USA > North Carolina > Edgecombe County > History of Edgecombe County, North Carolina > Part 12
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44
Amid the bitter controversy of the Whigs and Democrats over the bank and the tariff, the "hideous spectre," of even a more dreadful issue was continually appearing to the front. The ques- tion of slavery, which many had hoped was forever settled in 1920, was fast being revived by the Whigs, and far from solution. The unfurling of the Republican banner in 1839 was a movement beguiled by the deceptive pretext of Federalism under a modern Whig garb. An alliance between the Federalists and Whigs gave the new party control over county politics in 1839 and 1840. Edward Stanley, Whig, had represented the district in Congress for three successive years. In addition local politics was gradu- ally passing from the Democrats to the Whigs. To add further to the complication and embarrassment of the Democratic party a farmer's ticket came out in 1840. This caused an additional decline of the Democratic party. There were accordingly three tickets. The Democrats, who supported R. M. Sanders for Gov- ernor; Louis D. Wilson, Senate; William S. Baker and Joshua Barnes, House of Congress, and M. Petway for Sheriff. The farmers' ticket supported the same candidates for President and Vice-President, Governor, Sheriff, but ran W. L. Kennedy for Senate. The Federal Whigs of course supported Tyler, Harrison, and Edward Stanley, of Beaufort, for Senate.
The canvass for the campaign began with what promised to be a rampant contest. The fervor elicited some witty and appropri- ate remarks and writings on the issues of the day. One cotton victim who received reverses from an emotional as well as financial
ยท
127
POLITICS AFTER THE REVOLUTION
consideration, contributed a poem to be used against the Whigs. It is well worth quoting as an index to the issues then prevalent :
"Nought but these plagues of dreadful destruction, Distract us with fears of woeful reduction. Corn groans beneath the oppression of bugs, Harrison swaggers with 'hard cider' in mugs; Indians are cutting the throats of the whites. Northern men brawling for 'nigger' men's rights. Congress bullying and butchering each other, Honest men claiming the rogue for their brother; Banks buying up every freeman they can, (Undermining the Republican Van) ; Grinding all men who're disposed to be free- Such is the history of the time that be."
The Democrats fought bravely, but unsuccessfully, in defense of their policies. The Whigs in the national contest won the laurels for which they had struggled so faithfully to obtain. In local affairs, however, the Democrats were successful and man- aged to elect Charles G. Hunter, of Edgecombe, as Democrat dele- gate to the convention at Baltimore, H. T. Clark as clerk of Court, William S. Baker and Joshua Barnes as Representative to State Legislature, William Petway as Sheriff, and Louis D. Wil- son as Senator, and polled 1,379 votes for Van Buren versus 135 Whig votes for Harrison.
By the fall of 1841, after the apparent Whig victory in Edge- combe, the Democrats rallied back to their own colors. The Dem- ocratic committee met after the election and appointed another committee to get up resolutions, defending the Democratic prin- ciples and the county's integrity. The meeting was held at the court house November 23, 1841. J. C. Knight acted as chariman and George Howard, secretary. T. R. Purnell outlined in a speech the artifices and deceptions as the Democratic party saw them practiced by the Whigs during the last victory. He pro- nounced the Whig party "dead, dead, dead." Moreover charges of abusing public confidence was charged to the Whig leaders. The Democratic party depended upon the sober thoughts of the people in the county to cause them to rally back to the support of Democratic principles as taught by Jefferson, Jackson, and
128
HISTORY OF EDGECOMBE COUNTY
Van Buren. The Whigs had secured their ends in the bank quee- tion inasmuch as the President had failed to veto their measure. For this act the Edgecombe Democrats were not slow in acknowl- edging their appreciation. The party did not, as was charged against them, guard money more excessively than the Republi- cans had. They at least got more credit by the paper money party than they actually wanted. The death of Harrison, April 4, 1841, and the succession to the presidency by John Tyler, an ardent Democrat, caused great consternation to the Whigs and much rejoicing to the Democrats. A more prospective future loomed up for local democracy, and the campaign for 1841 for the election of Congressman was one of interest. Never did Dem- ocrats seem actuated by a more resolute and determined spirit. The boastings, the taunts, the sneers of their opponents only ap- peared to have a tendency to make them adhere more unflinchingly to the men of their choice and the Republican doctrine they advo- cated. This determination and the preparation made to offset the Whigs caused a prominent Whig voter to declare that the Democrats would only receive the support of the State of New Hampshire and the County of Edgecombe.
The Republicans of Edgecombe and Nash gave a public dinner at Nolley's X Roads in Edgecombe, 15th of October. Several prominent speakers were present and some rank Republican doc- trines were promulgated. John P. Pitt, then an active politician, presided over the gathering, and George Howard acted as secre- tary. H. T. Clark, Ralph E. McNair, Harman Ward, Robt. D. Hart, and Charles G. Hunter were appointed to draft resolutions expressive of the sentiment of those present.
The committee having retired, the meeting was addressed at some length by J. J. Pippen, touching the merits of the respective candidates for the presidency; urging the necessity of vigilance and exertion on the part of the democracy, "to counteract the efforts of our opponents; inducing their neighbors to attend the polls."
The committee returned, whereupon H. T. Clark, in behalf of the committee, reported the following preamble and resolutions, prefacing the same with appropriate remarks. The resolutions were read collectively and separately, and unanimously adopted :
"WHEREAS, The zeal and unexampled effort now made by the opposition to thwart the operations of the Government, to oppose
129
POLITICS AFTER THE REVOLUTION
the principles of the Republican party by perverting its doctrines, misrepresenting facts, and raising a public clamor by the most bitter and malicious denunciations of men and measures connected with the present administration, call for renewed and vigorous efforts of the democracy to sustain themselves and the precious principles handed down to them by the forefathers.
"Resolved, That a committee of twelve be appointed by the meeting, to be a committee of vigilance, who shall take the neces- sary steps to promote the cause of the Democratic party, and secure a full vote at the polls, and to distribute such papers and documents as may tend to advance our cause.
"Resolved, That we have confidence in the Republican doc- trines of the present administration, and think the welfare and prosperity of the county depend upon their successful maintenance.
"Resolved, That we view with much alarm and concern, the union of Whigism and abolitionism at the North; while our pres- ent President stands pledged to vote any interference with our domestic institutions from the fanatic abolitionists. General Har- rison is ominously silent on it-and the Whig party at the North have pursued such a course on this subject that no southern man should trust them with power.
"Resolved, That we feel grateful for the firm and manly stand assumed by northern democracy in favor of southern rights and the Constitution, and while we sympathize with those who have been sacrificed for their course on this subject, we feel indignant at the boastings of southern Whigs for the success of northern Whigs who are avowed abolitionists.
"Resolved, That the independent treasury bill, delivering us from the unholy alliance of corporations and the money power, is the plain interpretation of the Constitution and the true policy of the Government as marked out by our forefathers, and should be the uncompromising creed of the Democratic party."
The beginning of this campaign marked a sad omen which was not eliminated until 1847. The strategy exercised by the Whigs in supporting H. I. Toole, a Democrat in principle, caused suspicion to be cast upon him, and he was doomed to suffer for honest
9
130
HISTORY OF EDGECOMBE COUNTY
principles. This is not the first time a man was defeated by the wrong kind of support and at the hands of superfluous flattery.
Moreover, Toole became involved in an opposition with his personal friend, H. S. Clark. The convention placed Clark in order of nomination and under this condition nothing remained but for Toole to run as an independent candidate or withdraw with a loss of prestige. The Whigs were elated over the defeat of Toole in the convention, because he had been their greatest foe. In the election previous to this he had secured 841 votes in the county versus that of 80 for Stanley, the Whig candidate. In order to celebrate their feelings a cannon was fired in front of the market square in Tarboro when the news reached the street from the closed doors of the convention hall. The result was he ran as a mere choice of the people. The Tarboro people felt under obligations to support the nominee of the convention, and, as usual with political organizations, began to hurl its invectives toward Toole, and painting Clark up in brilliant colors. Both men were equal in character and ability. However, one was a victim of circumstances and the other a supporter of political machinery.
Toole was so severely abused by the Democrats, although a Dem- ocrat himself, that he ordered his paper sent directly to him instead of his home, in order that his family might not be pained at the abuse against him. An article had appeared in the Tar- boro Press, signed "A. B.," in which Toole was defended of his principles and why the Whigs were supporting him. George Howard, then editor of the Tarboro Free Press, commented in as mild a form as his position would admit and gave cause for further correspondence upon the issue. Accordingly a prominent writer in Tarboro, in making use of the opportunity to harass Toole further, wrote a scathing rejoinder. He thought that Howard had missed the mark in attributing the authorship of "A. B." in the paper to a Whig in Tarboro. The writer then declared that there were certain earmaks about the communica- tion, as well as twenty-three editorials in the same paper, which were strong features of a certain gentleman in Tarboro who calls himself a Democrat (meaning Toole).
The writer proceeded further to show, in a ridiculous light, the workings of the new-fangled coalition. It was indeed queer that
131
POLITICS AFTER THE REVOLUTION
Toole should have been supported by the Whigs when a Democrat and the two parties being so abused to each other. And probably with present limitations of insight to the mistakes made by the parties involved, one should not be too harsh toward either oppo- nent or contestant. Toole's followers at any rate were pictured as a mere corporal's guard (which later proved otherwise), vieing with each other in their efforts to promote the cause of the great "Unpacked," "Toole shaking hands with Federalism," was the picture of ignominious regret. Federalism defending Toole was a unique cause for suspicion of any man claiming Democratic principles. This was of course an unnatural alliance; and unholy union. The time was, and it came to pass soon after this predica- ment was realized by Toole himself, that H. I. Toole would have scorned such an alliance, when his ardent spirit for democracy would have suffered the keenest mortification, ere he would have permitted support from men whose principles he detested. Toole, however, was not willing to remain in his embarrassing position. Rather than be supported by Whigs and to suffer the Democratic party, the one for which he had fought and loved, to be impaired, he sacrificed the race and withdrew. Richard S. Donnell, of Craven County, became the Whig nominee for Congress in oppo- sition to Clark, after Toole's withdrawal. In this instance Clark did not play the ungentlemanly part. He immediately proposed in a letter to Toole that he also, in order to secure the harmony for the success of the Democratic party, would withdraw from the race on certain proposals, namely, that some other individual be selected or agreed upon, and that both he and Toole support such individual.
Toole in the meantime had given Clark's proposal consideration, and the reaction of his own mind again forced him to reinstate himself in the eyes of his supporters for the seat in Congress. He accordingly wrote Clark, May 5th, and informed him that since his withdrawal he had advised with his friends, and he nor they considered the harmony of the Democratic party endangered by the present conditions of things-both claimed to be Democrats -since if either were elected (and it was certain that one would be), a Democrat would be secured. In this event Toole recon- sidered his withdrawal, and proposed to Clark both run as candi- dates. There remained nothing else to do, and the race began.
132
HISTORY, OF EDGECOMBE COUNTY:
Immediately after his declaration that he was again in the field a dialogue between a Town Whig and a Country Democrat, which was supposed to have taken place at X Roads Meeting House, was published in the Tarboro Press. The words "town" and "country" were used profusely to convey a supposed idea that the town was superior over the country, and the country man was to beat in the conversation. This was to cast reflection upon Toole. The dialogue is as follows: :
-
Whig (with a hat full of Toole's circulars, all copied from the North State Whig) : Good morning, 'Squire. How do ye do today ?
Democrat : Thank you, tolenable how's it with yourself ?
Whig: Joster so so. Well, 'Squire, who do you go for, for Congress ?
Democrat : I go for the nominee of the convention.
Whig: You do? Why he's a Whig, "as good a Whig as I want."
Democrat : He is? Well, why don't you go for him? You profess to be a Whig.
Whig: I would go for him, but "I have pledged myself to go for Toole."
Democrat : You have? Then I "pledge myself to go for the nominee."
"It is needless to say that the Whig (Coon) was fairly 'treed,' and didn't say anything more." :
The results of the election demonstrated that Toole had not lost favor entirely in the people's estimation. His contribution to the policies of the Democratic party even though clothed (as some Democrats declared) in a Whig garb was remembered in the most stringent and undue crisis of his political career. These ideals cherished by the voters in the county were manifested on the day of the election. Edgecombe gave Toole the majority of votes, but the other counties went against him. Because of the split among all parties only 52 votes were necessary to a choice, and Toole lacked only eight. Had Beaufort County gone for him he would have won; but by skillful jockeying her vote was secured for Clark by a majority of one.
133
POLITICS AFTER THE REVOLUTION
In the meantime Whiggery had continued to gain in power and in numbers. The Federal Whig convention in Raleigh, in April, 1842, gave Edgecombe another opportunity for display of numerical increase. R. H. Battle, Dr. L. J. Dortch, C. C. Battle, B. D. Battle, and William A. Pone were sent from the county as Edgecombe representatives. Edgecombe, however, grew less and less in sympathy with one of the principal Whig leaders, Stanley, in the district. They charged him with corruption, allowing him- self $53.00 too much in expenditures and voting for the tariff. It is true that Congress in 1842 passed a high tariff law, based and passed on the assumption of protecting the manufacturers. Edward Stanley was the only member from North Carolina, Whig or Democrat, who voted for the measure. Naturally this did not appeal to North Carolina and Edgecombe. The poor men of Edgecombe were then paying upon the necessities of life the high tax imposed by the Whig party. Stanley went to Stantonburg, August, 1843, on an electioneering tour. While there he was at- tacked in a speech by William Norflet, who laid charges against him for his political association with abolitionists, his support of high tariff, and protection. These charges were laid as a basis for the election of 1844, and constituted the unfurling of the political events until the outbreak of the War between the States.
With the admission of Clay in the political ring the issues of slavery and tariff became revived and dominated politically for over twenty years. It is a darkened and gloomy phase of political history, but none the less one worthy for complete understanding. No phase of history is more interesting than to observe the move- ment of politicians; the unraveling of forces which later clashed in arms for political dominion. Politics was the one excitement of the day, and actuated men to impulses as blinding and mis- leading as they were noble and spectacular. In the gathering of the clouds of conflict dwindling of parties is seen, and alliances and friendship destroyed. In their place is found the rise of new parties, new alliances, and new entanglements.
Preliminary to the campaign of 1844 the Whigs and Demo- crats, as their custom was, began having meetings and barbecues. They, moreover, began forming organizations for the campaign. A regular Democratic Association was organized in the Fifteenth District, with May Cherry as president and John F. Speight,
1
134
HISTORY OF EDGECOMBE COUNTY
secretary; both from Edgecombe. A preamble was immediately formed; whereas, the democracy of Edgecombe did proclaim its unaltered attachment to the principles of the Democratic creed. With this firm determination, promise was made to do battle in the November election to defeat Clay and the combined force of Federalism. At this time Clay himself was carrying on a pompous parade through the State, and was securing great acclamations. He visited the "State" of Edgecombe, as he termed it, in his introductory remarks. The Democrats sought to play a trick upon him. The cars stopped at Joyners Depot, where a crowd, entirely Democratic, assembled to hear him. After the cars began to move off Clay stood on the platform and shouted at the top of his voice: "Go on, gentlemen, you are engaged in a noble cause and must triumph." In a few moments the party was out of sight, and the crowd made the atmosphere ring with laughter because of the blunder of the Whig candidate.
At this meeting Toole was appointed to canvass the Fifteenth District as elector for Polk. The names of R. R. Bridges and James S. Battle were also recommended as suitable persons to represent the county in the House of Congress. Wilson was favored for the Senate, Petway for sheriff, and Hoke for Governor.
In the meantime the Whigs were not sitting idly by. A Whig central convention was organized and confidential circular letters were issued, threatening a revolution if Polk and Dallas were elected. This letter was signed by Richard Hines (a member of Congress from Edgecombe, 1827), and other prominent men. It fell into the hands of the Democrats and was published in the Tarboro Free Press as threat to upset the unity of the State. Great exactions were employed to remove the obvious insult cast upon the country, and pleas were issued to resent the lofty crest, flashing eye, and shake of "Coondum" with a real vote for Polk and Dallas.
The Whig convention denounced Edgecombe with special em- phasis, intimating she would give a thousand illegal votes in the approaching election. This marked the first fall of Whig power in the county, and showed an approaching sign of weakness. Fol- lowing these declarations the Whigs recommended the appoint- ment of various Whigs to be stationed at the polls to prevent a stuffed ballot. This naturally aroused the indignation of the
135
POLITICS AFTER THE REVOLUTION
Democrats, and they prepared to rebuke the assailants of their reputation. Though Edgecombe has been often calumniated for her political consistency and unanimity in irresponsible newspaper articles, she now for the first time found responsible endorsers.
The Whigs having some 8,000 majority in the State could rea- son a defeat only by a fraud and forgery in the Democratic party. In this fraud it was considered to be without redress or remedy, and it could be done with impunity, such being the prospects of democracy.
Toole addressed the people in Tarboro immediately after this controversy and gave the origin of the parties in the county. H. Ferdinand Harris replied in a Whig discourse, but was hissed down by the Democrats. Later, newspaper battles began and the issues of both parties were made plain. The tariff issue was again revived, and Harris stated that goods were cheaper since the passage of the tariff act of 1842 than they were during the com- promise act when duties were at a minimum rate. This Toole contradicted.
The Democratic party in Edgecombe has ever been opposed to the doctrine of protection, and have always stood pledged to re- duce the tariff to a revenue standard to meet the expense of the Government; economically administered. Consequently they were never pledged to any particular bill, but were opposed to the system of minimum and specific duties of 1846, as deceptive and fraudulent in their operations.
This was practically the argument of the party. Assisting Toole in the promulgation of Democratic ideals were John Nor- fleet, H. T. Clark, Elias Carr, W. M. Norfleet, and William T. Harvey. Who could stand such a Democratic charge, and who could sympathize with a conqueror over so many brilliant enemies?
The Democratic creed embraced, as has been intimated, a sepa- ration of the Government from the banks, opposition to old tariff and taxes, except such as were laid for revenue and the necessary expenses of the Government; opposition to any distribution of public money, opposition to all repudiation of honest debts by the bankrupt laws of the general Government or by the State Legisla- ture in public expenditures, and a firm belief in states rights.
On the celebration of the fifty-seventh anniversary of American Independence a huge mass of citizens of Edgecombe met in speak-
136
HISTORY OF EDGECOMBE COUNTY
ing and feasting. Several toasts were made on the occasion, which emphasized the growing importance of the States rights issue. James W. Clark presided over the meeting after just hav- ing resigned the office as first clerk of the navy. There was much wrangling over his act by the Whigs, as a resignation was so rare in that day of rotation. But Clark resigned, as he stated, not for political purposes, but had resigned from motives purely of a private nature.
Dr. Hall being indisposed was absent, but sent the following toast of Edgecombe's stand in politics: "The sovereignty of the states, the sovereignty of the people, who compose the states- having never alienated they still retain it. The powers of Con- gress and State Legislature, being only delegated are of necessity subdivided and not sovereign power."
It appears also that while there were States rights men, there were also men who were anxious for the union and its safety. The question of the Union had been often discussed prior to this date. George Howard, however, at the same meeting and fol- lowing Dr. Hall's toast, offered the following sentiment : "Liberty -who will part with it? Union-who can calculate its value? May the people of this United States never be called upon to choose between them." Little did he know that in 1861 he would assist in destroying the Union temporarily, and less still in the trying days of 1866-1880 assist in its perpetuation.
The election of 1844 came off quietly considering the feverish campaign which had been waged. The county gave a majority of 1,377 votes for Polk as President, an increase in Democratic votes of 85; and 13 more votes than had been previously given in the county. L. D. Wilson was elected to Senate, Joshua Barnes and R. R. Bridges to House of Commons. W. D. Petway was elected sheriff, and the county gave 1,410 votes for Hoke as Governor versus 718 for Graham, the Whig candidate. The Democrats, therefore, received the first complete victory for several years. With the triumph of Polk and Dallas, and the defeat of Henry Clay, much rejoicing was witnessed and experienced in the county.
Immediately after the campaign and election of 1844, the field of politics became open for the election of congressman. Arring- ton, of Nash, and Toole, of Edgecombe, became the successful nominees for the election. The citizens on Fishing Creek were
GEN. LOUIS D. WILSON
137
POLITICS AFTER THE REVOLUTION
notable Whigs, and greatly opposed Toole, hating him, as the Free Press told it, worse than the "Devil did holy water." The Whigs were demoralized by the recent election and did not know which candidate to support. Arrington was weak and his friends admitted it. Toole had considerable talents for doing them dam- age and ought not to be placed where he could cause an unrelent- ing and indictive warfare upon them. Both being Deemocrats, however, a choice had to be made between the two, since no Whig candidate was available. Consequently they took the lesser of the two evils and supported Arrington, who was accordingly elected.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.