USA > North Carolina > Edgecombe County > History of Edgecombe County, North Carolina > Part 29
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44
315
POLITICS 1880-1900
to be supported. Lloyd's suggestion, however, was ignored Fountain, on the other hand, was accused of giving acquiescence to the purpose to support negroes in certain offices, while Lloyd excused himself upon the declaration that he had repeatedly told Fountain he would not support a negro if put on the ticket.
After the convention had acted, Lloyd urged Fountain to re- assemble his committee and denounce the plan of cooperation, since it was obvious the voters would not support the ticket. Fountain declined, and when the campaign began, as congressional chairman, Fountain advised him not to draw the color line in his speeches. It seems that this policy was observed and subsequently met the objection of Fountain, who had advised its performance. Fountain in a letter said :
"Captain Lloyd realized this fully, and also that he had made an irretrievable mistake, in not meeting the issue." As manager of Lloyd's campaign, Fountain soon repudiated his own suggestion "to discuss economic issues and not that of the race issue," and in ten days of the election went back into the Democratic party and became a candidate against Lloyd.
The real issue grew out of the declaration of Lloyd that if by his running the negro would receive a greater support, he would with- draw from the race, if another candidate would come forward. Fountain, who had approached Lloyd in the matter, did not inti- mate his intentions to run against him. When informed of his purpose, Lloyd expressed his surprise and told Fountain it looked as if he were undermining him.
Mr. Lloyd, however, according to his promise, withdrew in Foun- tain's favor. When Fountain made his appeal to the committee, time was requested to present the matter before the congressional committee, but when it became obvious that time was short, the issue was withdrawn without Fountain being endorsed as a candidate.
The Democratic convention met at Goldsboro, October 28th and Fountain was present and made a speech. The following is an extract : "I am no politician, but a plain business man, and have no desire for office." In less than ten days Fountain was a candi- date for Congress and was subsequently defeated, when Edge- combe County sent the only negro Congressman to Washington for that year.
316
HISTORY OF EDGECOMBE COUNTY
Many Democrats disapproved the acts of Fountain, while the Charlotte Observer, a strong Democratic paper, denounced his actions.
The campaign issue of 1898 was unquestionably racial, while the episode between the two parties, as already related, was justified by the fact that the race was thrust before the people. That this was to be the issue, however, was known, as it was indicated by a letter issued by Fountain prior to the campaign. In fact, the race issues had received such importance that Governor Russell had issued a proclamation covering the situation. The fact that Edgecombe and all the eastern counties had passed under negro control by reason of fusion of parties; according to all the principal State papers where negroes were deputy sheriffs, school examiners, Congressmen, and register of deeds; this was ample cause for an issue based on the racial question. Fountain, in 1897, following the publicity given the appearance of the idea of negro colonization in North Carolina, after they had gained control in 1896, issued a circular when chairman of the Populist State Committee in 1897.
"You may have recently observed," said he, "that certain Democratic papers in this State are endeavoring now to revive the race question in order to make that the dominant issue in the next campaign. If you have kept posted as to political affairs in this State in years past, you will recall that periodically when the Democrats had no issue to go before the people with, they en- deavored to frighten the people into supporting their party by crying 'nigger.' The negro is an element in politics we cannot get clear of. They should be handled wisely and not create racial prejudices and possible strife. The Southern Railroad would be delighted, no doubt, to have that issue revived in order to conceal its plans and movements to control the next Legislature, to prevent any action looking to the annulment of the ninety-nine- year lease. Let no one be alarmed or deceived. The issue is now equally and fairly drawn; shall the people of North Carolina control the political affairs of the State, or shall they be controlled by the Southern Railroad? Shall we exercise our right of sov- ereignty or shall we permit the agent of J. Pierpont Morgan to
317
POLITICS 1880-1900
direct and control the destinies of this great Commonwealth? The people of North Carolina must answer this, the paramount question now before them for settlement."
Fountain had, soon after writing the above, turned a Democrat and supported those who had no issue but the cry of "nigger." The point with Fountain was that he saw the race question as an "overshadowing issue" and at the same time thought he saw a prospective seat in Congress. Even when he was writing his letter the negroes throughout the State were organizing to seize all legislative and judicial offices of the State, and make this land a paradise for the negroes. The crime of the days of reconstruc- tion had returned in all its lawlessness and horror. Princeville, just across the river from Tarboro, was a perfect scene of unre- strained violence. Drew Battle and William Morris burned Judge Philips's stables, while Clarence Davis, for a heinous crime,1 had a reward of $200.00 offered by the Governor for his capture. He was later captured and carried to Durham for safe keeping until a special term of court could be called to pass sen- tence. The State generally was in such lawless state that the northern press turned to North Carolina for its sensational news reports.
No county made stronger efforts nor achieved greater results in eliminating the racial evil, for it is the candid opinion of every thinking man in the county that had the negro continued in the power enjoyed from 1896 to 1898 a civil war between the races would have resulted. The names of C. B. Aycock, T. A. Woodard, General W. R. Cox, W. E. Daniel, T. D. Winston, and F. M. Sim- mons should still be remembered with reverence and appreciation. These men caused the county to be divided into districts, and each district was given a speaker to discuss the various issues, namely-tariff, silver theory, and racial problems.
On November 8, 1898, the fruits of these men and others was harvested in the election. The Democrats won a decided victory both in the county and the State, Tarboro giving Democratic legislative and county ticket a majority of 2,511, a majority for the State ticket of 606, while Fountain carried the county by 250. The Democrats had a majority in both branches of the
1 Burning the residence of Mrs. Turner Battle, she being in the house at the time, and then attempting to loot what was left.
318
HISTORY OF EDGECOMBE COUNTY
Legislature, the control of affairs being completely reversed from 1896, H. A. Gilliam and S. L. Hart being Edgecombe representa- tives, while Dr. R. H. Speight succeeded W. L. Person in the Senate. George H. White, however, was returned to Congress, having received a majority vote in the district.
Reaction immediately set in when celebrations were held in all the towns in North Carolina. Race riots occurred in Wilmington and Newbern. The editors of papers of Populist sympathy and who had supported the party became subject to violence. The paper controlled by Manly, of Wilmington, was burned, while Lloyd, of the Advocate, in Tarboro, was more or less under po- litical ostracism when he left the State for Washington. His paper was sold to Marion Butler, the equipment dismantled and sent away from the county. The Caucasian was practically the only paper of any consequence in the State which remained intact after the defeat.
The war which had been declared with Spain meanwhile caused a faint ripple over local politics, and Edgecombe proceeded to assume her obligations in defense of the State she had so gallantly honored a few decades previous. The activities of Edgecombe men centered around Company I, Second North Carolina Regi- ment. This company was made up from Leggets, Rocky Mount, Tarboro, and other neighboring towns in Eastern North Carolina. Captain John W. Cotton was commissioned May 11, 1898, to head the company, but he soon resigned to become major of the Second Regiment. Major Cotton had seen twenty-three years' service in the State Guard, seven years of which he filled the highest position, that of brigadier general.
Upon his resignation, Carl W. Jeffries, of Tarboro, was ap- pointed captain. He resigned while at St. Francis Barracks, Florida, receiving his discharge September 5, 1898. James B. Jenkins was then appointed captain and John Howard first lieu- tenant. Among the noncommissioned officers of the county were William H. Baker, first sergeant; Joseph A. Warren, Q. M. ser- geant ; Charles H. Jenkins, sergeant; William C. Suggs, sergeant; Thomas H. Gatlin, Jr., sergeant; Walter Lee Simmons, sergeant; William Mitchell, corporal; George W. Smithson, corporal;
319
POLITICS 1880-1900
Thomas H. Peters, corporal; James W. Lawrence, corporal; Thomas Hussey, corporal; Benjamin F. Long, corporal; Wiliford W. Haynes, artificer.
Among the privates from the county were John J. Archer, James E. Askin, Joseph D. Brann, Ed Carter, James B. Cosby, Frank W. Davis, Thaddeus Downing, Guion Gabriel, Harry L. Griffin, Henry L. Leggitts, Paul Mitrick, and John W. Moore. The company was organized in the early part of May, 1898, and was mustered in the service at Raleigh, N. C. It soon entered into a rigid course of drill and discipline, which gave an excellent degree of efficiency. All the tactics of modern warfare were prac- ticed with emphasis placed on physical exercise and fitness.
After more than six weeks of daily drill the regiment was divided, with Companies C and I, under Major Cotton, being sent to St. Augustine, Fla. At this station the men merited the approval of their officers. The men were not to see service, for negotiations interrupted their prospective fight with the Span- iards. The several detachments of the regiment were ordered back to Raleigh, and all the men given a thirty-day furlough preliminary to being mustered out. Before the men could return to Raleigh previous orders were revoked, and on November 23, 1898, the company was mustered out at Tarboro. Edgecombe lost two men, John Godley and Samuel F. Johnson, who died from disease in July. Charlie Badgett, of Mildred, N. C., re- ceived his discharge October 14, 1898, by order.
There were also other enlistments from the county who served in other companies in the Second Regiment. Among the number was W. B. Howard, first sergeant of Company C, and Hinton E. Bell, private, of the regimental staff and band.
Immediately following the election of 1898, the colored popu- lation had an outlet for their political ambitions in Princeville. Politics here, however, resulted frequently in a squabble and a wrangle in politics was no unusual occurrence. In 1899, when the local election was held, town officials then in office, refused to turn over their offices to newly elected officials. The former set up a claim that the election was a nullity, and proceeded to transact business as usual. On Monday after the election notices were served on Frank Battle, mayor; Orren James, J. G. Hyman, William Cook, Walter Alvis, and W. A. Hines, commissioners;
320
HISTORY OF EDGECOMBE COUNTY
Turner Prince, treasurer. The proceedings resulted in their sur- render. Princeville was then governed by Orren James, mayor; Daniel Hammond, E. F. Wooten, Walter Alvis, and Freeland Roberts as commissioners; and Abram Wooten, treasurer.
The town election in Tarboro for this year was the quietest since the war. In no ward was there any opposition to the Demo- cratic candidates. Not even in the Third Ward, which had always been strongly contested. R. E. L. Cook had no one to oppose him. Gus Tander received the majority vote in the First Ward; Louis Arnhiem, the Second Ward, while R. E. L. Cook received a majority vote of ninety-one in the Third. The vote generally was very light.
R. B. Hyatt was elected chief of police, and L. B. Knight and J. J. Pittman were newly elected county commissioners to serve with Dr. L. L. Staton, George Howard, Jr., and S. E. Speight, when the Legislature authorized, in 1899, an increase from three to five. Dr. J. H. Baker was elected mayor and J. A. Clark, treasurer.
In August, 1899, friction resulted over an interference between Mayor Baker and Chief of Police Hyatt, which resulted in the latter's resignation. Mr. Hyatt objected to the mayor's inter- fering directly with employees under his supervision and for whom he was responsible. His resignation being accepted, John W. Cotton was appointed to take the place of chief of police. He remained in this office several years.
The racial question had abated with the exception of trouble over a few negroes occupying the position of postmasters in the county. These were maintained by White, United States Con- gressman, of Edgecombe. J. W. Hargett was postmaster at Rocky Mount, but was soon removed in 1899, due to an arrest by postoffice authorities on a misappropriation of funds. A negro woman was postmistress at Lawrence, her bond having been signed by F. D. Dancy, of Tarboro. After the incident at Rocky Mount he became frightened and wrote to the Postmaster-General, ask- ing to be relieved from the bond. Dancy was a colored man who by thrift and attention had accumulated some property of value.
The election held in August, 1900, eliminated all questions of racial politics. The Populist Party was demoralized, while the
821
POLITICS 1880-1900
negro constituted the rank and file of the Republicans. The tactics of the election was one, therefore, of physical argument against mental argument.
At this time a constitutional amendment qualifying suffrage was submitted to the people as follows:
"He shall have resided in the State of North Carolina for two years, in the county for six months, and in the precinct, ward, or other elec- tion district in which he offers to vote four months next preceding the election: Provided, that removal from one precinct, ward, or other election district to another in the same county shall not operate to deprive any person the right to vote in the precinct, ward, or other election district from which he has removed until four months after such removal. No person who has been guilty in open court upon indictment of any crime, the punishment of which now is, or may hereafter be, imprisoned in the State Prison, shall be permitted to vote, unless the said person shall be restored to citizenship in the manner prescribed by law."
After omitting article three, the amendment reads:
"Every person presenting himself for registration shall be able to read and write any section of the Constitution in the English lan- guage before he shall be entitled to vote. But no male person who was, on January 1, 1867, or any time prior thereto, entitled to vote under the laws of any State in the United States wherein he then resided, and no lineal descendant of any person, shall be denied the right to register and vote at any election in the State by reason of his failure to possess the educational qualifications herein presented: Provided, he shall have registered in accordance with the terms of this sections prior to December 1, 1898."
This amendment was submitted and adopted as a plan for the restriction of suffrage, and was intended to go into effect July 1, 1900. The results of this amendment needs no comment. The negro who was unable to read could not vote, while the illiterate white man, by reason of his ability to vote prior to 1867, and his descendants who might also be illiterate, by virtue of his father or his grandfather's right to vote, had political suffrage. The North Carolina amendment, however, put a time limitation upon the working of the grandfather clause. No illiterate white could gain the exemption provided for unless he had registered prior to December, 1908. Hence all illiterate whites coming of age since that time would be disfranchised. The negro, therefore, when he
21
322
HISTORY OF EDGECOMBE COUNTY
voted August, 1900, was voting for or against his political liberty. The campaign was so conducted during this year. The Democrats, however, had the majority in the Legislature and State officers, and gave the negro and Republicans little hope for success either campaign or in the legislative hall.
Edgecombe put out the following ticket: Dr. R. H. Speight, for Senate; Daughtridge and Shelton, for the House of Repre- sentatives; J. R. Harris, sheriff; and J. W. B. Battle, treasurer. F. M. Simmons was the county's choice to succeed White in Con- gress. These men appeared in a body in their canvass of the county, and spoke in the opera house at Rocky Mount, July 24th. Paul Jones, editor of the North Carolina Law Journal, aided in the canvass and made the closing speech at Rocky Mount.
In addition the Democrats of Edgecombe by July were con- ducting their usual aggressive canvass under Donnell Gilliam, the county chairman. He was perhaps the most enthusiastic sup- porter of Democracy in the eastern counties. During this cam- paign, that the people were conducting for the election on the second day in August of county and State officers, and to take the sense of the people on amending the State Constitution, he made speeches in every township. Under his guidance Democratic rallies were held in different parts of the county. In this cam- paign no opposition was made, since by actual count there re- mained only eighty-five Populists, while its organization had ceased to exist.
The issue being one entirely between the races it was logical to anticipate racial trouble. Prior to the meeting of the Legisla- ture to ratify the amendment, it became hinted that the Legisla- ture would retain the negro's rights for political purposes. The Tarboro Southerner, realizing this hint under its editorial head, "What will be done !" says: "Will the next Legislature pass an election law so intelligence may rule, or will it keep the negro for political purposes! This present election was caused solely by drawing the color line. Let it stay drawn by giving the intelli- gent voters only the right of franchise. The press all over the State is harping on who is entitled to the spoils. Just do some- thing to show that every promise has been carried out. Don't let them be disappointed. The Democrats are the State guardians for the next two years, so let them do their full duty."
323
POLITICS 1880-1900
The color line being drawn, and the whites arraigned against the negroes, there sprang up in the county numerous clubs known as the "White Supremacy Clubs." One was organized at Rocky Mount on the Edgecombe side,1 July 2, 1900, with Dr. Charles L. Killebrew as president. One was also organized in Tarboro. Claude Kitchin was most active in this organization, while Donnell Gilliam was a prominent leader and promoter of its interests.
During the latter part of June the Republican convention met in Tarboro with not more than thirty present, while no white leader was in evidence. The fact that the issue was purely racial drew many whites of other political faith to the Democratic party. Many Populists and Republicans supported the amend- ment under a pretext of taking the color question out of politics. They hoped in return to replenish their ranks with whites who would take the negro's place.
The hopelessness on the part of the negro to offset the political trend was expressed by George H. White, negro Congressman from Edgecombe, and the negro leader in the Second Congressional District. He was later generally denounced throughout the State for his expression.
In July White made a speech in which he advised the members of his race that the white people had it in their power to control the election, and if they did not treat the people right, he and other leaders would see that the matter was taken into the courts, and if the courts did not give them justice, then he would say, "May God damn North Carolina, the State of my birth."
Racial feeling ran higher at Rocky Mount, perhaps, than in Tarboro. It was reported by hardware dealers at this place that negroes were registering steadily and buying large quantities of ammunition for some purpose. It was also current that many negroes made threats in case the amendments were passed.
August 2, 1900, there appeared in politics of both State and county one of the most important and vital issues of political history. It was time to settle, as Dr. Cyrus Thompson, noted Populist leader, affirmed, whether the Democrats would have
The Atlantic Coast Line Railroad divides the town, leaving one-half in Nash County and the other in Edgecombe.
324
HISTORY OF EDGECOMBE COUNTY
political power indefinitely. The negroes had voted in the previ- ous election in most of the county precincts. At this time many precincts were not voted in by them.
In Tarboro the few Republicans and negroes being entitled to select talismen and a challenger, appointed C. M. Dancy, a negro of considerable ability, to act for them in seeing that no fraud was perpetrated. R. O. Jeffries, a tobacco auctioneer, was "caller out." The work of counting the votes began at sundown, and the Democrats were found to have won.
The returns of the election showed that Edgecombe gave 3,781 votes for the amendment, with only 374 against; an inconceivable political possibility with as many negro votes as were in the county. Yet it was accomplished-by what political means of strategy ? At Rocky Mount on the Edgecombe side, No. 12 Township gave Ay- cock 562 votes and 44 for Adams. Aycock received a total vote of 3,758, while Adams received only 385. One negro in the county who was witnessing the election returns exclaimed when he came out of the building that he had never heard one man's name called so many times as Aycock's was called on the night of the 2d.
The entire State and county ticket was elected by a large majority, while Edgecombe missed being the banner county by about sixty votes. Taking into consideration the large number of Republicans and Populists who had dominated the county, it won a victory that exceeded any other in the State. Dr. R. H. Speight succeeded W. L. Person in the Senate and E. L. Dought- ridge and B. F. Shelton succeeded H. A. Gilliam and S. L. Hart in the House of Representatives.
The election for national officers in November, 1900, was of little interest. The negro was out of politics, while Honorable F. M. Simmons was running best in the county for Congress. Little or no organization was made since the principal issue was determined in August. Moreover, Donnell Gilliam had resigned the chairmanship in September, leaving D. B. Betts, a young Democrat, as his successor. Mr. Gilliam had been a prominent figure in politics, and received his just political reward by being elected to the State Senate in 1902 and 1904, serving two terms.
The official returns for the county in the November election were as follows: Bryan, 3,009; Mckinley, 1,635; Kitchen, 3,028;
325
1
POLITICS 1880-1900
Martin, 1,621; Simmons, 1,676; and Carr, 328. Rocky Mount townships gave Simmons 316 and Carr 35. With the election of November being over and Simmons elected, it eliminated the negro from politics in Edgecombe. George H. White, the present incum- bent of the United States Congress from the Second District, took himself to another locality, where he was looked upon with more favor.
The county, since 1900, has been solidly Democratic, with no attempt being made on the part of the negroes to exercise what right they had left under the constitutional amendment of August, 1900. A fact which in all probability merits commendation for them, because in no section of the State and the South is the racial feeling more harmonious. This could not be truthfully said if conditions had remained as they were prior to 1900.
One sad incident occurred during the campaign of this year- the death of Ex-Governor Elias Carr. He died July 22, 1900, just a few days previous to the election in August. He was a modest, unassuming, typical southern gentleman with a host of friends. He was a man of positive convictions and of clean character. He had filled with ability and fidelity the trust placed in his hands by the people and devoted himself to the welfare of the citizens of the State.
CHAPTER X
AGRICULTURE, INDUSTRIES AND INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS
It is a credit to Edgecombe that through the intelligent culti- vation and development of its lands it acquired great reputation and became known far and wide as the banner section of North Carolina. The traveler in this and other states, when speaking of Edgecombe, centers his remarks around agriculture. There are reasons for this merited reputation.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.