earliest Republican congressmen from this district.
After the convention was called to order and the preliminaries were dispensed with, it resolved itself into a committee of the whole convention. Immediately amendments were proposed by the Federalists to be laid before Congress. When the vote was called Phillips, Blount, and Hilliard voted negatively. Gray and Fort were either not present or refused to vote. The majority desiring ratification, but preferring ratification without amendments, the question of concurring with the convention was placed on motion, and Philips, Blount, Hilliard, and Fort voted affirmatively. Gray failed to vote.
This decided tendency of Republicanism was prevalent in the county on all issues affecting national and State policies. In 1790, just before the question of refunding the State debts incurred during the Revolution, and the rise of the National Bank, Presi- dent Washington, for political reasons, planned a journey through
THOMAS BLOUNT
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the Southern States. In 1791 he turned his attention southward, and in March he began his tour, arriving in North Carolina in April.
He visited Halifax on April 16th, and started for Tarboro on the morning of the 18th. He was met at Roanoke River by Colonel Ashe, representative of the district, who escorted him to Tarboro.1 General Washington was welcomed with a warm hos- pitality, being saluted with a single piece of artillery, and cordially entertained at the "beautiful residence overlooking Tar River," belonging at the time to Major Reading Blount. No man possessed greater acumen in observing the political sentiments of the people than General Washington, and with tact and ingenuity he sought the people's opinion of the political issues of the day.
It is not to be inferred that because party beginning were evi- dent in the State and county, in 1788, the county was organized at once into a political machine with definite platforms and issues. Nothing could be further from correct. Indeed legislators, sheriffs, and other officers were elected in the same old way, with nothing more than minor local issues to determine a difference in candi- dates for several years.
In November, 1790, the first political boundaries were estab- lished in North Carolina. The State was divided into five divi- sions for a more effective means of electing Representatives to United States Congress and other political positions. Edgecombe, and eight other eastern counties, formed the Roanoke division, and like the other districts were allowed one representative to Con- gress, eligible after being a resident of one of the counties from which elected for at least one year. The procedure of the election is worthy of comment in order to understand something of the po- litical machinery of that day. The sheriff of each county in the district was the returning officer; constituted the political boss with considerable power and authority. It was the duty of the sheriff on the first day of February to repair to Tarboro to count the votes cast in order to determine which candidate had received the greatest number.
Separate and special means were devised for those in the militia to vote during elections. In 1800 a special law was enacted giv-
1 President Washington took noon-day meal with one Slaughter, about fourteen miles from Tarboro.
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ing Edgecombe the privilege to muster at the home of Joseph Pender and James Phillips for separate elections. It appears, however, that this law was ignored by the field officers in the county, who desired to muster, as formerly, at Tarboro. The legislature passed an amendment forbidding a muster at Tarboro in order to make the demands to muster at Pender's and Phillips' more emphatic and mandatory. The results of this law afforded much convenience to the inhabitants of the county. The residence of Pender gave Captain Eason, Todd, Robbins, Wood, and Ruth an opportunity to register and vote their men in the western part of the county without having to proceed some forty miles to Tar- boro. Moreover the distance from Tarboro offered a good reason for the citizens of Northern Edgecombe to petition for a separate election. Phillips' residence was accordingly designated as a place for mustering and Daniel Ross, Jeremiah Hillard, David Copfield, Sherwood Savage, and Elias Bryant were elected as a committee to supervise the elections.
The sheriff or his deputies attended the election on the evening before and received all the votes from those eligible for suffrage. He opened the ballot at Tarboro on the evening of Friday after the second Thursday in August, in order to ascertain the candi- dates receiving the majority of votes. Precautionary measures were employed to prevent one citizen from voting twice, once at Northern Edgecombe and again at Tarboro. A fine of ten pounds was enacted as the penalty for detected parties, and the sheriff was not allowed to count the votes until all suffrages were taken. All ballots from Pender's and Phillips' were carried to Tarboro in a sealed box until all the districts voted. The seal was broken in the presence of the inspectors, sealed again until the election in Tarboro.
The Congressional election 1793 was full of excitement and thrilling episodes. John B. Ashe, of Halifax, had the first honor of representing this district in Congress, but with the new election he was succeeded by Thomas Blount, of Edgecombe. There was an entire change in the delegation, and a rapid departure of the policies which caused the obvious election of a new candidate. The anti-Federalists were rapidly assuming new power both in Congress and the State legislature. State politics and the legisla-
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ture had previous to this time been comparatively conservative, but in 1794 Edgecombe substituted John Leigh, an astute poli- tician and reputed parliamentarian of Republican principles.
He served as chairman of the House for several sessions, begin- ning from 1795, at which time there arose an increasing bitterness between the Federals and the Republicans over the interpretation of the Federal Constitution, and the foreign policy of the Ameri- can Government. The State generally witnessed an exasperating effect at the decline (although not defeat) of the Republicans in 1796. They resented without avail the encroachments of the Fed- erals in disregarding the agreements laid down in the Federal compact. The powers were limited, but the Federal leaders were using unlimited powers in accomplishing policies of State, both in finance and pending war with France. There was a warm contest in the fall election. John Leigh was defeated for Legislature by Colonel Nathan Mayo, a man of influence and some talent, but by the grace of much force, and campaigning, Thomas Blount was more successful and remained in Congress.1
Federalism lost its influence in national affairs, until the elec- tion of Jefferson in 1801. It began a downward pace which culmi- nated in failure owing to the loss of its principal leader, Alexander Hamilton, in 1806. North Carolina was Republican, with every hamlet carrying the banner of Jefferson and Democracy. Every position almost, in North Carolina, was occupied by a Republican. But this was too much of a happy state to be permanent. Too sweet and memorable for history, and too full of satiety for ease.
With the retirement of Jefferson in 1809, Mr. Madison assumed the presidency, inheriting the foreign complications which were far from being settled. He was possessed with taciturnity and irresolutions, which caused him to rely upon his party supporters. This gave the Federalists an opportunity to get new breath and an opportunity to push their interest, which had been inactive for nearly ten years. In the revival of party spirit in 1809 Edgecombe County became the scene for a warm campaign, so much so that
1 Thomas Blount, the son of Jacob Blount, was born May 10, 1759. After the war he entered into a partnership with his brother, John Gray Blount, of Wash- ington, N. C., and ran a branch store at Tarboro. These brothers conducted a large mercantile and shipping business. Thomas Blount died in Washington City in 1812, and being a member of Congress at the time, was buried in the Congressional Cemetery.
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the Congressional election resulted in the election of Willis Aston, who though not an avowed Federalist, leaned toward that faith. From other sections of the State out and out Federalists were elected.
An important political issue affecting Edgecombe County at this time was being agitated in North Carolina courts. Earl Granville heirs were attempting, through the Supreme Court of the United States, to lay valid claims to the property held by Earl Granville prior to the Revolution. To permit their claims would involve rights to land which were held by citizens of Edge- combe and other eastern counties, which had been cut off from Edgecombe since 1755. North Carolina courts had previously decided that the claims were invalid. The county was secured from further trouble and embarrassment by the death of Francis Key, counsel for the British heirs. Edgecombe politicians resented further inquiries in the matter, when the issue became one of national debate. Lined up with Edgecombe representatives in the State legislature were the representatives from Halifax, Granville, Nash, Johnston, and Pitt counties. The matter reached a success- ful conclusion, however, in 1809, when the suit was dismissed through the want of bond to push the case.
The Federalists in the county were still weak when the year 1811 found North Carolina on the verge of assisting in the war of 1812. Not all Republicans thought that the nation was in favor of war, and Edgecombe especially was lukewarm as repre- sented by Thomas Blount. The following year a bitter campaign was conducted among the candidates for Congress. Mr. Blount, who was deceased, was succeeded by Willis Alston, Jr., of Halifax.
About this time there appeared a figure which was destined to make the annals of Edgecombe history glitter with political fervor. A man with a purpose in view, and with a career to make, came to the forefront in politics and war. Louis D. Wilson loved Edgecombe with a loyal love, and although he possessed no classical education nor a genius, he became a figure of value to the public welfare. At each session of the legislature to which he was elected he was becoming more familiar and effective as a politician and legislator. The life of Wilson presents both a saddened and brilliant glare upon the archives of Edgecombe's political history.
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His first prominent appearance upon the political arena was in 1827. Democracy in Edgecombe had gained a foothold, which grew stronger and stronger as this political genius grew in power. The thirteenth district, of which Edgecombe was a part, put out two candidates for presidential elector-William Clark, of Pitt, and Louis D. Wilson, of Edgecombe. They agreed upon no elec- tioneering, and it is doubtful if the records of the national and State elections could furnish a parallel. Frauds, corruption, and bribery existed in all parts of the country. A militia company, under Captain White, remained at Beach Swamps during the election.
The county, however, by the time of the election, was decidedly in favor of Jackson. The newspapers sounded the trumpet of Adams buying the presidential chair from Clay, by giving the latter the office of Secretary of State. The circulation of pamph- lets throughout the county to this effect injured Adams, and de- creased the number of votes for him. A freeman in his broken English wrote a letter to the Tarboro Free Press, October 27, 1827, that Clay and Adams ought to be tied together, and cast into the Chesapeake Bay. Strange to say this man voiced the opinions also of the majority of negro voters, who thought Jack- son should be the next President, because he would round out some of the "big folks" at Washington, and let them know what it was to "fool with the free men of the country."
The returns of the election showed seventy-nine votes for Jack- son and only three for Adams. This return was immediately pro- tested and submitted to the editor of the United States Telegraph to solve. The announcement that all Jackson voters, after the votes were counted, would be given plenty to eat and drink de- cided the majority.
Immediately after Jackson's election two political issues be- came prominent, one of which has lasted to the present day. The first of these was that of the tariff. Edgecombe County today has a survival of the old theory advanced during Jackson's admin- istration. Before Jackson was inaugurated, several journals in the eastern counties held him up to the people as an advocate of the policy of protection, but they had remained totally silent as regarded Adams' opinion on the same subject. The editor of the Tarboro Free Press, in voicing the sentiments of the citizens of Edgecombe, sent out a declaration of their opinions. They were
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in favor of a judicious examination of the revision of the tariff, and in so far as it embraced the design of fostering, protecting, and preserving within themselves the means of national defense and independence, particularly in a state of war, they supported it.
The condition of the times-burden of the Revolution and War of 1812,1 the issue of bonds and internal improvements-demanded a careful and judicious tariff to pay off the national debt, and to afford a means of defense on which the safety of the country and the liberty of the people depended. The eastern people, however, never favored direct taxation to pay this great national debt, and it has always been a known fact that they desire protection on other resources than their own.
This opinion was expressed by a public meeting on September 17, 1827. The citizens gathered at James Bridgers, where a vote was taken against the tariff, one hundred and twenty-seven against and none in favor of the measure. A resolution was drawn up, signifying that the present tariff law of the United States was "iniquitous in principle, oppressive in operation, adverse to the intent and spirit of the Constitution, and dangerous to the in- tegrity of the Union." The politicians opposed the suggestion of a convention of the friends of States Rights (the second issue fol- lowing Jackson's election) and "Free Trade."
On the 22d of September, 1827, a considerable number of voters of the county assembled at the court house and considered the project of sending delegates to Free Trade Convention, which was to assemble in Philadelphia on the 30th of September. Both meetings, one on the 17th, another on the 30th, agreed on the nature of Free Trade and its consequences, and appointed Louis D. Wilson and Francis L. Dancy delegates to attend the convention in behalf of Edgecombe in order to redress the wrongs of the people in the county. Freetrade became such a popular movement that goods were advertised in the county as free trade goods.
The first public demonstration of State rights in Edgecombe occurred in the fall of 1827 during the election of W. Little, who was a rising politician of promising ability and influence. He
1 Edgecombe made valuable contribution to this war. Edgecombe troops were in Fifth Brigade, gave one colonel, one major, fifteen captains, fifteen first lieutenants, fourteen ensigns, and one adjutant, one paymaster, one surgeon on the brigade staff. It also gave more than 1,000 firearms, including shot guns, muskets, rifles, cespontoons, and cartridge boxes. It sent 1,209 privates, sergeants, corporals, drum- mers, fifers, and one major general.
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offered a toast at a political meeting which opened the way for further agitation on this issue, "Arise, North Carolina," he said, "shake off the yoke, proclaim your states rights, be free and may the Heavens protect you."
On December 22d of the same year, a notice was issued for a meeting to be held in the town of Stantonburg, now in Wilson County, for the citizens of Edgecombe, Green, and Wayne coun- ties to express their sentiments in regard to the presidential elec- tion. Approximately 250 people were present; William Speight was elected chairman and Thomas Speight, secretary. A com- mittee was appointed consisting of Thomas Speight, Dr. Blake Little, Benjamin Miller, Patrick S. Comwell, and Will Little to prepare resolutions for the consideration of the meeting. A better insight can be obtained as to the condition and nature of the issue by the following preamble this committee submitted :
"It is the undoubted birthright of every American citizen to express publicly his opinion both of public men and measures. In order, however, to give time and energy to this most important and popular prerogative, it should be resorted to only in cases.
"Be it resolved, therefore, that we, the free people of Edge- combe, Wayne, and Greene, will use our utmost execution to pro- mote the election of General Jackson to the presidential chair." This resolution was the voice of the meeting, as was, and now is, the custom. Great political symbols were made as toasts, begin- ning with General Washington, the Father of the country, and concluding with General Jackson, sitting at the helm of the great national ship, with Commodore Porter for his pilot and J. C. Calhoun, first mate.
It is worthy of notice that the Edgecombe citizens did not vary from the rules of politicians in this meeting. A moral issue was accepted as a plank in abolishment of corruption, and the moral support of a protection of the "Fair Sex." The Adams, Clay, and Co., the political intriguers, were to be hurled from their seats and recollected only for their "catalogue of crimes."
Edgecombe politicians were very much against internal im- provements. One of the campaign slogans was: "Internal im- provement by Congress at a wrong place, a wrong time and by wrong men."
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By 1830 States rights theory was very strongly lodged in the minds of the Edgecombe Democrats. The movement was more popularly supported when it became known that James Iredell declined to be re-elected to the United States Senate. Edge- combe politicians began to consider the man who was next best fitted to uphold the political end of the government. They favored and supported Jackson's administration. A circular de- cree in the form of advertisement was issued for one who would manfully and ably defend the glorious cause in which the friends of "States Rights" were engaged. They wanted a man who had identified himself with the cause of Jackson and his reform. To this end the name of General Speight, of the Newbern district, received the prompt approval of the majority of the Democrats in Edgecombe.
With the close of the contest of 1828 between Adams and Jack- son, the bank bill became an issue of absorbing interest to the Edgecombe politicians. The Adams party believed in internal improvements, expansion of the Constitution and high protective tariff. These policies, however, died an easy and gradual death under the astute plans of Jackson.
The themes of Jefferson were once more resorted to in the con- flict, and the split of the two wings of the Republican party fol- lowed. Edgecombe supported Jackson in the fight until toward the close of the second administration.
The question and controversy over the banks demanded the first consideration of the people after Jackson's inauguration. In Jackson's first speech he had intimated that the banks as they were constituted were unconstitutional. This proved to be a mere be- ginning of a long struggle, and one which Edgecombe had a con- siderable share. In the State Legislature in 1811 Edgecombe had lifted her voice against the rechartering of the bank when the bill was before the State Assembly. But by 1816 the sentiment changed, and Clark, of Edgecombe, voted, with a considerable ma- jority, in favor of rechartering the bank a second time. In this instance, however, the Republicans supported, and the Federalists opposed the measure. Without any hesitancy of speech, Jackson openly declared he opposed further expansion of the bank by
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granting charters or otherwise. Where would Edgecombe cast her voice? Follow political creeds or yield to economic interest and needs ?
In 1829 the State bank question was taken before the General Assembly of North Carolina. For the time being the policies of Jackson were ignored and party prejudice eliminated. As a con- sequence of this and much other agitation it was rejected by the Commons in the March session of 1829. Moreover, much conflict arose from the appointment of a committee to investigate. This committee was invested with power to examine persons and to ascertain the exact conditions of the bank. It was soon discovered that two parties existed among the members of the committee, those who desired to present the banks in the worst light possible and those who sought to palliate their conduct in handling the financial affairs of the State. The result was an agreement could not be obtained on a single report. Each party, therefore, made its own report; one describing the banks in the darkest colors, and the other palliating any offense and act of the banking institu- tion.
Several days after the reports were made and the bill had been rejected, the Grand Jury at the March Term of the Superior Court of Edgecombe discharged their duties as Grand Jurors, and took in consideration the presentments made by the committee from Wayne and Duplin counties. The jury expressed its opinion inviting the attention of the citizens to the pecuniary embarrass- ment of the people, the conditions of the banks, and recommended an extra session of the General Assembly of the State to take the subject into their exclusive jurisdiction. The excuse given for the activity of the Grand Jury was evidenced by the results and atti- tudes of the two above-named counties.
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